Hi 


JAMES  MURRAY  MASON 


THE 

PUBLIC  LIFE 


AND 


DIPLOMATIC    CORRESPONDENCE 


OF 


JAMES  M.  MASON 


WITH  SOME  PERSONAL  HISTORY 

BY 

VIRGINIA  MASON 

(His  DAUGHTER) 


Second  Thousand 


NEW  YORK  AND  WASHINGTON 

THE   NEALE   PUBLISHING  COMPANY 

1906 


To  the  Young  Men  of  Virginia  I  dedi 
cate  this  book  -with  the  earnest  prayer 
that  it  may  be  instrumental  in  arous 
ing  them  to  a  full  sense  of  personal 
responsibility  for  the  public  weal,  and 
in  stimulating  them  to  provide  for 
their  State  an  incorruptible  govern 
ment  administered  by  statesmen  who 
regard  public  office  as  a  sacred  trust. 


COPYRIGHT,  1903 
BY   VIRGINIA    MASON 
.    CO,PY.RIGHT,  1906 
BY   VIR'GINIA    MASON 


PRINTED  AND  BOUND  BY 

THE  STONE  PRINTING  AND  MANUFACTURING  Co, 
ROANOKE,  VIRGINIA 


INDEX. 


CHAPTER  I. 


Lineage — George  Mason  of  Gunston — Gen.  John  Mason — Mrs.  John  Mason — 
Life  of  Matron  at  that  Day — Birth  of  James  M.  Mason — Incidents  During 
Waf  of  1812— The  Chew  Family— Early  Life  in. Winchester— The  Young 
Lawyer  and  His  Compeers  as  Described  by  Hon.  H.  A.  Wise — Marries 
Eliza  M.  Chew — Early  Married  Life  Described  in  Mrs.  Mason's  Letters. 

CHAPTER  II 20 

Elected  to  Legislature  — Political  Creed — Different  Ideas  in  Convention  of 
1787  Regarding  Functions  of  Federal  Government — Voted  for  Resolu 
tions  Protesting  Against  Internal  Improvement  by  Federal  Government — 
Defeated  in  Next  Election  Because  of  This  Vote — Card  Explaining  and 
Justifying  His  Position — Re-elected  to  Legislature — Letter  from  John 
Randolph  of  Roanoke — Speech  in  Legislature — Letters  from  Mrs.  Mason — 
Candidate  for  House  of  Representatives,  Defeated — Extract  from  Win 
chester  Newspaper — Domestic  Life — Appointed  Member  of  Board  of 
Visitors  of  University  of  Virginia — No  Personal  Interest  in  Contest  for 
Rights  of  Slaveholders — Elected  to  House  of  Representatives — Life  and 
Friends  in  Washington. 

CHAPTER  III 50 

Elected  to  Senate — Chairman  of  Committee  on  Claims — Regent  of  Smith 
sonian  Institute — Excitement  Throughout  the  States  Caused  by  Efforts  to 
Exclude  Slavery  from  Oregon — Speech  on  Oregon  Bill— Speech  Oppos 
ing  Creation  of  Department  of  Interior — House  of  Representatives — 
Financial  Condition  of  the  Country — Separated  from  Administration — 
Dropped  by  Democratic  Party  in  Next  Election — Extract  from  Speech — 
Extract  from  President's  Message — Letter  to  a  Constituent. 

CHAPTER  IV 71 

Compromise  of  18^0 — Mr.  Calhoun's  Prophecy — Mr.  Mason  Member  of 
Committee  of  Thirteen — He  Dissents  from  Report  of  Committee — The 
Union  Party  and  the  Secessionists.  Reply  to  Invitation  to  Address  Mass- 
meeting  at  Newmarket.  California  Admitted  into  Union — Protest  of 
Southern  Senators — Fugitive  Slave  Law — Extract  from  Diary — Re-elected 
to  Senate — Chairman  of  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations — New  England 
Fisheries. 

CHAPTER  V 94 

Kossuth — Speech  on  Intervention  and  Monroe  Doctrine — Know-Nothing 
Party — President  Pierce  and  His  Cabinet — Kansas-Nebraska  Act — Kansas 
Aid  Society — Senator  Sumner's  Speech  and  Mr.  Mason's  Reply — Mr. 
Sumner  Punished  by  Mr.  Brooks. 


32499* 


VI 

CHAPTER  VI 117 

Letter  to  Mr.  Davis — Letter  Declining  Invitation  to  Dinner  Given  to  Elec 
toral  College — Tribute  to  Memory  of  Hon.  A  P.  Butler — Extract  from 
Richmond  Enquirer— Re-elected  to  Senate— Visit  to  Bunker  Hill  and  to 
Boston —"Kansas  Letter" — Speech  on  Admission  of  Kansas — Speech  in 
Opposition  to  Pacific  Railroad — Protest  Against  Bill  Donating  Public 
Lands  to  States  that  Provide  Colleges  for  Benefit  of  Agriculture  and  the 
Mechanical  Arts— John  Brown  Raid. 

CHAPTER  VII 150 

Disintegration  of  Democratic  Party  in  1860 — Extract  from  Speech  Made  in 
Senate — Mr.  Seward's  Speech  in  Boston — Letter  to  Richmond  Enquirer — 
Conference  of  States  proposed  by  Virginia — Extracts  from  President 
Buchanan's  Message  and  from  Mr.  Sickles'  Speech — Mr.  Mason's  Re 
marks  on  Mr.  Powell's  Resolutions — Remarks  on  Withdrawal  of  Six 
Senators — Letter  to  His  Daughter— Letter  to  the  People  of  Virginia — 
Remarks  on  Peace  Conference— Letters  from  Senators  Chandler  and 
Bingham — Petitions  to  Congress  from  the  People  of  Northern  States — 
Remarks  on  Resolution  to  Expel  Senator  Wigfall,  of  Texas. 

CHAPTER  VIII ,     ....   191 

Secession  of  Virginia  —Winchester  a  Military  Camp — Seizure  of  Harper's 
Ferry — Summer  of  1861  in  Winchester — Appointed  Commissioner  to  Eng 
land— Letters  from  Charleston,  from  the  San  Jacinto,  and  from  Port  War- 

.  ren — His  Own  Account  of  His  Capture  and  Imprisonment — Release  from 
Fort  Warren  and  Arrival  in  London. 

CHAPTER  IX 247 

""••Instruction  from  State  Department — Dispatch  from  Richmond  About  the 
British  Vessels  "Bruce"  and  "Napier,"  and  Denying  Report  the  Confede 
rate  States  Government  Had  Prohibited  Export  of  Cotton  to  Neutrals — 
Letter  from  Mr.  Mason  to  Mr.  Hunter  -English  Sympathy  with  South — 
s  of  Members  of  Parliament  on  Blockade  and  Recognition — Inter 
view  with  Earl  Russell — Mr.  Lindsay's  Interview  with  the  Emperor — Visit 
of  M.  Mercier  to  Richmond  a  Mystery — Cotton  Famine — Educated  Classes 
in  England  Favor  the  South — Private  Letters. 

CHAPTER  X 282 

Dispatch  from  Richmond  Tells  of  Victory  at  Hampton  Roads— Inaugura 
tion  of  Permanent  Government  Cabinet — Fall  of  Forts  Fisher  and  Don- 
elson — General  Buckner  Captured — Reverses  at  Nashville,  Columbus, 
Roanoke  Island — Capture  of  Newbern  and  Washington,  in  North  Caro 
lina — Feeling  of  Southern  People — Resolution  of  Congress  Never  to  Re- 
enter  Union— Battle  in  Arkansas — Generals  McCulloh  and  Mclntosh 
Killed — Inefficiency  of  Blockade — Mr.  De  Leon's  Mission— Recognition 
Would  End  the  War— Victory  at  Shiloh— General  A.  S.  Johnston 
Killed—Fall  of  Island  No.  10— New  Orleans  Taken— General  B.  F.  But 
ler — Visit  of  M.  Mercier  to  Richmond— Loss  of  Fort  Pillow,  Memphis 
and  Western  Tennessee  -  General  Bragg — Lieutenant  Commander  Brown — 
General  Jackson  in  Valley  of  Virginia — Battle  of  Seven  Pines — General 
J.  E.  Johnston  Wounded — General  Lee  in  Command — Battles  at  Rich 
mond  and  Manassas — Lee  Enters  Maryland — Takes  Harper's  Ferry — 
Battle  at  Sharpsburg — General  Loring's  Success  in  West  Virginia — Gen 
eral  Pope's  Orders — Letters  from  Earl  Shaftsbury. 


Vll 

CHAPTER  XI 310 

Mr.  De  Leon  Arrives  in  London — Emperor  Ready  and  Anxious  for  Recog 
nition;  Has  Pressed  It  Upon  England — Mr.  Slidell  Makes  Formal  De 
mand  for  Recognition — Mr.  Mason  Makes  Similar  Demand  of  Earl  Rus 
sell,  which  is  Refused — Russell  Declines  Interview — Correspondence  with 
Earl  Russell — Russell's  Position  Based  on  Seward's  Report  of  Disaffec 
tion  in  South-- Discourtesy  of  Earl  Russell — Protest  Against  England's 
Position  on  Blockade  —Views  of  President  Davis  on  the  Attitude  of  the 
British  Ministry — British  Cabinet  Not  Considered  a  Fair  Exponent  of 
the  Sentiments  and  Opinions  of  the  British  Nation — President  Deems  it 
Proper  Mr.  Mason  Should  Remain  at  His  Post  but  Should  Refrain  from 
Further  Communication  with  Earl  Russell  Unless  it  Should  be  Invited. 

CHAPTER  XII 335 

Mr.  G.  N.  Saunders — Commander  Sinclair — Suggested  that  Money  Could 
be  Commanded  by  Use  of  Obligation  for  Delivery  of  Cotton  by  the  Gov 
ernment — Emperor  Strong  for  Recognition — England's  Scant  Courtesy 
and  French  Polished  Civility— Private  Memoranda  Tells  of  English  Sym 
pathy  and  Interest,  and  also  of  Hospitality  and  Kindness  Extended  to 
Him— Acting-Midshipman  Andrews,  in  Command  of  the  Sumter,  Killed 
by  Master's-Mate  Hester— English  Scheme  to  Raise  Money  on  Cotton — 
French  Proposal  for  Loan — Line  of  Steamships  Betvyeen  Europe  and  Con 
federacy — Agreement  with  Erlanger  &  Co. — Emancipation  Proclamation 
Met  with  General  Contempt  and  Derision — Cotton  Famine  Fearful — The 
Cruiser  "Sumter"  Sold  to  a  British  House — English  Property  Taken  by 
the  "Alabama"  and  Earl  Russell's  Position  Thereon. 

CHAPTER  XIII 359 

Brilliant  Success  of  Confederate  Loan — England  Apprehends  Trouble  with 
United  States — Correspondence  with  Earl  Russell  About  Blockade — De 
partment  Sends  Design  of  the  Confederate  Flag — Description  of  Seal  for 
Confederate  States,  with  Instructions  to  Have  it  Made  in  England — Mr. 
McCrea  has  Management  of  Loan — Extracts  from  Private  Letters — Fed 
eral  Recruiting  in  Ireland — Mr.  Roebuck  and  Mr.  Lindsay  Visit  the  Em 
peror — Minutes  of  Their  Conversation. 

CHAPTER  XIV 393 

Dispatch  Irom  Richmond  Speaks  of  Future  Commerce  with  Confederate 
States— t)f  Correspondence  Between  France,  England,  and  Russia  Re- 

farding  an  Armistice— Private  Letter — Favorable  Effect  in  England  of 
outhern  Victories — Politics  in  the  North — Parties  in  Parliament— Private 
Letter — Conversation  with  Lord  Donoughmore — Department  Refute 
Northern  Reports  Regarding  Re-opening  the  Slave  Trade — Cotton  Cer 
tificates  from  the  Treasury  the  True  Mode  of  Raising  Money — List  of 
U.  S.  Vessels  Destroyed  by  Confederates — Blockade  Raised  at  Charleston, 
Galveston,  and  Sabine  Pass — England  Determined  to  Run  No  Risk  of 
Trouble  with  United  States. 

CHAPTER  XV 426 

Statue  of  Stonewall  Jackson — Dismissal  of  Both  Consul  Moore  and  Mr. 
Cridland — State  of  Alabama  Pays  Interest  to  English  Creditors — Prisoner 
Hester—  Reverses  at  Home  Affect  Loan — Success  of  Blockade  Runners — 
Suggestion  that  Government  Take  Exclusive  Control  of  Export  of  Cotton 
— Recall  from  London  ^Biivate  Letter  from  Mr.  Benjamin — Note  to  Earl 
Russell— Unofficial  Letter  to  Mr.  Davis— Earl  Russell's  Reply  to  Mr. 
Mason's  Note-  Appointment  of  "Commissioner  on  the  Continent" — Let 
ter  to  Mrs.  Mason. 


Vlll 

CHAPTER  XVI 460 

Makes  Short  Visit  to  London  in  Private  Capacity — Southern  Independence 
Association  of  London — Society  for  Promoting  Cessation  of  Hostilities  in 
America — Anti-Slavery  Sentiment  in  England — Seizure  of  Tuscaloosa  — 
Seal  to  be  Made  of  Silver — Instructions  for  New  Commission — President 
gives  Fuller  Discretion  as  to  Residence — Maximilian  Visits  Emperor — 
His  Policy  Towards  Confederacy  Changed  after  Reaching  Paris— -Release 
of  Tuscaloosa— Mr.  Seward  admits  the  "Mallory  Report"  was  a  Forgery. 

CHAPTER  XVII ,     .     .  491 

Letter  to  Mrs.  Mason — Case  of  the  "  Gerrity  " — Additional  Forgery  by  the 
United  States  Government — Counsel  Provided  for  Men  of  the  "  Gerrity" — 
Court  of  Queen's  Bench  Decide  "It  was  not  Piracy" — Men  Released — 
Mr.  Lindsay's  Motion  Looking  to  Mediation — Mr.  Lindsay  Proposes  In 
terview  with  Lord  Palmerston— Mr.  Mason  Declines  it  Unless  Invited  by 
Lord  Palmerston— Lord  Palmerston  Expresses  Opinion  that  South  Could 
not  be  Subjugated — Mr.  M.  Visits  London  as  a  "Private  Gentleman"  in 
Response  to  the  Request  of  Friends  of  the  Confederacy  that  He  Would 
Come  to  Their  Aid — Lord  Russell  Expresses  Opinion  North  Could  not 
Overcome  South,  and  People  of  North  were  Getting  Alive  to  that  Fact — 
Mr.  D' Israeli  says  in  Case  of  Success  in  Battles  at  Richmond,  He  Would 
Bring  a  Motion  of  Like  Character  With  Mr.  Lindsay's — Popular  Senti 
ment  in  England  Strongly  With  South — Letters  to  Mrs.  Mason — Seal  sent 
by  Lieutenant  Chapman— Fight  Between  the  Alabama  and  the  Kearsage — 
Public  Dinner  Tendered  Captain  Semmes  in  London— All  Europe  Filled 
with  the  Fame  of  Lee,  Beauregard,  and  Johnston — Interview  with  Lord 
Palmerston — Lieutenant  Chapman  Delivers  Seal  of  Secretary  of  State, 
but  Boxes  Containing  Iroji-press,  Wax,  Etc.,  Lost — Private  Letters — 
Bazaar  In  Liverpool,  to  Relieve  Wants  of  Southern  Prisoners  Confined  in 
the  North. 

CHAPTER  XVIII 516 

Mission  of  Messrs.  Jacques  and  Gilmore  to  Richmond — St.  Alban's  Raid — 
Letter  from  Bennet  Young — Criticism  by  "Historicus"  of  Instructions 
from  Department  to  Cruisers  In  Regard  to  Neutral  Property — Morning 
Post  Condemns  Position  Taken  by  "Historicus"— "  Historicus"  Said  to 
be  Mr.  Vernon  Harcourt — Post  Said  to  be  Lord  Palmerston's  Organ- 
Rumors  of  Purpose  to  Increase  Southern  Army  by  Arming  the  Slaves 
Attracts  Favorable  Attention  in  England — Correspondence  With  Mr. 
Coolidge,  of  Boston,  Relating  to  Treatment  of  Northern  Soldiers  in 
Southern  Prisons. 

CHAPTER  XIX 540 

Expectation  of  Peace  Aroused  in  England  by  Reports  from  North — 
Dispatch  from  Department  on  "  Our  Foreign  Relations"  -Are  the  West 
ern  Powers  of  Europe  Determined  Never  to  Recognize  Confederate  States 
Until  United  States  Assents? — Vindication  of  Right  to  S elf-Government 
is  Sole  Object  of  War— Prisoners  in  St.  Alban's  Case  Released— Earl  Rus 
sell's  Communication  to  Commissioners,  and  their  Reply — Would  Any 
Concessions  Regarding  Slavery  Secure  Recognition? — Mr.  Mason's  Inter 
view  With  Lord  Palmerston  on  this  Subject— His  Conversation  with  Lord 
Donoughmore — Letter  to  Col.  Mann — Dispatch  of  May  ist — Assassina 
tion  of  Lincoln — Stanton's  Dispatch  to  Adams— Mason's  Denial  of  Stan- 
ton's  Charge  of  Confederate  Complicity — Proclamation  of  President  John 
son. 


IX 

CHAPTER  XX 568 

Anxiety  and  Trouble  About  Richmond — "  No  Fear  or  Doubt  as  to  Result " 
— Passage  Engaged  to  Canada — Departure  Delayed  by  Political  Considera 
tions—"  What  is  to  be  the  Future  of  the  South?" — Visit  to  Sir  Frederick 
Pollock — Contributions  to  Baltimore  Bazaar — President  Johnson's  Policy — 
Probable  Emigration  of  Young  Men  from  the  South — War  Struck  the 
Blow  Which  Must  Eventually  Sever  North  and  South — Arrival  in  Mon 
treal—Visits  from  Mr.  Davis  and  Others — Return  to  Virginia — Letter  from 
Mr.  Hunter  Speaks  of  Condition  of  South — Letters  from  Hunter  and 
Davis  Relate  Hampton  Roads  Conference — Lincoln's  Account  of  It — 
Failure  of  Mr.  Mason's  Health— His  Death. 


Life  of  James  Murray  Mason. 


CHAPTER    I. 

Lineage — George  Mason  of  Gunston — Gen.  John  Mason — Mrs.  John  Mason — 
Life  of  Matron  at  that  Day — Birth  of  James  M.  Mason — Incidents  During 
War  of  1812— The  Chew  Family — Early  Life  in  Winchester — The  Young 
Lawyer  and  His  Compeers  as  Described  by  Hon.  H.  A.  Wise — Marries 
Eliza  M.  Chew — Early  Married  Life  Described  in  Mrs.  Mason's  Letters. 

James  Murray  Mason,  whose  life  and  work  this  volume 
is  intended  to  trace,  was  descended  from  the  Masons  of  Strat- 
ford-Upon-Avon  in  Warwickshire,  England. 

The  first  one  of  the  family  who  came  to  America  was 
Colonel  George  Mason,  of  Staffordshire,  England,  who  had 
been  a  member  of  Parliament  in  the  reign  of  Charles  I.,  and 
who  had  been  sternly  opposed  to  the  corrupt  and  arbitrary 
practices  of  the  King,  although  he  was  a  devoted  adherent  of 
the  Crown  as  part  of  the  English  Government  under  the  Con 
stitution. 

After  the  execution  of  Charles  I.,  Colonel  Mason  com 
manded  a  regiment  of  cavalry  in  the  Royal  Army  at  the  battle 
of  Worcester,  and  being  forced  by  that  disastrous  defeat  to 
seek  safety  in  disguise  and  concealment,  he  left  England  for 
the  Colony  of  Virginia.  In  the  same  year,  1651,  he  landed  at 
Norfolk,  went  up  the  Potomac  River  and  established  a  plantation 
at  Acohick  Creek,  near  Pasbitancy,  then  in  Westmoreland 
County,  afterwards  in  Stafford  County.  In  the  year  1675, 
Stafford  was  carved  out  of  Westmoreland,  and  was  named  by 
Colonel  Mason  in  remembrance  of  his  native  shire  in  England. 

Tradition  says  he  had  possessed  ample  fortune  in  England, 
but  lost  everything  when  he  came  to  Virginia ;  be  that  as  it  may, 
*  there  is  abundant  evidence  of  his  having  obtained,  in  1655,  a 
patent  for  a  considerable  tract  of  land,  and  of  his  having  been 


*See  Miss  Rowland's  "  Life  of  George  Mason." 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


selected  to  fill  many  offices  of  trust  and  responsibility  in  his  new 
home ;  among  them  that  of  a  member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses 
from  Stafford  County. 

Stafford  Court  House,  with  all  of  its  records,  was  burned  by 
the  Federal  troops  during  the  War  of  1861-65,  and  in  numerous 
other  places  the  records  of  the  courts,  as  well  as  large  numbers 
of  old  family  papers,  were  destroyed  or  captured  by  the  invading 
armies.  It  is,  therefore,  extremely  difficult  to  fix  with  accuracy 
the  dates  of  many  events  in  the  early  history  of  Virginia,  but 
Miss  Rowland  has  given,  in  her  "  Life  of  George  Mason  of 
Gunston,"  the  results  of  her  thorough  search  for,  and  careful 
examination  of,  all  possible  sources  of  information  concerning 
these  old  records.  She  states  that  Colonel  George  Mason,  the 
first  of  his  name  in  Virginia,  held  the  offices  of  Sheriff  of  Stafford 
County,  Clerk  of  the  Court,  and  also  that  of  Lieutenant  of  Staf 
ford  County. 

Accounts  differ  as  to  whether  he  married  in  America,  or 
whether  his  wife  and  family  followed  him  from  England.  It  is, 
however,  certain  that  his  eldest  son  was  named  George,  and  that 
he,  the  second  of  the  name  in  Virginia,  married  Mary  Fowke, 
daughter  of  Gerard  Fowke,  of  Stafford  County,  Virginia,  and 
granddaughter  of  Roger  Fowke,  of  Gunston  Hall,  Stafford 
shire,  England.  It  is  said  that  Gerard  Fowke  came  to  Virginia 
about  the  same  time  with  Colonel  Mason,  and  from  the  same 
neighborhood  in  England;  their  families  thus  renewed  in  this 
country  the  intimacies  that  had  united  them  at  home. 

The  name  "George"  was  transmitted  in  a  direct  line  through 
the  eldest  son  for  many  generations,  and  the  family  home  seems 
to  have  been  inherited  with  the  name. 

Miss  Rowland's  book  quotes  from  several  curious  old 
papers  to  show  that  both  the  second  and  the  third  George 
Mason  held,  in  their  turn,  all  the  offices  that  have  been  spoken 
of  as  having  been  filled  by  their  predecessor,  George  Mason,  the 
emigrant.  The  scope  of  the  present  volume  does  not  admit  of 
further  detail  regarding  these  bygone  days,  attractive  though 
they  may  be.  It  must  suffice  to  say  there  are  original  documents, 
still  preserved,  and  now  in  the  possession  of  the  writer,  that 
seem  to  confirm  Miss  Rowland's  opinion  that  the  chief  positions 
of  trust  and  responsibility  in  Stafford  County  were  filled  for 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


three  successive  generations  by  three  George  Masons,  father, 
son,  and  grandson.  One  of  these  documents  is  the  Commission 
given  by  Alexander  Spottswood,  "  His  Majesty's  Lieutenant 
Governor  and  Vice-Admiral  of  his  Colony  of  Virginia  and  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  of  the  same  Dominion,  to  '  Colonel  George 
Mason/  appointing  him  to  be  Lieutenant  of  the  County  of  Staf 
ford,  and  Chief  Commander  of  all  His  Majesty's  Militia,  Horse 
and  Foot,  in  the  said  County  of  Stafford."  It  is  dated  Williams- 
burgh,  the  second  day  of  July,  1719. 

There  is  also  preserved  an  old  letter,  which,  with  the  Bur 
gess  Ticket  that  accompanied  it,  is  interesting  in  itself,  apart  from 
the  testimony  it  bears  to  the  estimation  in  which  Mr.  Mason  was 
held  abroad  as  well  as  at  home.  It  is  dated  Glascow,  March  3d, 
1720,  and  reads  as  follows:  "Having  received  certain  Infor 
mation  of  the  Many  Extraordinary  Favours  You  have  done  to 
our  Merchants  or  their  agents  in  Virginia,  we  thought  ourselves 
obliged  in  the  name  of  our  City  to  acknowledge  your  goodness, 
in  Testimony  thereof  we  do  send  You  the  Compliments  of  the 
City,  A  Burgess  Ticket  by  which  You  are  entitled  to  all  the 
Rights,  Privileges  and  Immunities  of  a  Burgess  or  Citizen  of 
Glascow.  Hitherto  your  Favors  to  our  People  have  flowed 
from  Meer  Motives  of  Hospitality.  In  time  to  come  you  will 
if  Possible  Multiply  your  Goodness  towards  them,  not  only  as 
Strangers,  but  also  as  Fellow-Citizens  with  yourself.  We  wish 
you  all  Happiness  and  Prosperity  and  do  most  Earnestly  recom 
mend  You  to  the  Protection  of  the  Almighty. 

"  THOS.  THOMSON,  DN.  GILD. 

in  absence  of  J.  A.  Peady. 

"  JOHN  BOWMAN,  PROVOST. 

"  PETER  MURDOCK,  BAILLIE. 

"  JOHN  ORR,  BAILLIE. 

"  STEPHEN  CROWFORD,  BAILLIE. 

"  To  Honable.  George  Mason,  Esqr. 
"  Collonll.  in  Stafford  County, 

"  Pottomack  River,  Virginia." 

The  George  Mason  referred  to  in  these  papers  was  the 
great-grandfather  of  James  Murray  Mason.  He  married  a 
daughter  of  Stevens  Thompson,  Esqr.,  of  Middle  Temple,  an 


LIFE*  OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


English  gentleman  who  came  to  Virginia  as  Attorney-General 
of  the  Colony  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Anne.  The  eldest  son  of 
this  marriage  was  the  Colonel  George  Mason  who  lived  during 
the  eventful  period  of  the  Revolution,  and  who  took  an  impor 
tant  share  in  the  labors  and  responsibilities  that  devolved  upon 
the  men  of  that  day. 

The  Bill  of  Rights  and  the  First  Constitution  of  Virginia 
remain  as  legacies  from  him  to  succeeding  generations.  He 
inherited  the  home  estate  of  "  Doeg  Neck,"  the  name  of  which, 
after  building  a  new  mansion,  he  changed  to  Gunston  Hall,  in 
memory  of  the  seat  of  his  maternal  ancestry  in  Staffordshire, 
England;  there  he  lived  from  his  birth  to  his  death,  and  there 
he  is  buried. 

The  following  description  of  his  home  and  of  his  mode  of  life 
is  copied  from  an  unfinished  memoir  begun  by  his  grandson, 
James  Murray  Mason : 

"  Gunston  Hall  in  '  Doeg  Neck '  embraced  a  tract  of  6,000 
acres  of  land  on  the  Potomac  River  about  20  miles  below  Alex 
andria,  Virginia.  The  Potomac,  by  a  majestic  curve,  forms  its 
boundary  on  the  south  and  east  for  some  five  miles,  while  on  the 
east  and  west  it  is  bounded  respectively  by  the  Pohick  and  Occo- 
quan  rivers,  confluents  of  the  Potomac.  It  is  thus  peninsular  in 
form  and  secluded  in  position.  The  mansion  is  in  view  from  the 
river,  from  which  it  is  distant  about  half  a  mile,  and  it  may  be 
seen  on  the  highest  land  about  six  miles  below  Mount  Vernon. 

"  Of  the  early  education  of  George  Mason  we  are  un 
informed.  The  condition  in  life,  however,  of  his  parents  will 
warrant,  what  his  subsequent  career  fully  proves,  that  he  was 
thoroughly  educated  and  trained  to  habits  of  study  and  intellec 
tual  pursuits.  The  distinguishing  trait  of  his  mind,  as  always 
ascribed  to  him  by  those  associated  with  him  in  the  trying  scenes 
of  the  Revolution,  was  sagacity,  attended  by  that  solidity  of 
thought  and  soundness  of  judgment  which  make  up  human  wis 
dom.  In  the  conduct  of  affairs  he  was  looked  to  and  relied  upon 
as  a  wise  man.  Perhaps  no  condition  in  life  was  better  fitted  to 
strengthen  and  mature  the  mind  in  all  the  attributes  of  most 
value  in  times  of  trial,  wisdom,  self-reliance  and  resolution. 

"  A  tobacco  planter  whose  crops  were  exported  direct  to 
Europe  and  his  supplies  imported  direct  from  thence,  ships  out- 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


ward  and  homeward  bound  stopping  for  the  purpose  at  the  Gun- 
ston  landing,  he  dwelt  in  seclusion,  the  lord  of  all  he  surveyed; 
with  a  large  retinue  of  laborers  obedient  to  his  will,  his  estates, 
productive  under  his  care,  and  yielding  the  most  ample  returns, 
gave  him  every  resource  that  wealth  could  command.  He 
knew  none  of  the  narrow  and  corroding  cares  of  the  working- 
day  world ;  and  an  ample  library  enabled  him  to  draw  at  pleasure 
upon  the  treasures  of  past  ages. 

"  He  married  Anne  Eilbeck,  daughter  of  William  Eilbeck, 
of  Charles  County,  Maryland,  and  lived  in  quiet  retirement,  tak 
ing  no  part  in  public  affairs,  except  in  his  own  county,  so  far  as 
there  is  any  record,  prior  to  the  proceedings  in  Virginia  and  the 
other  colonies  to  which  the  Stamp  Act  gave  rise.  After  the 
right  was  asserted  to  legislate  for  the  colonies  in  '  all  cases 
whatsoever/  George  Mason  wrote,  in  1773,  a  tract  with  the 
modest  title:  'Extracts  from  the'Virginia  Charters,  with  some 
remarks  on  them/  This  paper  seems  to  have  been  intended  as 
an  exponent  of  Colonial  Rights  under  the  Charters,  and  it  served 
as  a  rich  mine  of  authority  in  the  controversy  then  arising 
between  the  Crown  and  its  colonial  subjects. 

"  As  early  as  1774  a  meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other 
inhabitants  of  the  county  of  Fairfax,  Virginia,  was  held  in  the 
town  of  Alexandria  for  the  purpose  of  taking  into  consideration 
the  state  of  the  Colony,  etc.  The  resolutions  there  adopted  were 
drawn  up  by  George  Mason.  They  laid  broadly  the  foundations 
on  which  the  controversies  rested  between  the  colonies  and  the 
mother  country,  and  indicated,  in  their  recommendations,  the 
course  best  to  be  pursued  to  vindicate  the  rights  of  the  colo 
nies.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  author  of  these  resolutions  recom 
mended  that  a  congress  should  be  appointed  to  consist  of  depu 
ties  from  all  the  colonies ;  the  beginning  of  that  congress  which 
brought  the  colonies  together,  and  which  carried  them  success 
fully  through  all  the  storms  and  trials  of  the  Revolution.  The 
resolutions  adopted  at  this  meeting  were  presented  to  the  Vir 
ginia  Convention,  which,  a  few  weeks  later,  assembled  at  Wil- 
liamsburgh,  and  their  recommendations  were  adopted;  deputies 
were  appointed  to  the  Continental  Congress  to  be  held  at  Phila 
delphia,  and  an  association  was  formed  to  carry  into  effect 
throughout  the  State  the  resolutions  of  the  Fairfax  Meeting 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


relating  to  non-importation  from  Great  Britain.  Thus,  from  the 
determined  and  energetic  councils  of  George  Mason,  a  private 
citizen,  and  in  the  shades  of  private  life,  sprung  the  concerted 
organization  in  all  the  colonies,  which,  developing  their  strength 
and  fully  committing  them  to  final  resistance,  paved  the  way  to 
independence. 

"  George  Washington  having  been  selected  by  the  Virginia 
Convention  as  deputy  to  the  Continental  Congress,  Colonel 
Mason  was  chosen  by  the  people  of  Fairfax  to  take  his  place  in 
the  Virginia  Convention,  and  this  is  the  first  time,  so  far  as  can 
be  ascertained  at  this  day,  that  he  engaged  in  the  public  service, 
although  he  had  frequently  declined  such  service ;  he  continued, 
however,  a  member  of  the  Convention  at  Williamsburgh,  and  of 
the  subsequent  General  Assembly  until  the  close  of  the  war.  As 
a  member  of  the  Convention  at  Williamsburgh  he  wrote  the  '  Bill 
of.  Rights/  and  the  '  First  Constitution  of  Virginia/  The 
original  draft  of  the  'Bill  of  Rights '  is  still  preserved  in  the 
State  Library  at  the  Capitol  in  Richmond.  On  the  margin  of 
that  draft  is  written,  and  also  in  the  handwriting  of  its  author: 
'  This  declaration  of  rights  was  the  first  written  in  America ;  it 
received  few  alterations  or  additions  in  the  convention  (some  of 
them  not  for  the  better),  and  was  afterwards  closely  imitated  by 
the  other  States/ 

"  As  a  member  of  the  Convention  of  1787,  in  Philadelphia, 
Colonel  Mason  voted  against  the  Federal  Constitution  as  it  was 
there  framed,  and  refused  to  sign  it  on  the  ground  that  the 
powers  of  the  Federal  Government  were  not  sufficiently  re 
stricted,  nor  the  reserved  rights  of  the  respective  States  suffi 
ciently  guarded,  and  on  his  return  home  he  bent  his  whole 
strength  to  prevent  its  ratification  by  Virginia. 

"  Like  most  of  his  contemporaries,  he  was  careful  and 
minute  in  the  management  of  his  private  affairs.  His  books, 
all  kept  in  his  own  hand,  show  detailed  accounts  with  all  who 
were  in  his  employ,  embracing  overseers,  agents,  and  others. 

"  His  domestic  habits,  as  described  by  members  of  his  imme 
diate  family,  were  simple  and  unostentatious,  though  attended 
with  all  the  abundance  of  large  possessions,  and  supplied  with 
the  comforts  and  luxuries  within  the  reach  of  an  ample  fortune. 
His  mornings  at  Gunston  were  generally  spent  in  reading  or 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


writing  in  his  library ;  at  midday  he  mounted  his  horse,  and  tak 
ing  a  gun,  usually  a  rifle,  and  attended  by  a  servant  and  his  dog, 
visited  his  plantations,  looking  minutely  and  carefully  into  their 
operations.  From  these  excursions  he  generally  returned  bring 
ing  game  he  had  shot.  The  afternoons  and  evenings  were 
devoted  to  his  family  and  to  society. 

"  In  the  year  1766,  then  about  40  years  of  age,  he  thus 
speaks  of  himself  in  a  letter  to  The  Public  Ledger  in  London, 
published  in  that  paper  over  the  signature  of  a  'Virginia 
Planter ' :  '  These  are  the  sentiments  of  a  man  who  spends 
most  of  his  time  in  retirement,  and  who  has  seldom  meddled  in 
public  affairs;  who  enjoys  a  modest  but  independent  fortune, 
and  who,  content  with  the  blessings  of  a  private  station,  equally 
disregards  the  smiles  and  frowns  of  the  great.' " 

It  would  be  a  pleasant  task  to  give  fuller  and  more  detailed 
accounts  of  these  Virginians  of  the  last  century;  but  it  is  the 
purpose  of  the  present  volume  to  tell  of  more  recent  times. 
What  has  been  said  of  the  earlier  generations  has  been  told 
with  the  same  idea  with  which  an  artist  bestows  special  care  on 
the  background  of  a  picture  in  order  to  bring  out  the  portrait  in 
clear  and  living  color;  or,  with  the  idea  so  happily  expressed 
by  Doctor  Wendell  Holmes,  who,  when  asked  when  the  educa 
tion  of  a  boy  should  commence,  replied :  "*I  think  about  a  hun 
dred  years  before  the  child  is  born." 

Colonel  George  Mason,  of  Gunston,  had  three  daughters 
and  five  sons ;  this  narrative  can,  however,  refer  only  to  John, 
the  fourth  son,  who  was  the  father  of  James  Murray  Mason. 
Of  the  early  associations  of  John  Mason  and  of  his  birthplace, 
Gunston,  some  account  has  already  been  given.  It  must  suf 
fice  to  say  that,  although  he  was  so  unfortunate  as  to  lose  his 
mother  at  the  early  age  of  five  years,  yet  the  devotion  to  the 
home  of  his  childhood,  and  the  reverential  admiration  and 
respect  for  his  father,  that  frequently  found  expression  during 
his  life,  as  well  as  in  the  manuscripts  discovered  among  his 
papers  after  his  death,  bear  testimony  to  the  character  of  the 
parent,  and  the  home  that  exerted  so  strong  an  influence  upon 
his  own  life,  and,  through  him,  upon  his  children. 

His  education,  begun  under  private  tutors  at  home,  and 
continued  at  schools  in  Virginia  and  in  Maryland,  was  completed 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


in  France,  where  he  was  sent  soon  after  the  close  of  the  Revolu 
tion,  and  where  he  remained  some  years,  actively  engaged  in 
business  as  a  merchant,  owning  several  vessels,  and  sending 
large  cargoes  to  other  ports,  as  well  as  to  this  country,  in  ex 
change  for  those  received. 

After  his  return  home,  he  married  Miss  Anna  Maria  Mur 
ray,  daughter  of  Doctor  James  Murray,  of  Annapolis,  Mary 
land,  and  continued  for  some  years  actively  engaged  in  mercan 
tile  pursuits,  holding,  at  different  times,  positions  of  trust  and 
responsibility  ;  among  them,  the  office  of  "  Superintendent  of 
Indian  Trade,"  to  which  he  was  appointed  by  President  Jeffer 
son  in  the  year  1807,  and  that  of  "  Commissary  General  of 
Prisoners,"  which  he  held  during  the  War  of  1812.  This 
office  gave  him  the  title  of  "  General,"  and  he  was  usually  known 
as  General  Mason. 

A  little  incident  connected  with  this  time  is  of  interest  as 
evincing  the  kindly  nature  of  the  boy,  James,  who  frequently 
accompanied  his  father  on  his  visits  to  look  after  the  welfare  of 
the  prisoners.  The  pale  face  and  attenuated  figure  of  a  young 
British  officer  attracted  the  attention  and  excited  the  sympathy 
of  young  Mason,  who  reported  to  his  mother  the  story  of  the 
sick  prisoner  and  begged  she  would  have  some  delicacies  pre 
pared,  such  as  might  tempt  the  appetite  of  an  invalid.  The 
request  was  granted,  and  the  British  officer  was  kept  well  sup 
plied  with  tempting  food  and  attractive  books  that  were  carried 
to  him  by  the  American  schoolboy.  Nearly  fifty  years  after 
wards,  when  Mr.  Mason  was  in  London  as  the  representative  of 
the  Confederate  States,  his  acquaintance  was  sought  by  an 
Englishman  of  high  position,  who  identified  himself  as  having 
been  visited,  fed  and  comforted  by  him  when  he  had  been  sick 
and  in  prison  in  America,  and  told  the  story  to  the  guests 
assembled  at  the  house  of  one  of  the  nobility,  where  they  had 
been  invited  to  meet  the  Commissioner  from  the  Confederate 
States. 

General  John  Mason  inherited  from  his  father  a  handsome 
estate  in  Fairfax  County,  Virginia,  lying  on  the  Potomac 
River,  and  including  an  island  in  the  river,  opposite  Washing 
ton,  known  as  Analostan  Island,  where  he  made  his  residence 
during  a  portion  of  every  year,  spending  the  summers  on  the 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  Island,"  and  the  winters  in  Georgetown  or  Alexandria,  and 
entertaining  always  and  everywhere  with  the  true  Virginia  hos 
pitality  that  made  his  home  the  centre  of  attraction  for  a  widely 
extended  circle.  Not  only  was  it  a  favorite  resort  for  the 
young,  the  gay  and  the  fashionable,  but  here  the  stranger,  the 
poor  and  the  orphan  ever  found  a  cordial  welcome  awaiting 
them ;  and  here,  too,  were  to  be  found  kind  hearts  ever  as  ready 
to  soothe  and  sympathize  in  times  of  trouble,  as  to  rejoice  and 
make  merry  with  the  light-hearted  and  the  happy. 

The  domestic  life  of  a  matron  of  that  day  demanded  a  degree 
of  self-discipline,  self-reliance,  and  sound  judgment  far  greater 
than  is  generally  required  of  the  women  of  to-day,  whose  house 
holds  are  on  a  much  smaller  scale  than  was  possible,  when  the 
"  modern  improvements,"  designed  to  save  labor,  were  all 
unknown;  when  the  mistress  presided  over  an  establishment 
where  her  own  servants  prepared  all  that  is  now  ordered  from 
the  caterer  or  the  confectioner;  where  the  sheep  were  raised 
and  sheared,  the  wool  spun  and  woven  into  the  cloth  required 
for  the  servants'  clothing,  and  often  much  of  that  used  for 
the  children;  where  the  skins  were  tanned,  and  the  shoes  were 
made ;  and  when  all  this  was  done  by  the  negroes  who  were  her 
slaves,  and  consequently  dependent  upon  her  for  care  and  kind 
ness  in  infancy,  in  old  age,  and  in  sickness.  Verily,  they  took 
no  care  for  themselves,  but  were  as  irresponsible  as  children. 
It  was  the  mistress  who  was  expected  to  control  and  train 
them  in  the  various  duties  of  domestic  service,  and  it  was  to  her 
they  came  for  advice  and  sympathy  when  in  trouble.  Such 
cares  and  responsibilities,  added  to  those  always  devolving  upon 
the  mother  of  a  large  family,  were  well  calculated  to  call  into 
exercise  and  to  full  development  all  the  powers  of  head  and 
heart.  This  was  certainly  the  case  with  Mrs.  Mason,  and 
nobly  did  she  discharge  her  many  duties  as  wife,  mother,  mis 
tress,  friend,  and  hostess. 

It  was  at  his  father's  house  in  Georgetown  that  James 
Murray  Mason  was  born  on  November  3d,  1798.  Of  his  child 
hood  there  is  little  of  interest  to  record,  further  than  that  it  was 
spent  amid  the  associations  and  under  the  circumstances  above 
described.  He  was  one  of  ten  children,  six  sons  and  four 
daughters,  all  of  whom  lived  to  become  men  and  women,  and  all 


I0  LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 

of  whom  loved  in  later  life  to  talk  of  the  happy  days  spent  in 
Georgetown  and  on  the  "  Island."  They  must  indeed  have  been 
as  happy  and  as  free  from  care  as  it  was  possible  for  indulgent 
parents  possessed  of  large  wealth  to  have  made  them ;  but  they 
were,  at  the  same  time,  trained  to  habits  of  ready  obedience  and 
of  never  failing  respect,  so  much  so,  that  to  the  end  of  their  lives, 
every  one  of  the  sons  and  daughters  would  quote  the  opinions 
of  "  My  Father,"  or  "  My  Mother,"  as  might  have  been  done 
in  childhood  when,  as  a  matter  of  course,  those  opinions  were 
admitted  to  be  final  and  infallible. 

James  M.  Mason  attended  the  school  in  Georgetown  during 
his  childhood,  and  was  afterwards  sent  to  Philadelphia,  where, 
in  1815,  he  entered  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  taking  his 
Bachelor's  Degree  in  1818.  The  next  year  he  studied  law  at 
William  and  Mary  College  in  Williamsburg,  Virginia;  and 
then  spent  one  winter  in  Richmond,  Virginia,  reading  law  in  the 
office  of  Mr.  Benjamin  Watkins  Leigh.  In  the  summer  of  1820 
he  opened  his  office  and  offered  for  practice  in  the  town  of 
Winchester,  Virginia. 

During  the  first  few  years  spent  in  Philadelphia  he  lived 
in  the  family  and  under  the  care  of  Commodore  Murray,  to 
whom  he  was  nearly  related  through  his  mother,  and  in  whose 
house  he  enjoyed  many  social  advantages  that  are  not  always 
within  the  reach  of  students  at  college.  He  afterwards  boarded 
in  a  French  family  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  fluency  in  speak 
ing  the  French  language.  It  was,  however,  in  Commodore 
Murray's  home  that  began  the  romance  of  his  life,  for  it  was  there 
he  first  saw  Miss  Eliza  Margaretta  Chew;  there  he  formed  the 
attachment  that  grew  with  his  growth,  and  strengthened  with 
his  strength,  and  there  he  acquired,  in  his  boyhood,  the  habit, 
never  afterwards  lost,  but  continued  to  his  last  day,  of  confiding 
to  Eliza  Chew  all  of  his  hopes  and  aspirations,  consulting  her 
judgment  in  every  question  that  arose,  seeking  her  advice  and 
sympathy  in  all  the  perplexities  and  troubles  of  his  life,  and 
claiming  her  congratulations  and  commendation  in  every  success 
that  he  achieved.  Here  he  must  be  left  for  a  time  while  the 
reader  is  introduced  to  some  of  the  ancestors  of  this  Miss  Chew, 
who  exercised  so  strong  an  influence  over  the  man  to  whom  she 
afterwards  gave  herself,  with  all  her  powers  of  mind  and  heart, 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


and  to  whom  she  proved  a  helpmeet  in  the  fullest  and  best  sense 
of  the  term : 

*"  The  family  of  Chew,  like  that  of  the  Masons,  came  from 
England.  Their  first  American  ancestor  was,  it  is  said,  John 
Chew,  who  came  from  England  to  Virginia  prior  to  1624,  settled 
at  '  James  Citie/  and  was,  subsequently,  a  member  of  the 
Assembly.  The  first  one,  however,  of  whom  the  writer  has  un 
questioned  information  was  Samuel  Chew,  who  was  residing  in 
Maryland,  at  Herring  Bay,  as  early  as  1656.  There  is  reason 
to  believe  that  he  was  the  son  of  John  Chew.  It  is  known  that 
he  became  Judge  of  the  High  Provincial  Court  and  Court  of 
Chancery,  and  was  for  some  years  a  member  of  the  Upper 
House  of  the  Legislature. 

"  He  married  Anne  Ayres,  only  daughter  of  William  Ayres, 
and  had  seven  sons  and  two  daughters.  His  fifth  son,  Benjamin, 
married  Elizabeth  Benson,  and  had  three  daughters  and  one  son, 
to  whom  he  gave  the  name  of  Samuel.  This  second  Samuel 
Chew  practiced  medicine,  and  was  known  as  Doctor  Samuel 
Chew,  of  Maidstone,  an  estate  near  Annapolis.  Afterwards  he 
removed  to  the  "  Lower  Counties  on  the  Delaware,"  and,  still 
later,  was  appointed  Chief  Justice  of  New  Castle,  Kent  and 
Sussex  counties.  He  had  only  one  son,  Benjamin.  To  this 
boy  he  gave  every  possible  advantage  of  education,  placing 
him,  for  a  time,  under  the  tuition  of  Andrew  Hamilton,  the 
Councillor,  and  after  the  death  of  Mr.  Hamilton,  sending  him 
to  England,  where  he  concluded  his  studies  at  the  Middle 
Temple. 

"  After  the  death  of  Chief  Justice  Chew,  young  Benjamin 
Chew  returned  to  America,  and  in  September,  1746,  was  admitted 
an  attorney  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Province  of  Penn 
sylvania.  He  removed  to  Philadelphia  about  1754,  and  about  the 
year  1761,  he  built  his  country  seat,  called  Cliveden,  on  the  out 
skirts  of  Germantown. 

"  The  year  1755  brought  to  him  marked  recognition  of  his 
ability;  for,  although  he  had  so  recently  become  a  resident  in 
Pennsylvania,  he  was  made  Attorney-General  of  the  Province, 
Recorder  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  a  member  of  the  Gov 
ernor's  Council.  In  1765  he  was  made  Register-General  of  the 
^Quoted  from  "  Provincial  Councillors  of  Pennsylvania,"  by  J.  P.  Keith. 


I2  LIFE    OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 

Province,  and  in  1774  he  was  appointed  Chief  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court.  This  dignity  imposed  undeserved  sufferings 
upon  him  during  the  Revolutionary  War,  which  began  so  soon 
afterwards,  sufferings  which  were  merely  the  result  of  his 
political  importance,  and  not  designed  as  punishment  for  obnox 
ious  acts.  By  the  Declaration  of  Independence  all  Chew's 
official  positions  fell  with  the  royal  authority  from  which  they 
were  derived;  and  in  August,  1777,  he,  with  others  who  had 
held  office  under  the  Crown,  was  arrested,  and  during  the  next 
ten  months  was  an  exile  from  his  home. 

"  At  the  battle  of  Germantown  his  country  home,  Cliveden, 
was  occupied  by  a  detachment  of  British  troops,  who  found  it 
a  sufficient  stronghold  to  resist  the  cannonading  of  the  Ameri 
cans  ;  but  its  doors  and  windows  were  shattered,  its  floors 
stained  with  blood,  and  the  whole  place  made  desolate.  He  was, 
however,  soon  given  a  position  of  trust  and  responsibility  under 
the  new  government,  for  he  was  appointed,  in  October,  1791, 
'  Judge  and  President  of  the  High  Court  of  Errors  and  Appeals 
of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania/  He  held  this  position  until  the 
abolition  of  the  court  in  1808." 

His  first  wife  was  Mary,  daughter  of  John  Galloway,  ^who 
died  in  1755,  leaving  five  daughters,  but  no  son.  His  second 
wife,  Elizabeth  Oswald,  left  six  daughters  and  one  son,  Benjamin 
Chew,  Jr.,  who  graduated  at  the  College  of  Philadelphia,  studied 
law  at  the  Middle  Temple,  London,  and  on  his  return  home 
became  a  member  of  the  Philadelphia  Bar. 

He  is  described  as  having  been  a  highly  educated  and  unu 
sually  handsome  young  man,  of  ample  fortune,  and  about 
twenty-six  or  seven  years  of  age  when  he  visited  Annapolis, 
and  became  a  frequent  visitor  at  the  house  of  Doctor  James 
Murray.  There  he  probably  met  the  John  Mason,  before  men 
tioned,  who,  a  few  years  later,  wooed,  won,  and  wedded  Anna 
Maria  Murray,  one  of  the  daughters  of  the  hospitable  doctor. 
There  he  certainly  met  Katharine  Banning,  the  young  cousin  of 
Mrs.  Murray,  and  the  only  child  of  Mr.  Anthony  Banning,  of 
West  River,  Maryland.  He  was,  at  once,  captivated  by  her 
beauty  and  by  her  unaffected,  simple,  and  ingenuous  manner. 
The  story  as  told  by  him  to  his  children  might  grace  the  pages 
of  a  novel.  Suffice  it  to  say  here,  Miss  Banning  became  Mrs. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


Benjamin  Chew,  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  mistress  of  Cliveden, 
the  favorite  summer  resort  of  the  Chew  family  during  their 
early  married  life,  and  the  home  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Chew  in  their 
old  age. 

Here  their  daughter,  Elizabeth  Margaretta  Chew,  was  born 
on  November  i8th,  1798,  just  fifteen  days  after  James  Murray 
Mason  first  saw  the  light  in  his  father's  house  in  Georgetown, 
D.  C,  and  in  this  same  house  was  spent  many  of  the  Saturdays 
and  other  holidays  of  the  Virginia  schoolboy,  who  was  glad  to 
accept  the  frequent  invitations  of  the  Young  Chews,  his  school 
mates;  invitations  made  the  more  attractive  by  the  fact  that  he 
was  thus  brought  into  constant  intercourse  with  their  sister.  It 
i"  true  that  she,  being  the  eldest,  and  for  some  time  the  only 
daughter,  had  matured  and  ripened  into  womanhood  at  an  early 
age,  and  was,  at  sixteen,  accustomed  to  the  society  of  men  many 
years  her  seniors  ;  still  it  was  evident  that  young  Mason  was 
preferred  to  all  other  suitors  and,  rejecting  them,  she  remained 
true  to  him  during  the  years  that  passed  while  he  completed  his 
course  at  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  studied  law  at  Wil 
liam  and  Mary  College  in  Williamsburg,  Virginia,  spent  a  winter 
in  the  law  office  of  Mr.  Benjamin  Watkins  Leigh  in  Richmond, 
Virginia,  gained  admission  to  the  Bar,  established  himself  in  the 
town  of  Winchester,  Virginia,  and  provided  there  a  home  for 
his  bride  in  the  midst  of  friends  who  were  ready  to  extend  to  her 
the  warm-hearted  hospitality  and  kindness  always  characteristic 
of  that  town. 

In  later  life,  Mr.  Mason  was  fond  of  recalling  the  circum 
stances  attending  his  first  arrival  in  Winchester  on  an  afternoon 
in  June,  1820,  when,  having  made  the  journey  on  horseback, 
riding  on  his  saddle-bags,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  time, 
he  came  from  Jiis  father's  house,  on  the  Island,  to  the  town  he 
had  chosen  for  his  future  home,  but  where  he  was  then  entirely  a 
stranger.  Stopping  before  the  "  Tavern,"  he  found  a  group  of 
young  men  sitting  in  chairs  placed  in  the  street  around  the 
door,  discussing  the  news  of  the  day.  The  landlord,  minus  his 
coat,  was  in  their  midst,  joining  freely  in  the  talk  with  the  air 
of  one  accustomed  to  lay  down  the  law  on  all  subjects  for  the 
benefit  of  his  younger  townsmen.  The  unusual  appearance  of  a 
stranger  caused  a  pause  in  the  conversation,  and  brought  "Mine 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


Host  "  to  the  front.  A  short  time  sufficed  to  have  both  horse 
and  rider  kindly  cared  for  and  established  in  their  new  quarters, 
and  the  traveler,  having  been  introduced  by  his  landlord  to  the 
assembled  party,  was  invited  to  join  the  group;  and  on  this 
first  afternoon,  began  more  than  one  of  the  friendships  that 
lasted  throughout  his  life  and  grew  warmer  and  stronger  as 
years  rolled  by. 

The  absence  of  all  form  and  ceremony  from  the  village  life 
of  Winchester,  at  that  day,  must  have  appeared  in  strong  con 
trast  to  the  usages  that  prevailed  in  Philadelphia  and  Wash 
ington,  to  which  young  Mason  had  been  accustomed  ;  it  is,  how 
ever,  evident  that  he  had  the  good  sense  and  good  feeling  rightly 
to  appreciate  the  sterling  worth  of  the  people  among  whom  he 
had  come  to  make  his  home,  and,  to  his  last  day,  he  never 
failed  to  acknowledge  the  marked  kindness  and  consideration 
that  was  extended  to  him  from  the  first  moment  of  his  arrival 
in  Winchester.  In  old  age  his  eyes  filled  and  his  voice  faltered 
whenever  allusion  was  made  to  those  happy  days,  or  to  the  dear 
friends  of  his  early  manhood  in  Winchester. 

These  early  days  differed  little  from  the  usual  experience  of 
young  lawyers.  Governor  Henry  A.  Wise,  in  an  article  that 
appeared  in  several  of  the  newspapers  soon  after  Mr.  Mason's 
death,  said,  in  speaking  of  him  :  "  He  aspired  to  political  pre 
ferment  from  the  first  of  his  career.  He  was  not,  however, 
neglectful  of  his  profession,  was  diligent  in  its  practice,  and  the 
bench  and  bar  of  Winchester  and  surrounding  circuits,  then, 
even  more  than  since,  were  distinguished  for  eminent  lawyers, 
such  as  Henry  St.  George  Tucker,  Alfred  H.  Powell,  and  John 
R.  Cooke,  and  a  younger  tier  of  professional  devotees,  such  as 
the  two  Marshalls,  the  Conrads,  and  Moses  Hunter,  the  best  wit 
of  them  all. 

"  Mr.  Mason  took  a  high  rank  among  them  at  the  Bar  ;  but 
always  looked  to  politics  for  his  field  of  distinction  ;  yet  he  was 
no  demagogue,  and  spurned  the  '  ad  captandum  '  of  the  vulgar 
electioneerer. 

"  His  integrity  was  sterling  —  exact  to  truth  ;  his  firmness 
was  rocklike;  his  sense  of  honor  was  of  the  highest  tone,  and 
his  every  word  and  action  were  guided  by  a  discretion  always- 
sound  and  always  on  guard. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  A  man  thus  stamped  with  the  seal  of  nobleness  could  not 
fail  to  attract  the  homage  of  those  around  him,  or  to  be  afforded 
the  opportunities  for  the  aspirations  he  indulged.  Honest,  he 
was  trusted;  discreet,  he  was  relied  on  to  do  justice  and  judg 
ment  ;  and  brave,  all  felt  assured  that  he  could  make  '  the  sac 
rifice  '  when  called  on.  He  did  nobly  make  it  at  the  last 
extremity,  without  a  murmur  and  without  soiling  his  escutcheon ; 
he  made  no  palinode  of  his  principles,  and  soiled  not  his  faith." 

One  of  the  letters  written  about  this  time  to  his  father 
shows  the  young  man's  impatient  longing  for  the  consummation 
of  the  hopes  he  had  cherished  from  boyhood;  hopes  that  had 
proved  an  incentive  to  exertion,  and  had  supplied  the  motive 
power  to  impel  and  sustain  him  in  the  patient  industry  essential 
to  success.  These  hopes  were  realized  on  July  25th,  1822,  when 
his  marriage  to  Eliza  M.  Chew  was  celebrated  at  Cliveden, 
the  much-loved  home  near  Philadelphia,  of  which  an  account  has 
already  been  given. 

Among  the  letters  in  the  possession  of  the  writer  there  are 
several  written  by  Mrs.  Mason,  soon  after  her  introduction  to 
Virginia  life,  that  are  interesting  as  giving  the  experience  of  the 
young  people  in  their  first  attempt  at  housekeeping.  The  fol 
lowing  extract  from  a  letter  to  her  sister  is  evidently  among  the 
first  sent  from  her  new  home.  She  says :  "  I  believe  I  have 
mentioned  in  my  several  letters  all  that  has  occurred  worthy  of 
notice  and  have  also  related  Mr.  Mason's  great  effort  in  attend 
ing  the  market ;  this  task  devolves  entirely  upon  the  gentlemen, 
as  servants  can  not  be  trusted;  the  market  begins  at  daylight 
and  as  there  was  some  chance  of  our  starving,  if  he  did  not  make 
his  appearance  there  in  due  time,  the  first  day  we  commenced 
housekeeping,  he  determined  not  to  lose  his  chance  and  sallied 
forth  in  the  most  dreadful  snowstorm  two  hours  too  soon  and 
this,  after  having  looked  at  his  watch  every  half  hour  after  three 
o'clock;  his  energy  amused  me  exceedingly;  however,  he  still 
goes  twice  a  week,  and  we  feast  sumptuously  every  day  upon  tur 
keys  at  fifty  cents,  pheasants  at  one  shilling,  and  partridges  in 
abundance.  My  neighbors  still  send  me  all  manner  of  good 
things,  supposing  that  as  a  young  beginner,  I  am  not  well  sup 
plied.  Mrs.  Tucker  has  just  sent  me  a  profusion  of  cake  and 
jelly,  as  I  was  not  well  enough  to  go  to  her  tea  party.  You  will 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


justly  remark  that  I  ought  to  be  contented  with  the  blessings 
that  I  now  enjoy. 

"  You  also  ask  if  the  reality  equals  the  expectations  I  have 
indulged  for  the  last  six  years,  and  you  seem  to  doubt  the  ful 
filment  of  my  anticipations,  but  I  am  sure  that  the  enjoyment  I 
receive  from  my  husband's  devoted  love  far  exceeds  my  most 
sanguine  hopes. 

"  He  is  pleased  with  everything  I  do  because  it  is  done  by 
me  ;  he  is  proud  of  every  sentiment  I  utter  and  always  condemns 
those  who  disagree  with  me  ;  he  is  always  in  the  parlour  when  not 
engaged  with  business,  and  is  always  ready  to  read,  play,  talk 
or  walk  as  my  inclination  may  dictate.  His  own  home  delights 
him  and  he  has  often  said  that  he  does  not  know  why  every 
other  place  appears  inferior  unless  because  his  wife  has 
more  taste  and  neatness  than  anybody  else.  In  truth,  our 
establishment  is  by  far  the  most  comfortable  I  have  seen  in  Win 
chester,  although  not  so  expensively  furnished  as  some  others. 
We  have  neither  Brussels  carpets  nor  mahogany  chairs  ;  no 
lamps  nor  mirrors,  but  everything  is  new,  neat  and  pretty:  as  I 
have  before  told  you,  our  house  is  small  ;  that  is,  the  rooms  are 
small. 

"  To  comply  with  your  request,  I  send  you  an  inventory 
of  our  goods  and  chattels  ;  my  beautiful  Japanese  desk  is  ex 
ceedingly  admired  and  is  very  ornamental;  the  card  tables  are 
covered  with  very  pretty  green  cloths,  and  look  very  knowing; 
the  piano  is  a  source  of  infinite  delight  to  me  and  my  guests, 
though  terribly  out  of  tune  ;  upon  it  are  tastefully  displayed  some 
books,  and  my  paint  box;  on  one  of  the  card  tables  there  are 
placed  some  of  my  prettiest  books  and  Mr.  Mason's  phrenolog 
ical  skull;  my  chess  men  and  tea-caddy,  with  the  elegant  stan- 
dish,  grace  the  other.  You  must  not  observe  the  want  of  a 
sideboard  and  tea-table  ;  the  card  tables  supply  the  place  of  both, 
and  the  chairs  fill  up  the  vacancies/' 

In  this  letter  is  given  a  diagram  of  the  first  floor  of  the 
house,  showing  four  rooms  ;  one  of  the  front  rooms  is  marked 
"  Office  "  ;  another,  "  House-keeper's  room  "  ;  and  on  the  margin 
is  written:  "Well  supplied  with  closets,  but  alas!  no  house 
keeper." 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


About  the  same  time  she  writes  :  "  Winchester  is  the  place 
for  the  enjoyment  of  society  without  display.  During  the  last 
few  days  we  have  dined  constantly  abroad  in  the  pleasantest  and 
most  agreeable  manner  possible.  Half  a  dozen  families,  who 
are  closely  connected  and  who  like  each  other  vastly,  assemble 
at  two  o'clock  with  some  parlour  work  ;  the  gentlemen  join  us 
at  three,  when  we  dine  upon  most  excellent  dinners,  but  without 
any  parade  or  ostentation.  We  are  our  own  confectioners  and 
indeed  are  obliged  to  superintend  all  the  culinary  preparations 
—  of  course  we  are  not  supposed  to  encounter  more  than  neces 
sary  trouble.  Yesterday  we  met  a  very  nice  party  at  Alex.  Tid- 
ball's  in  compliment  to  the  return  of  General  Tucker  and  Mr. 
Mason  from  Richmond.  To-morrow  we  shall  spend  with  Mrs. 
Carr.  Tuesday  at  Mrs.  Lee's,  etc.,  etc.  I  feel  exceedingly 
gratified  by  finding  myself  always  included  in  these  family  par 
ties,  and  sometimes  enjoy  them  mightily  (to  use  a  Virginia 
word)." 

Some  eighteen  months  later,  in  a  letter  to  her  mother,  she 
says  :  "  I  agree  with  you  perfectly  that  a  cheerful,  equable 
temper  is  one  of  the  first  of  human  blessings,  and  I  always 
struggle  most  strenuously  to  obtain  and  preserve  such  a  state 
of  mind  as  may  enable  me  to  resist  useless  cares  and  to  enjoy 
with  gladness  every  pleasure,  however  transient  or  uncertain  its 
source  may  prove,  but  anxiety  about  home  is  still  my  besetting 
sin,  and  when  I  do  not  hear  frequently  and  minutely  how  you  all 
are,  my  cheerfulness  deserts  rrie,  and  'tis  futile  to  disguise  how 
much  disquietude  I  feel.  My  husband  is  certainly  peculiarly 
blessed  in  this  respect,  and  he  possesses  the  most  cheerful,  buoy 
ant,  and  excellent  temper  I  have  ever  known.  For  instance,  he  left 
me  on  Monday  for  Romney;  the  road  between  this  place  and 
Romney  is  the  very  worst  of  the  bad.  On  Monday  morning  it 
rained  violently,  and  he  did  not  reach  his  destination  till  9  o'clock, 
when  he  found  the  Judge  was  obliged  to  leave  town  and  the 
Court  adjourned  without  doing  any  business  ;  he  remounted  his 
horse  —  arrived  at  home  yesterday  to  dinner,  having  ridden  nearly 
a  hundred  miles  through  a  severe  rain,  was  wet  through  and 
through,  and  has  the  prospect  of  making  the  same  journey  next 
Sunday;  yet  he  came  into  the  house  as  merry  and  contented  as 
possible,  and  I  have  not  heard  a  single  complaint.  You  will  say 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


such  an  example  ought  to  have  a  proper  effect  on  me,  and  I 
hope  to  prove  its  advantage.  I  often  think  if  matches  are  made 
in  heaven,  Anne  and  James  must  have  been  intended  for  each 
other  —  their  dispositions  are  certainly  similar,  both  possess 
warm  and  acute  sensibilities,  and  both  exercise  equal  self-com 
mand,  and  both  are  disposed  to  be  happy." 

And  in  a  later  letter  she  says  :  "  When  you  write,  tell  me 
what  elicited  your  episode  relative  to  servants.  On  this  subject 
also,  we  fully  agree.  I  have  often  heard  Mr.  Mason  say  that 
nothing  seemed  to  him  more  cowardly  and  cruel  than  an  un 
necessary  and  tyrannical  exercise  of  power  over  servants;  we 
always  treat  them  with  kindness.  We  have  now  kept  slaves 
nearly  eighteen  months,  and  in  no  one  instance  has  severity  been 
used;  to  be  sure  they  often  test  my  patience,  they  are  so  much 
less  capable,  careful,  or  industrious  than  white  servants,  but  they 
are  obedient,  faithful,  and  affectionate.  Mr.  Mason  always 
speaks  to  them  kindly  but  positively,  and  I  have  never  had 
occasion  to  complain  to  him.  As  an  instance  of  our  experience  ; 
poor  Gusten  (our  dining-room  servant)  has  one  failing  that  I  had 
thought  absolutely  incorrigible.  When  he  sees  liquor  he  can 
not  resist  it,  but  he  had  never  appeared  before  his  master  when 
he  was  intoxicated,  till  a  short  time  since  when  waiting  upon  the 
tea-table  Mr.  Mason  saw  him  stagger,  and  instantly  ordered  him 
to  go  to  his  room,  and  not  to  dare  to  show  himself  until  he  had 
made  atonement.  He  then  determined  that  as  the  next  day  was 
market  day  he  would  not  permit  Gusten  to  attend  him,  but  hired 
a  man  in  our  neighbourhood,  on  the  plea  that  Gusten  was  in 
disposed.  Gusten  was  mortified  to  the  quick  by  his  master's  dis 
pleasure,  and  by  finding  that  another  was  employed  to  fulfil  his 
duty.  When  Mr.  Mason  returned  from  market,  Gusten  pre 
sented  himself  with  the  most  penitent  air  —  asked  forgiveness  and 
assured  his  master  that  if  he  would  trust  him  it  would  never 
happen  again  ;  and  that  he  knew  his  mistress  '  would  go  his 
security/  Mr.  Mason  forgave  him,  and  Gusten  came  in  tears  to 
tell  me  what  a  good  master  he  had  ;  and  he  has  conducted  him 
self  very  well  ever  since.  If  his  resolution  does  not  fail,  he  will 
be  an  excellent  servant,  but  I  am  fearful  lest  his  propensity  has 
been  so  long  indulged  that  his  good  behaviour  can  not  last  long." 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MA80N. 


Another  letter  written  to  her  sister  about  the  same  time 
gives  a  lifelike  picture  of  the  home-scene.  It  says  :  "  Mamma's 
letter,  with  your  postscript,  gave  me  infinite  pleasure.  It 
arrived  most  opportunely,  for  with  it  came  a  summons  from 
General  Mason  to  my  husband  to  meet  him  in  Fredericksburg, 
and  intimating  that  the  business  that  calls  him  there  may  require 
him  to  be  absent  ten  days  or  a  fortnight  ;  and  I  do  miss  him  so 
grievously  when  he  leaves  me,  that  it  demands  no  small  sacrifice 
of  my  feelings  to  his  interests  to  enable  me  to  submit  to  our 
frequent  separations.  At  this  moment  it  is  particularly  annoying 
to  have  our  pursuits  and  habits  interrupted,  as  we  have  just 
resumed  such  as  we  enjoyed  last  winter,  and  which  the  intense 
heat  of  the  summer  has  hitherto  delayed.  The  evenings  are  now 
long  enough  to  admit  of  much  useful  employment,  and  to  com 
pensate,  by  the  opportunity  they  afford  of  mutually  amusing 
each  other,  for  the  dissimilarity  of  our  avocations  during  the  day. 
We  generally  commence  the  evening  by  playing  two  or  three 
games  of  chess,  as  Mr.  Mason  is  extravagantly  fond  of  the 
game;  then  we  practise  together  for  a  little  while,*  and  after 
wards  he  reads  to  me,  while  I  sew,  till  eleven  o'clock  ;  as  we  have 
tea  very  early,  we  thus  accomplish  a  great  deal  before  bedtime. 
Mr.  Meadef  recently  brought  me  several  excellent  books,  such 
as  :  '  The  Philosophy  of  True  Religion,  by  Knox  '  ;  '  The  Power 
of  Religion  on  the  Mind/  and  '  Sir  Robert  Boyle's  Reflections,' 
all  of  which  we  read  together.  We  have  also  commenced  Miss 
Aiken's  '  Memoirs  of  the  Reign  of  James  the  First,'  and  find  it 
very  amusing  and  interesting,  though  not  quite  so  good  as  her 
'  Reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth.'  " 


*Mr.  Mason  was  fond  of  the  flute  as  an  accompaniment  to  the  piano, 
t  Afterwards  Bishop  of  Virginia. 


2Q  LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Elected  to  Legislature— Political  Creed — Different  Ideas  in  Convention  of 
1787  Regarding  Functions  of  Federal  Government — Voted  for  Resolu 
tions  Protesting  Against  Internal  Improvement  by  Federal  Government — 
Defeated  in  Next  Election  Because  of  This  Vote — Card  Explaining  and 
Justifying  His  Position — Re-elected  to  Legislature — Letter  from  John 
Randolph  of  Roanoke— Speech  in  Legislature — Letters  from  Mrs.  Mason — 
Candidate  for  House  of  Representatives,  Defeated — Extract  from  Win 
chester  Newspaper— Domestic  Life — Appointed  Member  of  Board  of 
Visitors  of  University  of  Virginia — No  Personal  Interest  in  Contest  for 
Rights  of  Slaveholders — Elected  to  House  of  Representatives — Life  and 
Friends  in  Washington. 

In  order  to  form  a  just  estimate  of  a  man,  it  is  necessary  to 
know  him  in  all  the  various  relations  of  life  in  which  he  may 
have  been  placed.  A  well-rounded  character  will  be  found  ex 
cellent  in  every  position  he  may  hold.  The  foregoing  must, 
however,  suffice  for  the  present  as  an  introduction  to  Mr.  Mason 
in  the  home  life  of  his  young  manhood.  The  time  soon  came 
when  he  was  entrusted  with  the  public  interests  of  the  com 
munity  around  him;  and  the  reader  is  asked  to  follow  him  into 
the  wider  field  upon  which  he  entered  in  April,  1826,  when  he 
was  called  to  represent  the  people  of  Frederick  County  in  the 
Legislature  of  his  State,  as  a  member  of  the  House  of  Dele 
gates. 

In  his  political  creed  he  was  a  Democrat  of  the  Jeffersonian 
School,  and  upon  all  questions  affecting  the  limitations  of  the 
Federal  Government,  he  was  ever  with  those  who  have  been 
called  "  The  Straightest  Sect  of  the  Strict  Constructionists " ; 
in  other  words,  he  never  lost  sight  of  the  clause  in  the  Consti 
tution  which  says :  "  The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United 
States  by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  State, 
are  reserved  to  the  States,  or  to  the  people."  Mr.  Alexander 
H.  Stephens,  in  his  "  History  of  the  United  States,"  when 
speaking  of  the  convention  that  met  in  Philadelphia,  in  1787, 
for  a  revision  of  the  Articles  of  Union  between  the  States,  says : 
"  It  was  soon  discovered  that  a  considerable  number  were  in 
favour  of  disregarding  the  specific  objects  for  which  the  con 
vention  had  been  called,  and  instead  of  revising  the  Articles  of 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON.  2I 


Union,  were  in  favour  of  presenting  an  entirely  new  plan  of 
government  for  public  consideration.  *  *  The  controlling  idea 
of  this  class  was  to  do  away  with  the  Federative  feature  in  the 
Constitution,  and  to  merge  the  separate  sovereignties  of  the 
several  States  into  one  Incorporate  Union;  and  thus  to  form, 
of  all  the  States,  one  single  National  Republic,  "  instead  of  a 
Federal  Republic  of  distinct  States." 

This  idea  of  the  functions  of  the  Federal  Government  has 
continued  in  existence,  and  has  exercised  an  important  influence 
in  shaping  the  destiny  of  the  country.  It  may  be  recognized  in 
what  was  called  the  American  System,  the  authorship  of  which 
was  attributed  to  Mr.  Clay,  and  which  advocated  the  policy  of 
building  up  home  manufactures  by  a  protective  tariff,  and  of 
carrying  on  internal  improvements  by  the  Federal  Government. 
The  sincerity  and  strength  of  Mr.  Mason's  convictions  on  these 
points  were  tested  during  the  first  term  of  his  service  in  the 
Legislature.  There  were  in  1826,  and  there  had  been  for  sev 
eral  preceding  years,  marked  divisions  in  the  Democratic,  or 
Republican  Party  (as  it  was  then  called),  regarding  these 
questions.  Each  year  since  1821,  the  chief  subjects  dis 
cussed  in  Congress  had  been  those  of  internal  improve 
ments  and  a  protective  tariff.  Again  in  the  nineteenth 
Congress,  then  in  session,  the  subject  of  internal  improve 
ment  gave  rise  to  warm  and « angry  debate.  The  Cumber 
land  Road  and  the  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal  were  the 
two  prominent  objects  discussed,  although  the  design  extended 
to  a  general  system.  In  the  Virginia  House  of  Delegates,  Mr. 
Giles  offered  resolutions  protesting  against  all  authority  of  the 
United  States  Government  to  make  roads  and  canals  within 
the  State.  Mr.  Mason  voted  for  and  advocated  these  resolu 
tions  ;  and  by  so  doing,  incurred  the  displeasure  of  many  of  his 
constituents  who  thought  the  measures  he  had  opposed  would 
be  advantageous  to  their  own  section  of  the  country. 

Thus  early  in  his  career  occurred  the  first  instance  of  what 
was  afterwards  repeated,  when  he  was,  for  a  time,  in  advance  of 
the  popular  sentiment  of  his  district,  and,  consequently,  was 
not  supported  by  his  constituents  who  having,  perhaps,  given 
less  time  and  thought  to  the  consideration  of  the  measures  pro 
posed,  did  not  see  as  soon  or  as  clearly,  as  their  representative 


22  LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


saw,  the  true  character  and  the  future  effects  of  the  legislation 
that  he  had  opposed. 

His  reasons  for  the  course  he  had  pursued  are  clearly  ex 
pressed,  and  fearlesssly  maintained,  in  the  following  address  to 
the  "  Freeholders  of  Frederick  County,"  which  he  published  in 
the  early  spring  of  1827. 

"Fellow-Citizens:  Finding  upon  my  return  from  the  Leg 
islature,  that  my  vote  upon  certain  resolutions,  brought  in  by 
a  select  committee  of  the  last  House  of  Delegates  upon  motion 
of  Mr.  Giles,  has  subjected  me  to  much  animadversion,  I  deem 
it  necessary,  as  well  as  for  my  own  vindication  as  to  correct 
misapprehension,  that  the  subject  of  those  resolutions  should  be 
exposed  and  canvassed  before  you  are  called  to  pass  upon  my 
conduct  at  the  approaching  election. 

"  There  is  no  man  living  who  admits  more  fully  than  I  do, 
the  amenability  of  a  representative  to  his  constituents — none 
who  would  seek  less  to  conceal  or  disguise  his  sentiments  upon 
any  political  question,  with  a  view  to  the  ephemeral  popularity 
which  such  a  course  may  sometimes  procure;  still  less,  who 
would  endeavor,  by  any  evasion,  to  retain  a  seat  in  the  coun 
cils  to  which  your  voice  has  lately  advanced  him. 

"  Having  said  this  much,  I  have  a  right  to  ask  that  you 
would  shut  your  ears  against  the  many  contemptible  insinua 
tions  and  misrepresentations,  which  are  circulated  on  the  eve 
of  every  election,  vague  and  uncertain  fabrications,  backed  by 
no  authority,  and  having  no  name  to  vouch  them.  Of  such  I 
will  say  nothing  more  than,  that  whenever  they  are  presented 
in  a  tangible  shape,  I  shall  be  found  ready  and  willing  to  meet 
them;  there  being  no  part  of  my  conduct  to  which  I  do  not 
invite  the  freest  investigation. 

"  The  resolutions  passed  by  the  last  Legislature,  involved 
matters  of  grave  national  concern,  and  of  deep  import  to  the 
States  of  our  Confederacy.  I  assure  you  as  far  as  I  was  com 
petent  to  pass  upon  their  policy,  they  received  from  me  no 
light  consideration. 

"  At  any  time,  or  as  one  of  the  frequent  occasions,  result 
ing  from  the  nature  of  our  government,  where  Federal  power 
has  been  questioned  on  the  one  hand,  and  State-Right  asserted 
on  the  other,  it  behooved  a  representative  of  the  people,  who  is 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


to  speak  their  voice,  to  deliberate  well.  But  under  the  circum 
stances  of  the  present  case,  when  challenging  the  policy  of  an 
administration  which  came  in  against  the  immediate  will  of 
the  people,  and  whose  course  has  been  during  the  two  years  of 
its  existence,  to  sustain  itself  at  every  cost,  whether  of  public 
good,  or  of  constitutional  limitation — it  behooved  the  repre 
sentative  not  only  to  deliberate  well,  but  to  act  with  decision. 

"  The  general  question  is  not  a  new  one.  The  construction 
of  the  Federal  Government  has  been,  since  its  adoption,  the 
point  upon  which  the  two  parties  in  our  country  have  always 
divided.  In  practice  it  has  been  found,  as  well  as  foretold  by 
our  immortal  Henry,  that  the  extension  of  Federal  power  tends 
to  consolidation,  from  which,  when  once  established,  there  is  no 
alternative  between  despotism  or  civil  war. 

"  If  a  Constitution  be  the  limit  which  the  people  have 
assigned  to  those  who  have  the  government  in  charge,  it  is  cer 
tainly  the  duty  of  a  representative,  made,  if  possible,  still  more 
imperative  by  the  solemnity  of  an  oath,  faithfully  to  preserve  its 
integrity,  when,  according  to  his  honest  convictions,  those 
limits  have  been  transgressed.  This  I  have  done,  and  no  more. 
The  law  of  Congress  passed  for  the  protection  of  domestic 
manufactures,  by  the  imposition  of  new  and  heavy  duties  upon 
foreign  importations,  against  which  these  resolutions  in  part 
protested,  I  believe  in  my  best  judgment,  is  as  unwarranted  by 
the  Constitution  as  in  practice  it  has  been  found  oppressive 
and  calamitous  to  our  agricultural  community. 

"  To  raise  revenue,  and,  perhaps,  to  some  purposes  in  regu 
lating  commerce,  the  Federal  Government  is  expressly  author 
ized  to  lay  imposts.  But  when,  with  other  views,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  tariff  law,  this  power  is  exercised  with  the  intent  of  aiding 
the  manufacturer,  its  necessary  effect  is,  to  tax  the  rest  of  the 
community  for  the  benefit  of  a  particular  class,  and  it  is  found 
in  the  words  of  the  resolution  to  be  '  unjust,  unequal,  and 
oppressive/  In  our  State,  too,  whose  interest  is  exclusively 
agricultural,  the  burthen  is  found  particularly  heavy.  Because 
at  the  same  time  that  his  crop  is  rotting  on  his  hands  for  want 
of  a  market,  the  farmer  is  forced  to  pay,  as  a  premium  to  the 
manufacturer,  the  difference  between  the  duties  necessary  for 
revenue,  and  those  added  to  encourage  manufactures.  Deeply 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


impressed  with  these  views  on  the  constitutional  point,  apart 
from  its  ruinous  policy,  I  sustained  by  my  vote  this  protest 
against  the  tariff  law  of  1824. 

"  Next  as  to  the  resolution  which  protests  against  the 
exercise  of  any  power  on  the  part  of  the  Federal  Government, 
to  make  roads  and  canals,  within  the  limits  of  a  State  : 

"  This  power  has  been  traced  by  its  advocates,  at  some 
time  or  other,  as  incidental  to  almost  every  express  grant  in  the 
Federal  Constitution.  It  would  far  exceed  the  limits  of  this 
address  to  attempt  a  refutation  of  all;  neither  is  it  necessary, 
because  I  seek  alone  to  vindicate  my  opinions.  Yet,  as  the 
strongest  ground  assumed,  is  that  '  to  establish  post  roads/  I 
may  select  that  for  illustration  of  my  views. 

"  The  purpose  of  the  instrument  there  was  to  give  to  the 
Federal  Government  the  exclusive  control  over  the  Post-Office 
Department,  and  the  transmission  of  the  mails  ;  and  to  give 
nothing  else.  The  power  to  '  establish  '  the  post  road,  to  my 
apprehension,  means  alone,  the  right  to  indicate  or  declare  the 
route  by  which  the  mail  is  to  be  transmitted;  and  so  far  from 
being  intended  to  confer  a  power  to  construct  a  road,  was  meant 
only  to  prevent  the  interference  of  State  authority,  in  the  pas 
sage  of  the  mails  over  their  roads,  and  through  their  limits. 

"  But  again  —  the  States  are  parties  to  the  Constitution  in 
their  sovereign  capacity.  They  have  created  a  government  by 
it,  for  the  better  management  of  those  concerns,  which,  from 
their  contiguity  and  intimate  dependencies,  they  hold  in  com 
mon  —  and  we  find,  that  intending  to  reserve  to  themselves  all 
power  not  indispensably  necessary  for  the  management  of  these 
general  concerns,  they  have  measured  out  authority  to  their 
Federal  rulers,  with  a  slow  and  cautious  hand.  The  power  to 
make  a  road  involves  a  right  to  come  into  our  territory  ;  to  con 
demn  so  much  land  as  may  be  required  for  the  purpose  ;  and  to 
take  as  much  materials  of  earth,  timber,  etc.,  as  may  be  neces 
sary  to  construct  it.  Now  I  would  ask,  whether,  had  it  been 
the  intention  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  to  confer  so  im 
portant  a  power  as  this,  they  would  have  given  it  by  the  equivo 
cal  phrase  of  power  '  to  establish  post  roads  '  ? 

"  Further  —  This  right  involves  in  its  legitimate  conse 
quences  the  condemnation  of  the  land  through  which  the  road 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON.  25 

passes,  and  the  transference  of  the  jurisdiction  over  it,  from  the 
State  to  the  Federal  Government.  So  much  territorial  juris 
diction  as  is  measured  by  its  extent  is  to  be  cut  off  from  the 
States,  by  this  construction  of  the  phrase  above  quoted;  when 
by  the  same  instrument  (so  jealous  were  they  of  their  territorial 
jurisdiction),  the  Federal  Government  can  not  take  from  a  State 
as  much  of  its  soil  as  is  necessary  to  build  an  arsenal,  or  to  erect 
a  light-house  on  a  barren  sand  beach,  without  first  receiving 
from  that.  State,  a  solemn  cession  of  the  twenty  feet  square 
which  such  building  may  cover. 

"  But  again — if  further  proof  be  wanted  to  show  that  this 
assumption  is  unwarranted,  we  have  it  in  the  fact,  that  in  the 
very  convention  which  framed  the  Constitution,  a  proposition 
to  confer  upon  the  Federal  Government  a  power  to  make  roads 
and  canals  was  formally  made,  and  as  formally  rejected. 

"  Under  these  solemn  and  deliberate  convictions,  and 
sworn,  too,  to  support  the  Constitution,  I  was  called  to  record 
my  vote  for  or  against  the  resolutions.  Upon  the  constitu 
tional  point,  I  could  not,  and  did  not  hesitate.  When  thus 
situated,  a  representative  is  bound,  by  every  obligation,  to  dis 
card  all  personal  considerations,  and  to  express  by  his  vote, 
the  convictions  of  his  best  judgment.  I  have  done  this,  and  do 
not  fear  to  avow  it. 

"  As  to  the  general  doctrine  of  these  resolutions  upon  the 
points  which  they  involve  of  constitutional  law,  they  express 
nothing  more  than  the  uniform  decisions  of  Virginia  from  the 
year  '96,  when  her  protest  was  entered  against  the  celebrated 
Sedition  Law  of  the  elder  Adams,  to  the  present  day.  They 
express  the  uniform  policy  of  the  Democratic  party,  amongst 
whom  I  was  born  and  bred,  from  whom  my  earliest  impressions 
were  received,  and  from  whose  doctrines,  sanctioned  by  maturer 
years,  I  have  never  deviated,  and  never  can. 

"  If  by  my  vote  upon  these  resolutions,  my  political  fate  is 
to  turn,  let  it  be  so.  I  have  done  my  duty,  according  to  the 
honest  dictates  of  my  best  judgment,  and  I  wish  not  to  evade 
the  test.  There  is  no  man  who  esteems  your  favour,  or  appre 
ciates  your  confidence,  more  than  I  do,  but  I  should  be 
unworthy  of  either,  were  I  meanly  to  solicit  its  continuance, 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


by    the    suppression    of    my    opinion,    or    the    sacrifice    of    my 
principles.  "  Your  fellow-citizen, 

"  TAMES  M.  MASON." 

He  was,  however,  defeated  in  the  next  election  in  conse 
quence  of  this  vote;  and  for  the  next  year  he  devoted  himself 
most  assiduously  and  successfully  to  the  practice  of  his  profes 
sion. 

In  the  canvass  of  the  year  1828,  he  again  avowed  and  vin 
dicated  the  obnoxious  vote,  and  it  would  appear  as  though  the 
people  were  then  convinced  of  the  truth  and  justice  of  the  posi 
tion  he  had  maintained,  for  he  was  then  returned  to  the  House 
of  Delegates  by  a  triumphant  majority.  There  is  still  extant 
a  letter  from  Mr.  John  Randolph,  of  Roanoke,  to  Mr.  Mason, 
dated  Washington,  April  I2th,  1828,  which  says  : 

"  Let  me  congratulate  you,  my  dear  sir,  as  I  do  most  cor 
dially,  on  your  late  signal  and  deserved  triumph  over  prejudice 
and  ignorance  and  political  fanaticism  not  less  blind  than  that 
of  religion  —  and  not  only  you,  my  dear  sir,  but  my  country,  but 
Virginia.  I  am  now  spitting  blood  and  may  not  live  to  see  the 
next  meeting  of  the  Assembly  —  but  Frederick  County  has  re 
deemed  nobly  her  errors  and  expatiated  her  offences.  She  has 
one  representative,  at  least  (I  have  not  at  all  the  honor  to  know 
your  colleague),  worthy  of  the  largest,  richest  and  most  populous 
county  in  the  State. 

"  Most  respectfully  and  truly  yours, 

"  JOHN  RANDOLPH,  of  Roanoke. 

"  To  James  M.  Mason,  Esquire,  Winchester,  Virginia" 

During  the  session  of  1828  and  1829,  resolutions  of  like 
character  with  those  of  1826  and  1827  were  again  introduced. 
Again  did  Mr.  Mason  vote  for,  and  advocate  them  in  debate, 
yet  in  April,  1829,  and  again  in  1830,  was  he  returned  to  the 
House  with  the  full  approbation  of  his  constituents  of  what  he 
had  done. 

The  most  important  business  before  the  Legislature  in  the 
session  of  1828  and  1829  was  the  organization  of  the  Convention 
called  for  the  following  year,  "  To  amend  the  Constitution  of 
Virginia." 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


It  may  at  first  glance  appear  as  if  the  entire  change  of 
circumstances  since  that  date  had  destroyed  interest  in  the  dis 
cussions  of  questions  long  ago  settled;  closer  observation  will, 
however,  discover  that,  as  in  many  other  instances,  "  The  best 
principles  of  our  government  were  endangered  by  the  measures 
then  proposed." 

The  position  taken  by  Mr.  Mason  in  the  debate  on  the 
Convention,  January  3d,  1829,  is  strongly  characteristic  of  the 
man.  Omitting  a  few  introductory  remarks,  he  says  :  "  The 
bill  sought  to  be  amended,  provides,  in  the  first  section,  for  a 
representation  from  the  present  Congressional  districts,  which 
includes  not  the  free  whites  alone,  but  with  them  three-fifths  of 
the  slaves.  I  contend,  sir,  that  those  only  are  to  meet,  through 
their  representatives,  in  this  Convention,  in  whom  the  political 
power  resides.  That  it  is  an  act  of  the  people  in  their  highest 
sovereignty  —  an  exercise  of  that  political  power,  which  resides 
only  in  the  political  community,  and  in  which  none  but  the 
members  of  that  community  can  of  right  participate.  What 
has  been  asked  of  the  General  Assembly?  That  it  would,  by 
legislative  provision,  enable  the  political  community  to  meet  in 
convention  for  the  purpose  of  reforming  their  social  compact. 
The  bill  in  your  hand  does  not  comply  with  this  demand;  on 
the  contrary,  denouncing  the  true  political  community  as  rec 
ognized  by  every  principle  of  our  institutions,  it  requires,  as  a 
preliminary  to  their  compliance,  the  admission  of  those  who 
form  no  part  of  that  community,  and  with  whom  there  is  not  one 
common  attribute. 

"  Sir,  the  political  community  of  which  I  speak  is  the  free 
white  people  of  this  Commonwealth.  The  people  of  Virginia, 
and  not  the  slaves  of  that  people,  are  those  who  wield  the  polit 
ical  power,  and  if  gentlemen  are  not  prepared  to  desert  the  true 
principles  of  our  polity,  they  must  unite  with  me  in  the  endeavor 
to  expunge  this  odious  feature  from  the  bill.  How  is  it  sought 
to  be  sustained?  Is  this  extraordinary  demand  made  for  the 
representation  of  so  much  property?  or  so  much  population? 
On  the  one  or  the  other  the  proposition  must  rest.  If  it  be  so 
much  population,  let  the  discussion  there  involved  come  from 
the  other  side.  I  will  not  invite  or  anticipate  so  delicate  a  ques 
tion.  If  it  be  made,  I  am  not  unprepared  to  meet  it;  but  if  it 


2$  LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


must  mingle  in  this  debate,  be  the  responsibility  on  those  who 
advance  it. 

"  We  are  told,  however,  that  representation  and  taxation 
ought  to  go  together;  and  that  slaves,  being  a  peculiar  subject 
of  tax,  regard  should  be  had  to  them  in  representation.  In 
other  words,  that  property,  nakedly  as  such,  ought  of  right  to 
be  represented  in  convention. 

"  I  maintain,  sir,  that  the  reverse  of  this  proposition  is  not 
only  true  in  principle,  but  is  demonstrable  in  argument.  The 
Convention,  sir,  is  called  to  revise  and  remodel  our  funda 
mental  laws.  A  resumption  by  the  people  of  their  political 
power,  for  the  purpose  of  a  new  distribution.  What  says  your 
Bill  of  Rights?  That  '  all  power  is  vested  in  and  conse 
quently  received  from  the  people.'  '  That  government  is, 
or  ought  to  be,  instituted  for  the  common  benefit,  protec 
tion,  and  security  of  the  people,  nation,  or  community.'  '  And 
that,  when  any  government  shall  be  found  inadequate,  or  con 
trary  to  these  purposes,  a  majority  of  the  community  hath  an 
indubitable,  unalienable,  and  indefeasible  right  to  reform,  alter, 
or  abolish  it,  in  such  manner  as  shall  be  deemed  most  conducive 
to  the  public  weal :  In  the  enunciation  of  these  great  prin 
ciples  the  people  alone  are  recognized  as  the  depositaries  of 
political  power — the  will  of  that  people  is  shown  by  the  voice  of 
their  majority  and  that  will  is  supreme.  Why,  sir,  have 
the  majority  this  right? — it  resides  in  their  physical  force,  and  in 
nothing  else.  There  is  not  one  word  here  said,  in  tracing  the 
source  of  power,  about  the  property  of  the  community  as 
containing  any  portion  of  this  power.  Will  gentlemen  tell  us 
that  these  are  mere  political  abstractions — very  true  in  theory, 
but  not  applicable  in  practice?  Do  gentlemen  deny  that  '  all 
power  is  vested  in  the  people '? — or  will  they  content  them 
selves  to  admit  it,  as  it  is  written,  and  then  thrust  it  by  as  a  mere 
abstraction?  If  gentlemen  do  this,  they  must  be  prepared  to 
declare  to  the  world,  that  the  very  substratum  of  popular  gov 
ernment,  as  understood  and  practiced  here  for  more  than  fifty 
years,  is  but  a  vain  and  unsubstantial  shadow — that  the  Bill  of 
Rights  of  '76,  that  epoch  of  glorious  memory,  was  a  declaration 
of  mere  abstractions,  intended  to  deceive  a  confiding  people, 
and  cajole  them  of  their  power.  The  great  fathers  of  our  Re- 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON.  2g 


public  have  advised  a  frequent  recurrence  to  fundamental  prin 
ciples.  Never  was  advice  better  founded — frequent  recur 
rences  is  necessary  to  their  preservation — nor  could  there  be 
a  stronger  instance  to  illustrate  its  truth,  if  at  this  day  we  are 
to  be  told  by  Virginians,  that  our  fundamental  principles  are 
mere  political  abstractions,  which  may  keep  the  word  of  promise 
to  the  ear,  but  break  it  to  the  hope. 

"  But  fortunately  for  the  people,  this  doctrine,  that  the 
majority  have  the  right  to  '  reform,  alter,  or  abolish/  does 
not  rest  alone  in  parchment  authority;  there  is  an  inherent 
conservative  right  that  will  give  it  efficacy  if  put  to  the  test. 
Why  is  it  that  the  majority  have  the  right?  What  sanction  has 
the  people's  will?  It  resides,  sir,  in  physical  force,  and  it 
resides  nowhere  else.  The  power  to  execute  their  will  makes 
that  will  supreme.  The  acknowledgment  of  this  sanction 
brings  the  minority  to  submit.  In  popular  government,  then, 
the  criterion  of  political  power  is  physical  force,  and  as  in  prop 
erty  there  can  be  none  of  this  force,  so  it  can  carry  with  it  none 
of  this  power.  When  I  speak,  Mr.  Chairman,  of  physical 
force,  let  me  not  be  understood  in  the  language  of  threat  or 
menace — I  mean,  sir,  nothing  such.  But  the  first  section  of 
this  bill  contains  a  provision  directly  at  war  with  the  best  prin 
ciples  of  our  government,  and  it  is  but  to  expose  this  hostility 
that  I  trace  those  principles  to  their  true  origin. 

"  Property  and  power  are  divellent.  The  one  belongs  to 
the  many,  the  other  to  the  few.  Property  if  not  controlled 
will  tyrannize  over  power — though  the  proposition  may  seem 
paradoxical — and  the  converse  is  equally  true,  that  power  if  not 
restrained  will  lord  it  over  property.  Every  wise  government, 
then,  will  have  these  influences  so  adjusted  as  to  render  them 
nearly  equipollent." 

It  was  during  the  year  1828  that  Mr.  Mason  purchased  the 
place  known  as  Selma,  and  established  for  himself  and  his 
family  the  home  where  they  lived  until  after  the  beginning  of 
the  war  between  the  States,  when,  in  1862,  the  withdrawal  of 
the  Southern  troops  from  Winchester  made  it  necessary  that  his 
family  should  seek  safety  within  the  lines  of  the  Confederacy. 
This  place,  which  had  been  formerly  the  residence  of  Judge 
Dabney  Carr,  was  situated  about  a  mile  west  of  Winchester, 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


and  consisted  of  a  small  tract  of  land  sufficient  only  to  afford 
space  for  an  agreeable  residence.  The  house,  built  by  Judge 
Carr,  was  an  unpretending,  though  substantial  and  comfortable, 
stone  dwelling,  beautifully  located  upon  such  high  ground  that 
it  commanded  a  fine  view  of  the  surrounding  country,  and 
looked  down  upon  the  town,  which  made  a  very  pretty  picture, 
as  it  seemed  to  nestle  at  the  foot  of  the  Blue  Ridge  Mountains, 
shaded  and  sheltered  by  large  trees,  while  the  thickly  wooded 
mountains,  that  were  in  reality  some  fifteen  miles  distant, 
made  a  rich  and  effective  background,  and  greatly  enhanced 
the  beauty  and  the  interest  of  the  scene. 

Here  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Mason  made  a  very  happy  home,  not 
only  for  themselves  and  their  eight  children,  but,  following  in 
the  footsteps  of  their  parents  and  their  grandparents  on  both 
sides,  and  obeying  the  apostolic  injunction  to  "  use  hospitality 
without  grudging,"  they  failed  not  to  entertain  strangers, 
when,  by  so  doing,  they  were  able  to  extend  a  kindness,  and 
for  a  large  circle  of  friends  and  relatives,  they  always  kept  an 
open  house  and  a  cordial  welcome.  A  few  extracts  from  some 
of  Mrs.  Mason's  letters  afford  a  glimpse  of  the  home-life,  and 
make  the  domestic  scene  appear  very  attractive.  They  also 
give  evidence  that  Mr.  Mason's  frequent  and  long  absences  did 
not  diminish  his  interest  in  all  domestic  matters,  and  they  show 
that  he  thoroughly  enjoyed  his  home  and  his  children,  and 
delighted  in  adding  to  the  beauty  and  comfort  of  their  resi 
dence. 

In  a  letter  to  her  mother,  Mrs.  Mason  says  :  "  Indeed,  I 
have  felt  so  delightfully  free  from  care  and  trouble  that  I  have 
seated  myself  at  my  desk  with  every  disposition  to  impart  to 
you,  my  dearly  loved  mother,  all  the  satisfaction  and  all  the 
happiness  which  I  am  myself  experiencing.  As  I  have  already 
minutely  described  our  new  residence,  you  may  have  formed  a 
correct  idea  of  our  rural  felicity.  In  former  times  (even  at 
the  romantic  age),  I  never  thought  that  I  had  any  taste  for  rustic 
pleasures,  but  I  find  that  I  am  excessively  amused  by  and  in 
terested  in,  all  our  plans  and  pursuits  for  the  improvement  of 
our  establishment  ;  in  short,  that  I  am  peculiarly  fitted  for  rural 
izing.  Our  house  and  grounds  are  very  much  in  want  of  atten 
tion  and  of  putting  to  rights;  as  we  are  obliged  to  proceed  as 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


economically  as  possible,  our  progress  must  be  very  gradual; 
yet  the  operation  supplies  a  constant  source  of  pleasure,  and  I 
really  believe  will  materially  conduce  to  our  health  and  happi 
ness;  my  husband  (bless  him)  is  already  more  robust  and 
hearty  than  he  has  been  for  a  long  time;  my  children  are  as 
blessedly  well  and  as  merry  as  my  heart  can  desire." 

In  November,  1829,  she  writes  to  her  sister:  "To-mor 
row,  my  husband  will  commence  his  journey  to  Richmond,  and 
I  am  already  shrinking  from  the  prospect  of  spending  three 
months  in  solitude.  How  strangely  inconsistent  is  the  human 
heart!  Now  it  is  impossible  for  any  wife  in  the  world  to 
delight  more  than  I  do  in  the  distinction  which  her  husband 
may  command,  and  no  woman  on  earth  ever  felt  more  ambition, 
or  more  ardently  desired  the  honour  and  glory  of  public  life; 
yet  with  all  a  woman's  weakness  at  this  moment  I  would  sac 
rifice  it  all  and  willingly  consent  to  live  and  die  in  obscurity 
could  I  only  retain  my  husband's  society  and  continue  to  enjoy 
all  his  domestic  virtues.  However,  it  is  now  too  late  to  repine ; 
I  must  rather  brace  my  mind  and  my  nerves,  that  I  may  firmly 
encounter  all  the  evils  of  our  separation,  and  enable  myself 
profitably  to  employ  the  leisure  and  the  retirement  of  the 
winter." 

Some  months  later  she  writes  of  having  been-  suffering 
from  some  temporary  indisposition,  and  says :  "  Last  week  I 
wrote  an  unusually  long  letter,  but  I  found  I  had  betrayed  such 
a  sombre  mood  I  e'en  determined  to  suppress  an  epistle  which 
could  only  excite  gloomy  feelings ;  however,  I  flatter  myself  that 
after  to-morrow  I  shall  require  much  less  of  your  sympathy 
than  I  have  demanded  during  this  long  and  dreary  winter.  On 
Friday  my  husband  will  return  to  me  and  I  have  no  doubt  that 
both  mentally  and  physically  I  shall  be  benefitted  by  his  society. 
I  wish  I  could  describe  to  you  the  eagerness  with  which  my 
children  are  expecting  their  father." 

While  in  Richmond,  during  the  winter  of  1829  and  '30,  as 
a  member  of  the  Legislature,  Mr.  Mason  was  chosen  to  fill  the 
vacancy  in  the  Convention  caused  by  the  resignation  of  Mr. 
Hierome  L.  Opie,  of  Jefferson  County,  then  in  Virginia. 

Family  tradition  and  old  letters  say  that  this  winter  of 
1829  and  '30  was  the  first  one  spent  by  Mrs.  Mason  at  home 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MA80N. 


in  Virginia  without  her  husband.  In  preceding  years  she  had 
passed  the  months  of  his  absence  at  her  father's  home  in  Phila 
delphia,  or  at  that  of  Mr.  Mason's  father  in  Georgetown.  But 
now  her  family  of  three  children,  with  their  nurse,  made  too 
large  a  party  to  be  easily  carried  on  so  long  a  journey,  as  that 
from  Winchester  to  Philadelphia  was  then  considered.  The 
difficulties  attending  such  an  undertaking  in  those  days,  will  be 
shown  by  a  letter  from  Mr.  Mason  to  his  sister-in-law,  Miss 
Chew,  of  Philadelphia,  written  in  anticipation  of  a  visit  from  her 
and  her  mother  to  Winchester,  and  dated  March,  1830: 

"  My  Dear  Sister: — I  regret  much  to  find  by  your  letter 
to  Eliza  that  you  could  not  afford  me  the  pleasure  of 
attending  you  from  Georgetown  to  our  'tra  montane  retreat; 
yet  it  is  mitigated  in  the  hope  held  out  that  we  shall  before 
long  welcome  both  your  excellent  mother  and  yourself.  Eliza 
desires  me  to  advise  you  of  the  different  and  test  routes  hither 
from  Baltimore.  The  route  direct  from  Baltimore  is  shorter 
than  to  come  by  Georgetown  (tho'  don't  understand  me  as 
advising  it,  because  to  deprive  my  good  family  on  the  Island 
of  your  visit  en  passant,  would  be  unfair),  this  en  parenthese. 

"  If  from  Baltimore  direct,  you  would  come  through  Fred- 
ericktown  and  Hagerstown  to  Sharpsburg  on  the  Potomac 
River,  a  good  turnpike  all  the  way,  and  distance  about  seventy- 
five  miles.  From  Sharpsburg  through  Shepherdstown  (Virginia), 
to  Winchester,  say  thirty  miles.  The  road  none  of  the  best, 
but  still  by  no  means  one  of  the  worst — to  be  accomplished  in 
a  day's  drive,  by  keeping  good  horses,  and  using  diligence. 
The  best  stopping  places  on  this  route,  or  the  most  conven 
ient  stages,  I  can  not  indicate,  having  but  an  imperfect  knowl 
edge  of  the  road.  If  you  come  to  Georgetown,  of  the  route 
thence,  I  may  say,  as  McGregor  in  Scotland,  '  My  foot  is  on 
my  native  heath.'  I  can  mark  it  by  the  inch;  you  leave  the 
Island  at  as  early  an  hour  as  possible  in  the  morning;  thence, 
by  the  turnpike  which  leads  from  the  Potomac  Bridge  (the 
Islanders  will  explain  this  to  you),  to  Fairfax  Court  House 
(Shacklett's  tavern)  to  dinner;  say  15  miles.  Thence  to  Aldie 
(Shacklett's  tavern  again),  say  20  miles,  where  you  will  stay  all 
night;  thence  another  and  earlier  start,  17  miles,  to  Paris  (Set- 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


tie's   tavern),   to   dinner;   thence   across   the    Blue    Ridge   and 
Shenandoah  River,  say   20  miles,  to  Winchester." 

In  the  following  October,  another  letter  speaks  again  of 
the  home-life  at  Selma.  It  says :  "  I  daresay  if  you  were  with 
me  this  morning  you  would  think  me  the  happiest  of  my  sex, 
for  this  delightful  weather  has  renovated  mind  and  body,  and 
all  around  me  appears  as  bright  and  smiling  as  possible.  The 
children  are  racing  and  chasing  over  the  hill  as  merry  as  my 
heart  could  desire,  and  all  of  them  are  as  well  as  they  are  merry, 
and  their  father  is  enjoying  a  quiet  day  of  rest  as  much  as  either 
of  the  bairns.  He  has  been  continually  at  court  for  the  last 
two  weeks,  and  really  looks  jaded,  though,  as  usual,  he  is  in 
good  spirits  and  says  he  feels  perfectly  well/* 

Unwilling  to  encounter  another  long  absence  from  his 
family,  and  another  interruption  in  the  practice  of  his  profes 
sion,  Mr.  Mason  was  reluctant  to  go  again  to  the  Legislature, 
but  elected  by  his  constituents  and  urged  by  his  friends,  he 
returned,  in  1830,  to  the  House  of  Delegates,  to  aid  in  organ 
izing  and  putting  into  operation  the  new  Constitution,  which 
he  had,  as  a  member  of  the  Convention,  helped  to  frame. 

During  this  winter  of  1830,  an  incident  occurred  at  Selma, 
that  shows  the  warmth  and  strength  of  attachment  felt  for  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Mason  in  the  community  into  which  they  had  gone 
as  strangers  only  a  few  years  before.  It  also  affords  oppor 
tunity  to  record  one  of  the  many  instances  of  disinterested 
friendship  that  seemed  to  be  mere  matters  of  course  with  that 
noble  man,  Dr.  Robert  Baldwin,  of  Winchester,  the  tried  and 
trusted  friend,  as  well  as  the  family  physician,  at  Selma.  A 
negro  woman,  hired  by  Mrs.  Mason  for  a  day's  work,  became 
ill  while  in  her  house.  Dr.  Baldwin  was  summoned ;  he  at  once 
recognized  the  symptoms  as  smallpox;  there  was  no  hospital 
to  which  she  could  be  sent,  and  he  and  Mrs.  Mason  decided  it 
was  right  and  proper  she  should  not  be  moved  away,  but  that 
she  should  remain  at  Selma,  and  her  mother  should  be  brought 
to  nurse  her.  The  danger  of  contagion  had  already  been  in 
creased  by  the  fact  the  woman  had  been  that  morning  with  the 
children  in  the  nursery,  and  had  held  the  baby  in  her  arms  for 
some  time. 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


True  friend  as  he  was,  Dr.  Baldwin  took  entire  charge  of 
the  household,  made  suitable  provision  for  the  other  servants, 
as  well  as  for  the  sick  woman,  and  took  Mrs.  Mason,  with  her 
children  and  their  nurse,  to  his  own  house,  nothwithstanding 
her  earnest  protest  against  the  risk  he  was  incurring  of  danger 
to  himself  and  his  wife  (he  had  no  children)  ;  his  only  reply 
was:  "  In  Mason's  absence  his  family  must  be  taken  care  of 
by  his  friends."  Mr.  Mason  was,  of  course,  summoned  from 
Richmond,  but  Dr.  Baldwin  would  not  agree  to  their  leaving 
his  house  until  all  fear  of  smallpox  had  passed  away. 

In  the  Spring  of  1831,  Mr.  Mason  was  a  candidate  for  the 
House  of  Representatives  from  the  district  of  Frederick,  Shen- 
andoah  and  Page  counties,  but  he  lost  the  election  by  a  small 
vote.  In  writing  to  her  sister  of  this  defeat,  Mrs.  Mason  says  : 
"  I  have  now  only  time  to  tell  you  that,  notwithstanding  the 
support  which  we  received  in  Frederick,  the  County  of  Shen- 
andoah  has  effectually  turned  the  scale,  and  changed  my  hus 
band's  majority  from  603  to  15,  and  as  Page  County  will,  on 
Monday,  22d,  vote  almost  unanimously  for  Allen,  Mr.  Mason 
will  have  the  pleasure  of  enjoying  the  delights  of  home  for  the 
next  two  years  at  least  ;  however,  in  this  instance  defeat  is  unat 
tended  by  mortification;  indeed,  we  scarcely  feel  any  disappoint 
ment.  James  has  received  such  a  vote  as  will  at  once  prove 
his  high  standing;  such  is  the  fate  of  war,  of  political  warfare, 
at  any  rate.  I  have  been  very  sanguine  of  success,  and,  of 
course,  very  anxious  that  he  should  succeed,  yet  now  I  am  per 
fectly  satisfied,  and  I  think  he  is  himself  almost  as  well  con 
tented  as  he  would  have  been  if  he  had  gained  the  day.  He  has 
this  morning  gone  to  Romney,  and  hereafter  he  will  extend  his 
practice  to  the  Hardy  and  Jefferson  County  Courts,  which, 
though  it  will  add  to  his  numerous  absences  from  home,  will, 
I  trust,  add  materially  to  his  means  of  making  home  agreeable 
and  elegant,  I  will  not  say  comfortable,  for  we  have  already 
enough  for  the  comforts  of  life,  if  that  sufficiency  could  only  be 
managed  with  judgment  and  economy;  yes,  indeed;  we  have 
more,  much  more,  than  we  deserve,  and  let  me  gratefully  ac 
knowledge  that  I  have  learnt  to  appreciate  and  to  enjoy  all  my 
blessings."  In  the  same  letter  she  tells  her  sister  :  "  I  have  not 
paid  for  one  stitch  of  work  this  season,  excepting  my  black 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


dress.  I  have  done,  with  my  own  fingers,  every  particle  of  sew 
ing  which  has  been  requisite  for  my  husband,  my  children,  or 
myself." 

His  defeat  in  the  election  of  1831  for  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  did  not,  at  all,  affect  his  keen  interest  in  all  the  politi 
cal  questions  of  the  day,  which  were  just  then  of  an  exciting 
character,  and  were,  to  an  unusual  degree,  engrossing  public 
attention.  The  same  principles  involving  the  powers  and  limi 
tations  of  the  Federal  Government  continued  to  be  the  subject 
of  constantly  increasing  agitation  in  both  houses  of  Congress. 
The  Tariff  Bill  of  the  session  of  1831  and  '32  increased,  rather 
than  diminished,  the  opposition  to  the  Protective  Policy,  for 
though  it  reduced  the  duties  on  many  imported  articles,  yet  it 
was  based  on  the  principle  of  Federal  protection  to  local  inter 
ests  in  several  States  to  the  injury  of  the  general  interests  of 
the  country,  as  was  maintained  by  its  opponents,  and  led,  as  is 
well  known,  to  the  "  Nullification  Ordinance  "  of  South  Caro 
lina.  An  extract  from  one  of  the  Winchester  newspapers, 
dated  January  2d,  1833,  shows  Mr.  Mason's  active  participancy 
in  the  opposition  to  this  policy,  and  gives  a  clear  expression  of 
his  opinion  regarding  the  points  at  issue.  It  says :  "  At  a 
large  and  highly  respectable  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Win 
chester,  without  distinction  of  party,  held  on  Monday,  Decem 
ber  3  ist,  1832,  to  take  into  consideration  the  propriety  of 
adopting  resolutions  approbatory  of  the  course  of  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  in  his  recent  proclamation  relative  to 
the  proceedings  in  South  Carolina,  a  committee  was  appointed  to 
prepare  and  report  a  preamble  and  resolutions,  etc.,  etc."  The 
paper  shows  that  *  Colonel  J.  M.  Mason  was  one  of  this  com 
mittee,  and  that  he  was  one  of  the  three  out  of  the  com 
mittee  of  seven  who  brought  in  a  "  minority  report,"  in  which 
was  more  clearly  expressed,  than  in  the  report  of  the  majority, 
the  principle  of  State  Sovereignty  and  the  Right  of  Secession, 
at  the  same  time  saying :  "  We  venerate  the  Union  of  the 
States  as  the  palladium  of  our  liberty,  the  source  of  our  dignity 
and  influence  abroad,  and  of  our  tranquility  and  prosperity  at 
home."  It  also  states  that  Colonel  J.  M.  Mason  offered,  as  a 

*Mr.  Mason  was,  at  this  time,  Colonel  of  a  Regiment  of  Militia,  and 
thus  acquired  the  title  by  which  he  was  always  known  in  Winchester. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


substitute  for  one  of  the  resolutions  of  the  minority  report,  the 
following :  "  Resolved,  That  we  hail  with  peculiar  satisfaction 
the  disposition  evinced  by  Congress  to  reduce  the  duties  upon 
imports  to  the  standard  of  revenue  alone.  Viewing  our  taxes 
as  nothing  more  than  the  contribution  paid  by  the  citizen  for 
the  support  of  the  government,  which  protects  him  in  the 
enjoyment  of  civil  liberty,  we  regard  the  present  tariff,  avowedly 
imposed  for  other  purposes,  as  a  departure  from  the  meaning 
of  the  Constitution  and  repugnant  to  the  character  of  our  insti 
tutions." 

The  interval  between  his  last  term,  1830  and  '31,  in  the 
Legislature  of  the  State  and  his  election  to  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  in  1837,  was  not  marked  by  any  event  of  special 
interest  of  which  there  is  any  record.  It  seems  to  have  been 
spent  in  diligent  attention  to  his  profession,  and  in  enjoyment 
of  the  domestic  life  for  which  he  was  peculiarly  well  fitted,  and 
of  which  he  was  ever  the  center  of  attraction. 

A  short  extract  from  one  of  his  letters,  although  written 
several  years  later,  when  he  was  in  Washington,  is  appropriate 
here  as  expressing  his  feeling.  It  was  addressed  to  his  sister- 
in-law,  Miss  Chew,  and  in  it  he  says :  "  I  have  sent  by  mail,  to 
day,  your  letter  to  E.,  and  on  Friday,  God  willing,  I  shall  send 
myself  after  it.  I  long  to  get  back  again  to  my  own  dear  home, 
the  only  spot  on  earth  where,  when  one  enters,  he  knows  that 
suspicion,  distrust,  and  jealousy  do  not  attend  him." 

All  who  are  familiar  with  the  home  at  Selma  agree  in  the 
testimony,  that  it  was  in  the  daily  intercourse  with  his  wife, 
children,  servants,  and  neighbors  that  he  appeared  to  the  great 
est  advantage.  His  uniformly  cheerful,  buoyant  temperament 
and  his  fondness  for  social  life,  combined  with  his  interest  in 
the  pursuits  and  pleasures  of  his  children  and  their  young  com 
panions,  made  his  presence  essential  to  the  full  enjoyment  of  any 
amusement,  and  his  approbation  was  considered  full  compen 
sation  for  any  exertion  or  self-denial  asked  of  them. 

The  writer  recalls  with  great  vividness  how  eagerly  the 
children  looked  forward  to  "  Father's  "  coming  home  from  his 
office  in  the  afternoon ;  how  his  bright,  joyous  voice  and  hearty 
laugh  was  heard  as  soon  as  he  entered  the  house,  and  how  it 
was  thought  great  fun  to  go  with  him  for  a  walk  or  a  drive : 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


or  how,  when  he  took  his  exercise,  as  he  was  fond  of  doing,  in 
working  in  the  garden  or  in  cutting  wood  for  the  fires  (in  those 
days,  it  will  be  remembered,  open  wood  fires  were  invariably 
used  in  Virginia),  how  he  was  accompanied  by  all  the  children, 
who  were  fully  persuaded  they  were  giving  valuable  assistance  ; 
how,  when  it  became  too  late  to  be  out  of  doors,  they  would 
crowd  around  him  in  the  house  to  hear  a  story,  while  the 
youngest  of  the  party  was  held  in  his  arms;  or  how  he  would 
call  his  eldest  daughter  "  To  make  music  on  the  piano,  so  they 
could  have  a  dance."  Such  merry-makings  in  their  early  child 
hood  are  always  associated  with  their  father's  presence.  Yet, 
while  thus  accustomed  to  companionship  and  familiar  intercourse 
with  him,  his  children  were  trained  from  earliest  infancy  to  an 
obedience  and  respect  which  seemed  to  be  instinctive  or  which 
was,  perhaps,  inspired  by  his  way  of  looking  fully  into  their 
eyes  and  speaking  positively  but  without  harshness  and  without 
ever  raising  his  voice  to  a  loud  tone. 

The  writer  does  not  recall  an  instance  of  having  seen  him 
lose  his  patience  with  one  of  the  children,  or  his  having  resorted 
to  any  kind  of  punishment.  It  never  seemed  necessary,  for  no 
one  thought  of  disputing  his  authority,  and  he  never  seemed  to 
arouse  any  spirit  of  resistance  or  opposition.  This  can  prob 
ably  be  explained,  partly  by  the  constant  training  of  their 
mother,  who  taught  them  to  think  that  everything  must  be 
made  comfortable  and  pleasant  when  "  Father  "  was  at  home, 
because  he  was  so  often  absent,  and,  doubtless,  partly  by  the 
fact  that  he  was  himself  blessed  with  an  unusually  amiable, 
happy  temper,  and  that  his  habitual  self-control  was  remarkable 
throughout  his  life.  Added  to  this  was  his  conviction  that  the 
common  practice  of  whipping  children  and  of  controlling  them 
by  fear  was  injurious  and  directly  opposed  to  the  development 
of  the  best  and  highest  character. 

He  maintained,  on  the  contrary,  that  the  best  results  could 
be  obtained  by  avoiding,  so  far  as  possible,  the  necessity  for 
asserting  or  enforcing  authority,  by  never  making  unnecessary 
points;  by  diverting  the  attention  of  a  child,  or,  to  quote  his 
own  words,  by  "  changing  the  current  of  his  thoughts,"  or  by 
appealing  to  his  better  nature,  comparatively  few  difficulties 
would,  he  said,  then  arise,  and  if  the  parent  was  always  gentle, 


LIFE    OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


and  at  the  same  time  firm,  a  child  could  be  trained  to  self- 
control  and  a  self-respect  which  would  elevate  and  strengthen 
the  character  far  more  than  could  be  expected  when  the  obe 
dience  and  good  behavior  during  childhood  had  been  secured 
by  the  fear  of  punishment.  However  theoretical  and  imprac 
ticable  this  doctrine  may  be  considered  by  those  who  hold  dif 
ferent  views,  it  was  nevertheless  the  opinion  held  and  consist 
ently  put  in  practice  by  both  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Mason.  It  is  intro 
duced  here  as  illustrative  of  the  character  and  temperament  of 
the  man. 

In  June,  1833,  he  was  appointed,  by  the  Governor  of  the 
State,  one  of  the  "  Visitors  of  the  University  of  Virginia  "  to 
fill  the  vacancy  occasioned  by  the  death  of  Mr.  James  Brecken- 
ridge.  The  interest  and  pride  that  he  had  before  felt  in  this  in 
stitution  was  naturally  increased  by  the  responsibility  then 
devolved  upon  him,  and  he  made  it  a  special  point  to  be  present 
at  all  the  meetings  of  the  Board.  The  term  for  which  "  Visi 
tors  "  were  appointed  was  four  years ;  he  continued  to  hold  the 
position  for  eighteen  years,  his  successor  being  appointed  in 
1851,  after  Mr.  Mason's  duties  in  the  Senate  made  it  impossible 
for  him  longer  to  attend  these  meetings.  His  interest  in  the 
institution  continued,  and  was  frequently  expressed,  during  the 
last  years  of  his  life. 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  all  of  Mr.  Mason's  letters  to 
his  wife  and  children  were  burned  (to  avoid  risk  of  their  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy),  at  the  time  of  the  evacuation  of 
Richmond  by  the  Confederate  Army;  they  would  have  fur 
nished  a  valuable  synopsis  of  all  matters  of  either  private  or 
public  interest  connected  with  his  career  during  the  period 
from  1820,  when  he  first  went  to  Winchester,  to  the  time  of  his 
departure  for  England  in  1861.  It  was  his  habit,  when  absent 
from  home  to  send  his  wife  by  every  mail  a  running  comment 
ary  upon  the  people  with  whom  he  was  associated,  and  upon  all 
things  that  occupied  his  attention;  while  his  constant  reference 
to  the  smallest  details  of  domestic  interest  proved  that  his  home 
and  his  family  were  always  borne  in  mind.  He  kept  up  also  a 
separate  correspondence  with  every  one  of  his  children,  begin 
ning  with  each  in  turn  as  soon  as  the  child  could  understand  a 
letter,  often  before  it  could  write  a  reply;  and  they  were  all  en- 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


couraged  to  write  to  him  freely  of  their  childish  amusements,  their 
friends  and  their  pets.  He  constantly  said  to  them,  "  Remem 
ber  that  whatever  interests  you  is  of  interest  to  me." 

Not  only  were  their  school  reports  sent  to  him,  but  many 
of  their  compositions  and  exercises  were  sent  to  him  for  cor 
rection  or  approval,  and  this  was  continued  while  he  was  in  the 
Senate,  until  the  youngest  child  had  outgrown  the  necessity  for 
such  supervision. 

These  letters  would  also  have  given  clearer  and  truer  ideas 
than  are  now  generally  entertained  of  the  customs  and  the  mode 
of  living  in  Virginia  prior  to  1861,  and  of  the  tone  of  thought 
and  feeling  in  the  days  when  the  master  and  mistress  recognised 
a  responsibility  in  the  care  and  training  of  their  servants,  second 
only  to  that  devolving  upon  them  as  parents,  and  when  the 
negroes  were  so  entirely  identified  with  the  interests  of  their 
owners  as  to  consider  their  own  personal  dignity  and  impor 
tance  greatly  enhanced  by  any  distinction  or  honor  achieved  by 
their  masters. 

There  were  many  evidences  of  this  feeling  among  the  ser 
vants  at  Selma,  and  it  extended  to  their  friends  among  the  other 
negroes  in  Winchester.  Among  many  instances  illustrative  of 
this,  one  that  should  be  recorded  was  the  custom  long  continued 
by  the  negro  band  of  Winchester  of  "  giving  Marster  a  sere 
nade,"  the  night  following  his  return  after  a  long  absence  from 
home. 

Several  of  the  members  of  the  band  belonged  to  gentlemen 
living  in  Winchester ;  others  were  free  negroes  of  the  neighbor 
hood.  The  serenades  were  generally  arranged  by  one  of  the 
Selma  servants  and  were  intended  as  a  sort  of  welcome  and  as 
a  mark  of  respect.  On  such  occasions,  Mr.  Mason  always 
thanked  them  for  the  kind  feeling  evinced,  and  a  moderate  drink 
of  whiskey  and  water  was  given  to  all  of  the  party.  Doubtless  the 
expectation  of  such  refreshment  added  not  a  little  to  the  interest 
of  the  occasion,  and  made  the  band  willing  and  anxious  to 
celebrate  his  home-coming.  Still  the  story  serves  to  show 
something  of  his  intercourse  with  the  negroes. 

Although  always  firm  in  maintaining  the  constitutional 
rights  of  slave-holders,  he  had  little  personal  interest  at  stake, 
as  he  never  owned  more  than  a  small  number  of  slaves,  not 


40_ 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


enough  to  supply  the  domestic  service  required  in  his  family. 
There  were,  however,  always  one  or  two  at  Selma,  as  in  all  other 
Southern  households,  who  had  passed  the  age  of  active  service, 
and  were  no  longer  expected  to  discharge  any  regular  duties, 
and  also  a  number  of  children,  too  young  to  be  of  any  use,  but 
for  whom  the  same  provision  of  food,  clothing  and  shelter  was 
necessary  as  for  those  doing  full  duty.  Therefore,  if  the  ques 
tion  had  been  considered  as  one  of  personal  aggrandizement,  it 
is  probable  that  his  own  fortune  would  have  been  increased 
rather  than  diminished  if  he  could  have  liberated  all  of  his  ser 
vants,  and  by  so  doing,  have  emancipated  himself  from  all  obli 
gation  or  responsibility  for  the  care  of  the  helpless  and  the 
dependent. 

A  manuscript  in  Mr.  Mason's  writing,  found  among  his 
papers,  says :  "  I  have  often  had  it  in  contemplation  to  keep  a 
diary,  in  which  events,  as  they  transpired,  should  be  recorded, 
in  the  belief  that  it  would  be  interesting,  at  least,  and  possibly 
instructive  to  those  who  come  after  me."  Unfortunately,  the 
purpose  here  expressed  was  not  carried  into  execution,  and  the 
entries  are  few  and  at  long  intervals.  Of  this  particular  period 
he  says:  "In  April,  1831,  I  was  a  candidate  for  Congress  to 
represent  the  district  of  Frederick,  Shenandoah,  and  Page 
Counties,  against  Robert  Allen,  of  Shenandoah,  the  incumbent, 
and  lost  the  election  by  a  small  vote. 

"  Continued  in  the  successful  practice  of  my  profession  until 
1837.  In  the  fall  preceding,  was  nominated  for  the  House  of 
Representatives  in  Congress  by  a  convention,  for  the  district 
then  composed  of  Frederick,  Hampshire,  Morgan,  Berkeley, 
Jefferson,  and  Clarke  Counties,  and  elected  by  a  large  vote  in 
April,  1837. 

"  In  May,  1837,  all  the  banks  in  the  United  States  sus 
pended  specie  payments,  in  consequence  of  which  Mr.  Van 
Buren,  the  President,  summoned  Congress  to  meet  in  Septem 
ber.  At  that  special  session,  I  separated,  with  others,  from  the 
administration  on  the  measure  of  requiring  specie  to  be  paid  in 
the  existing  state  of  the  country,  for  all  government  dues ;  for  my 
reasons  I  refer  to  my  speeches  of  that  and  the  ensuing  sessions 
of  that  Congress.  This  measure  was  defeated  at  the  special 
session,  and  again  pressed  at  the  subsequent  sessions.  I  con- 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON.  *T 


tinued  in  firm  opposition.  At  the  close  of  this  Congress,  the 
Democratic  Convention  for  the  district  treating  me  as  heretic, 
refused  to  renominate  me,  and  did  nominate  William  Lucas,  of 
Jefferson,  who  was  elected,  I  voting  for  him. 

"  After  this,  I  resumed  my  practice  with  great  diligence  and 
success.  My  practice  became  very  large,  frequently  embracing 
ten  or  twelve  Superior  Courts.  Each  spring  and  fall,  I  per 
emptorily  declined  all  future  overtures  to  return  to  the  House 
of  Delegates." 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  Mr.  Mason's  fondness 
for  domestic  life ;  he  had  not  only  no  taste  for  hotel  or  club-life, 
but  he  always  declared  it  to  be  intolerable. 

A  short  time,  therefore,  after  going  to  Washington,  he 
adopted  a  plan  to  which  he  adhered  during  the  two  winters  that 
he  was  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  which  he  resumed 
when  he  returned  to  Washington  after  his  election  to  the 
Senate,  the  plan  of  forming  what  he  called  "  a  mess,"  and, 
combining  with  two  or  three  other  gentlemen,  taking  a  house 
and  living  together  as  one  family. 

The  first  "  mess  "  thus  formed  included  several  ladies,  for 
one  of  his  letters  refers  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Calhoun,  and  Colonel 
and  Mrs.  Pickens,  of  South  Carolina;  Mr.  Mallory  and  Mr. 
R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  of  Essex  County,  Virginia.  The  daily  inter 
course  thus  established  led  to  warm  and  lasting  friendship  with 
every  one  of  those  enumerated,  including  Mr.  Calhoun,  for 
whom  Mr.  Mason  always  felt  great  admiration,  as  well  as  warm 
personal  regard,  notwithstanding  the  criticism  contained  in  one 
of  the  letters  to  be  presently  quoted.  In  connection  with  this 
criticism  it  is  to  be  noted  that  Mr.  Calhoun  advocated  the  sub- 
treasury  system  which  Mr.  Mason  was  strenuously  opposing. 
On  most  other  questions  they  fully  agreed,  particularly  on  those 
affecting  the  rights  of  the  States. 

With  Mr.  Hunter  there  was  specially  congenial  intercourse, 
although  there  was  marked  contrast  between  them  as  regards 
their  temperaments  and  their  personal  tastes.  Mr.  Mason,  as  it 
has  before  Been  said,  had  an  unusually  cheerful,  buoyant,  hope 
ful  disposition,  and  was  fond  of  society,  particularly  of  that  of 
young  people,  and  he  mingled  freely  among  the  people  around 
him,  wherever  he  might  be.  He  often  said  nothing  interested 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


him  more  than  the  study  of  human  nature,  and  that  he  thought, 
with  Pope,  "  The  proper  study  of  mankind  is  man." 

Mr.  Hunter  was  far  more  inclined  to  the  quiet,  secluded 
life  of  a  student,  had  little  disposition  to  mingle  with  the  gay 
world  of  Washington,  and  was  of  a  less  sanguine  nature,  being 
more  apt  to  dwell  on  the  dark  side  of  life.  He  had,  however,  a 
mind  of  the  highest  order,  and  was  a  man  of  pure,  exalted  char 
acter.  He  and  Mr.  Mason  belonged  to  the  same  school  of 
political  thought;  they  seldom  differed  on  any  measure  of  im 
portance,  as  was  shown  by  the  frequency  with  which  they  were 
found  voting  together,  and  they  felt  entire  confidence  in  and 
respect  for  each  other.  They  were  associated  together  thus  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and  again,  after  an  interval  of 
eight  years,  in  the  Senate,  when  they  renewed  the  intimacy  that 
continued  without  interruption  until  the  end  of  Mr.  Mason's 
life.  Every  winter  from  1847  to  1861,  they  lived  together. 
Sometimes  the  "  mess  "  was  larger,  and  included  several  other 
friends,  the  members  of  it  changing  from  year  to  year,  but 
these  two  remained  together. 

There  were  many  considerations,  in  addition  to  those  con 
nected  with  the  expense  involved,  that  influenced  both  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Mason  in  their  decision  not  to  bring  their  children  to 
Washington,  but  to  keep  them,  while  young,  in  the  quiet  retire 
ment  and  the  pure  country  air  of  their  home  at  Selma. 

The  winter  of  1837  and  1838  was  spent  by  Mrs.  Mason, 
partly  in  Philadelphia  at  her  father's  house,  and  partly  at  the 
home  of  her  husband's  father,  General  John  Mason,  at  Cler- 
mont,  in  Fairfax  County,  Virginia.  The  winter  of  1838  and 
1839  seems  to  have  been  spent  at  Selma.  This  being  a  short 
session  of  Congress,  Mr.  Mason's  absence  was  only  from  the 
first  Monday  in  December  until  the  4th  of  March  following. 

The  only  letters  written  by  either  Mr.  or  Mrs.  Mason  dur 
ing  this  period  that  have  been  preserved,  are  those  addressed  to 
her  sister,  Miss  Chew,  several  of  which  are  now  given,  as  they 
furnish  a  truer  idea  of  the  man  and  afford  a  better  glimpse  of 
the  society  in  which  he  was  mingling,  than  could  be  afforded  by 
any  description  written  by  another  after  the  lapse  of  so  many 
years.  The  absence  of  any  letters  to  his  own  family,  whether 
to  his  parents,  his  brothers  or  sisters,  or  to  his  wife  and  children, 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON.  *~ 

is  explained  by  the  fact,  that  at  the  close  of  the  war  between  the 
States,  there  was  not  one  home  remaining  of  all  those  formerly 
belonging  to  the  different  members  of  his  family,  although  they 
were  scattered  in  many  places.  Two  brothers  and  a  sister  had 
separate  and  comfortable  homes  on  their  respective  estates  in 
Fairfax  County,  Virginia;  one  brother  had  his  home  in  Missis 
sippi;  another,  in  Louisiana;  a  son,  in  Galveston,  Texas;  one 
son-in-law,  in  Maryland;  and  another,  in  Fauquier  County, 
Virginia.  Yet  all  were  destroyed  and  the  contents  scattered  and 
lost  in  the  general  desolation  made  by  the  invading  armies.  Mr. 
Mason's  home  at  Selma  was  not  an  exception.  Thus  in  this 
general  destruction,  all  letters  written  by  either  Mr.  or  Mrs. 
Mason  to  the  different  members  of  the  family  were  lost. 

This  is,  however,  anticipating  the  record  of  events  that 
occurred  in  later  years,  and  that  must  be  noticed  in  their  proper 
places.  To  return  to  earlier  days,  and  to  the  aforesaid  letters 
to  Miss  Chew.  The  first  reads  thus : 

"  WASHINGTON,  May  24th,  1838. 

"  My  Dear  Sister:  As  I  know  that  Eliza  has  not  written  to 
you  within  a  few  days  past,  and  that  you  will  be  a  little  <  curious 
to  know  what  she  is  about,  I  '  take  my  pen '  to  indulge  you. 
Well,  I  wrote  you  that  I  had  accepted  Mr.  Secretary's  invita 
tion  for  her  to  dine.  She  came  up  accordingly  on  Monday,  or 
rather  my  good  mother  brought  her  up,  leaving  all  the  children 
at  Clermont ;  *  her  escort  went  back  the  same  evening,  leaving 
her  on  my  hands.  Tuesday  she  spent  all  the  morning  with 
Maria  and  Catharine,t  looking  about  for  finery,  and  in  due  time, 
that  is  to  say,  a  little  before  7  p.  m.,  we  went  to  the  dinner. 
There  we  found  all  the  diplomats  assembled,  with  the  elite  of 
Congress,  the  Ministers  from  England,  France,  Russia,  and 
Texas,  and  charges  from  the  smaller  powers  of  Spain,  Holland, 
Prussia,  etc.,  etc.  Entirely  a  court  circle — wasn't  that  grand? 
Mons'  De  Pontois  attended  Madam  Mason  to  table,  and  a 
clever  French  chat  they  had  of  it,  I  have  no  doubt.  What  do 


*Mrs.  Mason,  with  her  six  children,  had  spent  the  winter  with  her  own 
family  at "  Cliveden,"  and  they  were  now  with  Mr.  Mason's  parents  at  their 
country  home  at  Clermont,  in  Fairfax  County,  Virginia,  some  eight  or  ten 
miles  from  Washington. 

tHis  sister,  Mrs.  General  Cooper,  and  his  sister-in-law,  Mrs.  John  Mason. 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


you  think  was  my  only  admonition  to  E  -  when  we  got  into 
the  carriage  to  go  to  dinner? 

"  Now,  said  I,  I  have  but  one  piece  of  counsel  to  give  ;  let 
the  poor  man,  whoever  he  may  be,  with  whom  your  lot  is  cast  at 
dinner,  put  in  a  word  now  and  then.  But  as  it  turned  out,  there 
was  no  need  of  the  advice,  for  the  representative  of  Le  Grand 
Monarque  was  not  easily  defrauded  of  his  proper  share.  We 
got  back  about  n  o'clock.  By  the  way,  I  could  not  toll  my 
consort  to  Mrs.  Peyton's,  for  Catharine  took  charge  of  her, 
and  has  kept  her  ever  since,  I  plying  between  Washington  and 
Georgetown  with  the  regularity  of  an  ordinary  diligence. 

"  At  first  Eliza  was  very  sentimental  indeed  about  the 
children  left  at  Clermont,  and  last  night  insisted  that  she  must 
go  back  to-day  (by  the  way,  it  rained  all  day  yesterday  so  inces 
santly  that  she  could  not  get  abroad).  But  with  the  bright  sun 
this  morning,  together  with  letters  from  Anna  and  Ben,J  telling 
her  they  were  doing  well,  and  the  little  children  were  perfectly 
satisfied  and  not  crying,  her  confidence  seemed  to  revive,  and 
now  I  doubt  whether  I  will  get  her  off  before  the  end  of  the 
week. 

"  She  was  at  the  Capitol  all  this  morning,  and  left  there  at 
half  past  two,  with  Catharine,  to  go  to  visit  Mrs.  Madison,  Mrs. 
Poinsett,  etc.,  etc.  I  think  the  result  will  be  that  she  will  stay 
here  about  until  Saturday,  when  we  will  go  back  to  Clermont 
together. 

"  Now  is  not  the  old  lady  becoming  enterprising?  Think 
of  her  leaving  the  children  for  a  week,  to  amuse  herself  in  this 
dissipated  metropolis. 

"  I  am  happy  in  the  opportunity,  however,  of  telling  you, 
and  your  excellent  parents,  of  the  well-being  of  those  for  whom 
I  know  they  are  so  much  interested,  and  of  again  subscribing 
myself  always  most  Affectionately  yours, 

"  J.  M.  M." 

Again  he  writes  to  Miss  Chew  from  Washington  : 

"January  ist,   1839. 

1  My  Very  Dear  Sister:     I  have  to  thank  you  on  behalf  of 
myself  and  household,  for  your  kind  letter  addressed  to  me  at 
JThe  two  elder  children. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


Winchester,  and  again  for  myself  more  especially  for  your  last 
received  last  night,  enclosing  one  to  my  far  better  half.  I  think 
my  scolding  letter,  as  you  facetiously  term  it,  has  had  the  very 
happiest  effect,  as  it  has  produced  already  two,  in  return,  to  your 
humble  servant,  and  the  same  number  to  her  for  whom  I  am 
bound  to  provide.  You  should  be  forever  obliged  to  me  for 
striking  the  chord  that  has  vibrated  to  such  happy  results.  I 
am  sure  my  excellent  wife  will  applaud  the  act  in  all  time  to 
come. 

"  I  returned  from  Winchester  on  Sunday  last,  having  spent 
a  week  dans  le  sein  de  ma  famille.  Eliza  and  our  little  ones  were 
at  first  much  chagrined  at  the  abandonment  of  her  proposed 
journey.  But  she  was  soon  satisfied  that  the  intense  cold,  with 
the  tendency  of  the  children  to  croup  and  catarrhal  affections, 
would  have  rendered  it  impracticable  even  had  all  their  prepara 
tions  been  made.  As  evidence  at  the  threshold,  on  the  night  I 
reached  home,  we  were  more  than  five  hours  on  the  road  from 
Harper's  Ferry  to  Winchester,  a  distance  generally  run  in  two 
hours,  exposed  to  an  excessively  cold  night,  by  the  freezing  of 
the  water  in  the  tanks  attached  for  supply  to  the  locomotive. 
After  I  got  warm  enough  by  their  bright  Christmas  fire,  at 
home,  to  tell  that  story,  she  gave  up. 

"  I  am  glad  to  say  that  I  left  them  all  well  ;  the  children 
shaking  off  their  colds,  and  as  to  the  gude  wife,  the  best  evi 
dence  of  her  robust  condition  is,  that  an  evening  or  two  before 
I  left  home,  we  walked  through  a  snowstorm  after  dark  to  our 
neighbor  Tidball's,  and  back  after  it  had  fallen  some  inches 
deep.  Our  excellent  friend  and  neighbor,  Mrs.  Tidball,  is,  I 
regret  to  say,  in  very  declining  health  —  subject  to  frequent  and 
violent  attacks,  which  leave  little  hope  of  recovery  to  her  wonted 
health.  Her  loss  to  my  household  would  be  irreparable. 

"  And  now  for  the  news  of  this  gay  metropolis,  which,  like 
a  country  girl  as  you  have  become,  I  daresay  you  are  dying  to 
hear.  We  have  had  a  grand  levee  at  the  Palace,  where  all  the 
world,  and  I  in  the  midst,  went  to  enjoy  the  sunshine  of  the 
royal  smile.  I  had  the  honor  of  attending  Mrs.  Pickens,  the 
wife  of  one  of  my  cleverest  mess-mates,  and  a  very  good  sample 
of  the  choice  blood  of  South  Carolina. 


46, 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  The  President,  very  gracious,  and  trying  all  he  knew  to 
appear  the  gentleman,  rather  a  difficult  task,  by  the  way,  for  one 
who  has  not  caught  the  manner  in  the  natural  way — connate. 
Well  there  were  all  the  diplomats,  and  their  valets  striving  each 
with  the  other  to  excel  in  the  profusion  of  gold  lace,  and  gold 
bands — the  most  ridiculous  figures  were  two  strapping  negroes 
on  the  box  of  the  Russian's  coach,  with  coats,  etc.,  of  Russian 
cut  and  make,  manifestly,  bedizened  all  over  with  gold  cords 
and  tassels,  and  each  surmounted  by  an  immense  chapeau  and 
feather — I  take  it  for  granted  that  his  excellency  could  get  no 
white  man  to  play  the  ape  so  broadly,  and  it  suited  Sambo's 
taste  finely. 

"  Then  there  were  ladies  in  all  sorts  of  dresses  and  colours. 
Next  I  took  my  South  Carolina  friends  to  pay  our  devoirs  to 
Mrs.  Madison,  who  you  know  is  a  particular  pet  of  mine,  being 
only  some  four-score  years  of  this  world.  The  old  lady  had 
quite  as  large  an  attendance  as  the  President  himself,  and  bore 
herself  most  queenly,  receiving  her  guests  at  the  rate  of  some 
half  dozen  a  minute,  and  saying  something  kind  and  gracious  to 
each.  So  much  for  New  Year's  day  in  Washington. 

"  I  have  gotten  this  winter  pretty  well  out  of  the  world, 
having  taken  lodgings  far  off  on  Capitol  Hill,  remote  from  the 
court  end  of  the  city.  But  we  have  Mr.  Calhoun  in  our  mess, 
and  that  is  no  little  treat — wonderful  man  that  he  is — nature 
has  given  him  a  mind  of  the  very  highest  order,  and  it  is  cul 
tivated  and  improved  to  the  uttermost  extent  of  acquirement 
and  profound  study.  But  there  is  a  vein  of  hallucination  per 
vading,  which  unsettles  the  whole,  and  renders  him  worse  than 
useless  to  the  country  he  seems  born  to  have  controlled.  I  talk 
with  him  a  great  deal,  for  he  has  a  passion  for  arguing  every  one 
into  that  belief  which  happens  to  be  his  own  for  the  time  being. 
His  mind  is  like  a  crucible  where  the  most  perplexed  theories 
are  melted  down  at  once,  and  resolved  back  into  their  elements. 
It  is  in  the  combination  afterwards,  that  his  great  genius  leads 
him  astray. 

"  I  send  to  your  father,  by  this  mail,  the  first  print  of  Mr. 
Rives's  late  speech.  It  will  be  a  treat  to  you,  I  know,  to  read  it 
to  him.  But  it  '  ain't '  very  long,  and  there  are  some  bold 
passages  delivered  in  a  fine  manly  tone. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MA8ON. 


"  Please  tell  him  if  he  is  plagued  with  the  Intelligencer,  that 
I  send  it  to  him  every  day  by  Eliza's  orders.  And  now  I  will 
prose  no  longer,  for  I  daresay  you  are  tired  of  all  this  vapid 
gossip,  further  than  to  commend  my  best  respects  to  your 
Cliveden  circle,  and  to  assure  you,  my  dear  sister,  that  I  am 
always 

"  Faithfully  and  affectionately  yours, 

"J.  M.  MASON/1 

A  few  weeks  later,  while  still  in  Washington  he  writes  to 
Miss  Chew: 

"My  Dear  Sister:  The  best  evidence  one  can  give  that  a 
kindness  is  appreciated,  is  its  early  acknowledgment.  I  do  so 
now  in  recognizing  your  brief  page  of  the  day  before  yesterday, 
enclosing  one  to  my  excellent  wife.  I  have  sent  it  to  her,  and 
with  it  the  scrip  from  some  hired  letter-writer  that  was 
attached. 

"  You  '11  think  it  ungracious  to  speak  thus  of  one  who 
speaks  well  of  me.  But  I  have  no  tolerance  for  the  wretched 
venal  pack  who  haunt  the  purlieus  of  the  Capitol,  and  are  paid 
to  praise  or  condemn,  as  may  suit  the  vein  of  those  for  whom 
they  pander.  You  '11  be  amused  to  find  how  your  hit  at  me  for 
my  late  assault  upon  the  Whigs  is  echoed  in  the  enclosed  from 
my  wife.  It  is  a  good  long  one,  and  I  hope  will  compensate  you 
and  the  circle  at  Cliveden  for  its  persual. 

"  I  must  tell  you  of  a  very  nice  little  wedding  we  had  yester 
day  in  our  own  mess.  A  very  clever  girl  from  South  Carolina, 
who  sang  most  charmingly  for  us  every  night  —  the  sister  of 
Mrs.  Pickens  of  that  State  —  well,  her  lover  came  the  other  day 
from  South  Carolina  to  see  her,  and  after  staying  some  time 
protested  that  he  must  go  home,  and  yet  he  could  not  go  with 
out  her.  So  after  much  demur,  and  '  dear  me,'  and  '  it  will 
never  do,'  and  all  that,  why  we  sent  for  a  parson,  who  married 
them  at  2  o'clock,  dined  them  at  three,  and  packed  'em  off  in  the 
cars  at  4  o'clock  the  same  evening.  He  was  the  brother  of  Mrs. 
Calhoun,  and  we  had  none  except  the  mess  present,  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  C,  Colonel  and  Mrs.  Pickens,  with  my  colleagues,  Mallory 
and  Hunter,  and  myself.  And  that  's  the  way  they  marry  in 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


Washington.     Well,  there  is  all  my  gossip,  which  if  it  serves  to 
amuse  you,  will  have  attained  the  purpose  of 

"  Your  very  affectionate  brother, 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

Dropped  by  the  Democratic  party  because  of  his  opposi 
tion  to  the  system  of  finance  recommended  by  the  Democratic 
administration,  Mr.  Mason's  term  of  service  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  was  limited  to  one  Congress,  and  after  the 
4th  of  March,  1839,  he  returned  to  his  home  in  Virginia  and  to 
the  practice  of  his  profession. 

Several  years  then  rolled  by  without  making  any  marked 
change  in  his  mode  of  life,  or  in  the  pursuits  and  pleasures  that 
occupied  and  interested  him. 

No  personal  anxiety  or  sorrow  had  yet  entered  into  his 
experience,  and  the  world  continued  for  a  time  longer  to  be  very 
bright  and  full  of  attractions  for  him.  In  1844,  however,  the 
death  of  Mrs.  Mason's  father  brought  deep  grief  to  her  hus 
band  as  well  as  to  her,  not  only  from  sympathy  with  her,  but 
from  his  own  sense  of  personal  loss.  From  boyhood  his  asso 
ciation  had  been  closely  connected  with  Mr.  Chew,  and  during 
the  twenty-two  years  of  his  married  life,  he  had  held  a  position 
of  as  much  unreserved  intimacy  and  confidence  with  him  as 
could  have  been  accorded  to  a  son.  The  home  at  Cliveden  was 
now  broken  up,  and  the  duties  devolving  upon  him  as  one  of 
Mr.  Chew's  executors,  added  not  a  little  to  the  cares  and  re 
sponsibilities  that  were  steadily  increasing. 

Within  a  few  years  there  followed  a  still  greater  sorrow, 
when  his  eldest  son,  who  had,  until  then,  been  a  source  of  unin 
terrupted  joy  to  his  parents,  fell  ill  and  died  in  his  twenty-second 
year,  just  as  he  was  reaching  the  time,  so  long  and  fondly  antici 
pated,  when  the  father  and  son  would  be  associated  in  the 
practice  of  their  profession,  as  they  had  been  in  their  pleasures, 
pursuits  and  interests,  each  with  the  other. 

The  loss  of  his  son  was  a  very  heavy  blow,  and  it  made  a 
deep  mark  in  the  life  here  traced.  It  was  soon  followed  by 
another  almost  equally  heavy;  the  death  of  his  father  and  the 
consequent  breaking  up  of  his  paternal  home.  This  event  added 
still  more  to  the  cares  and  responsibilities  that  were  already 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


taxing  both  his  physical  and  mental  powers,  for  again  the  duties 
of  executor  devolved  chiefly  upon  him,  and  from  this  time  the 
thought  for  his  mother's  comfort  and  the  care  of  her  estate  was 
never  lost  sight  of.  He  had  been,  in  fact,  for  many  years,  his 
father's  chief  reliance  in  all  business  matters,  and  thus  he  was 
looked  to  and  relied  upon  by  his  mother,  brothers,  and  sisters 
as  the  one  in  authority,  although  one  of  his  brothers  had  been 
appointed  by  the  will  co-executor  of  the  estate. 

Exactly  the  same  state  of  affairs  had  existed  in  Philadel 
phia  with  regard  to  his  wife's  family  for  several  years  before 
her  father's  death,  and  he  had  become,  practically,  chiefly  re 
sponsible  for  the  management  of  Mr.  Chew's  estate. 

Add  to  these  cares  the  necessity  of  providing  for  his  large 
family  of  children  by  his  own  exertions  at  the  bar,  and  it  will 
be  evident  that  his  life  was  a  full  and  busy  one,  with  many 
anxieties  pressing  upon  him,  yet  he  was  never  known  to  be 
gloomy  or  depressed;  on  the  contrary,  his  presence  was  re 
garded  as  the  best  tonic  to  encourage  and  strengthen  the  dif 
ferent  members  of  the  family  circles  at  Clermont,  at  Cliveden, 
and  at  Selma.  One  of  his  daughters  said,  in  a  letter  written 
from  Selma  during  a  time  of  trouble,  "  We  are  looking  eagerly 
for  father's  return;  he  comes  to-morrow  and  he  always  brings 
sunshine  with  him."  She  only  expressed  the  general  feeling  of 
his  family  and  friends. 

Again  has  this  narrative  seemed  to  anticipate  events  by 
recording  these  family  afflictions  before  mention  has  been  made 
of  his  election  to  the  Senate,  although  this  really  came  almost 
a  year  before  the  death  of  young  Ben.  Chew  Mason.  It  has 
been  done  in  order  to  make  it  possible  to  follow,  for  a  time,  his 
political  career  without  interruption,  and  at  the  same  time,  to 
present  to  the  reader  the  man  as  he  was  in  all  the  relations  of 
life. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Elected  to  Senate — Chairman  of  Committee  on  Claims — Regent  of  Smith 
sonian  Institute — Excitement  Throughout  the  States  Caused  by  Efforts  to 
Exclude  Slavery  from  Oregon — Speech  on  Oregon  Bill — Speech  Oppos 
ing  Creation  of  Department  of  Interior — House  of  Representatives — 
Financial  Condition  of  the  Country — Separated  from  Administration — 
Dropped  by  Democratic  Party  in  Next  Election — Extract  from  Speech — 
Extract  from  President's  Message — Letter  to  a  Constituent. 

The  manuscript  found  among  his  papers,  which  has  been 
quoted  before,  gives  this  account  of  his  election  to  the  Senate: 
"  In  January,  1847,  being  in  Richmond  on  private  business,  the 
death  of  Mr.  Pennybacker  was  announced,  who  died  at  Wash 
ington  after  a  brief  illness. 

"  My  friends  immediately  spoke  of  me  as  his  successor,  and 
finding  that  I  should  be  put  in  nomination,  I  left  Richmond 
before  I  had  completed  the  business  which  had  called  me  there, 
to  avoid  all  suspicion  or  intimation  of  soliciting  the  appoint 
ment. 

"  My  competitors  were  John  W.  Jones,  Esq.,  of  Chester 
field,  a  former  and  justly  distinguished  member  of  Congress, 
and  then  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Delegates,  and  James 
McDowell,  Esq.,  of  Rockbridge,  then  a  member  of  the  House 
of  Representatives.  I  had  gone  from  Richmond  to  the  house  of 
my  father  in  Fairfax  County,  where  intelligence  of  my  election 
to  the  Senate  by  a  handsome  majority  reached  me  within  a  few 
days. 

"  At  the  time  of  my  election  to  the  Senate,  I  was  in  the  en 
joyment  of  an  income  of from  my  profession,  was  President 

of  the  Branch  of  the  Farmers'  Bank  of  Virginia,  at  Winchester, 
and  had,  in  addition,  the  office  of  '  Prosecutor '  in  the  Superior 
Courts  for  the  counties  of  Frederick,  Hampshire,  and  Morgan. 
These  offices  I  at  once  resigned.  Subsequent  experience  has 
shown  that  a  country  practice  could  not  be  maintained,  along 
with  a  seat  in  the  Senate.  I  have  thus  become  a  Senator  at  the 
cost  of  my  income  from  the  pursuits  of  private  life." 

The  following  story  has  been  told  by  one  of  Mr.  Mason's 
friends  who  was  in  Richmond  advocating  his  election  to  the 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


Senate :  "  Several  members  of  the  Legislature  hesitated  to  vote 
for  him  on  the  ground  that  he  was  entirely  a  stranger,  and  they 
were  not  willing  to  give  their  support  to  a  man  of  whom  they 
knew  so  little.  This  objection  was  answered  by  the  proposition 
that  he  should  be  invited  to  meet  these  gentlemen  at  dinner  on 
the  following  day ;  which,  it  was  said,  could  easily  be  done,  since 
he  was  then  in  the  city,  and  an  opportunity  could  thus  be 
afforded  them  to  make  his  acquaintance.  Arrangements  were 
accordingly  made  for  the  dinner;  the  invitation  was  carried ;' 
and  the  value  of  such  an  opportunity  for  securing  votes  was 
earnestly  pressed  by  the  gentlemen  to  whom  the  writer  is  in 
debted  for  the  story;  but  Mr.  Mason  at  once  replied,  that  he 
could  not  consent  to  appear  at  the  dinner,  as  it  were,  on  ex 
hibition,  although  he  expressed  his  appreciation  of  the  intended 
kind  service."  He  left  the  city  early  the  next  morning. 

After  being  formally  notified  of  his  election,  he  returned  to 
Richmond,  attended  to  the  business  that  had  been  interrupted 
by  his  sudden  departure,  and  very  soon  afterwards,  on  the  25th 
of  the  same  month,  January,  1847,  to°k  ms  seat  in  the  Senate. 
Here  he  was  brought  into  constant  contact  with  many  of  the 
men  whose  names  are  familiar  to  all  readers  of  history;  among 
them  should  be  mentioned  Mr.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina,  Mr. 
Jefferson  Davis,  Mr.  George  M.  Dallas,  of  Philadelphia,  then 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  and  John  Y.  Mason,  of 
Virginia,  who  was  at  that  time  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  Many 
others  might  be  enumerated  of  those  who  were  both  his  political 
and  his  personal  friends.  It  is  not,  however,  possible  to  afford 
space  in  this  volume  for  more  than  a  passing  allusion  to  them, 
although  it  may  well  be  said  that  intellectual  giants  lived  in 
those  days,  when  Calhoun,  Clay,  and  Webster  were  surrounded 
by  a  score  of  lesser  lights,  each  one  of  whom  would  have  been 
accounted  brilliant,  had  they  been  compared  with  others  of 
ordinary  lustre. 

"'"judge  A.  P.  Butler,  of  South   Carolina,  had  entered  the 
/Senate  only  a  few  days  before  Mr.  Mason's  first  appearance  in 
\it,  and  a  few  weeks  afterwards  Mr.  Robert  M.  T.  Hunter's  term 
of  service  began.    These  three  gentlemen  belonged  to  the  same 
school  of  thought  and  feeling  on  all  political  questions  of  in 
terest  to  the  South;  and  a  warm  personal  friendship  was  soon 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


established  between  them,  a  friendship  that  grew  warmer  and 
stronger  as  years  rolled  by,  and  continued  to  the  close  of  their 
respective  lives. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  plan  adopted  by 
Mr.  Mason  and  Mr.  Hunter,  when  they  had  been  together  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  had  formed  what  they  called  the 
"  Mess."  Very  soon  after  they  became  Senators,  they  returned 
to  their  former  arrangement  for  keeping  house,  and  invited 
Judge  Butler  to  join  them.  The  household  was  organized  in  all 
respects  as  for  a  family  home.  Each  one  in  turn  took  the  office 
of  housekeeper,  and  for  a^month  gave  all  necessary  orders,  and 
kept  account  of  all  expenses,  which  were  divided  equally  be 
tween  them.  The  size  of  this  family  party  varied,  quite  a  num 
ber  of  the  prominent  Southern  men  having  at  different  times 
belonged  to  it. 

Judge  Butler,  Mr.  Hunter,  and  Mr.  Mason  kept  up  "  The 
Mess,"  and  continued  to  be  thus  closely  associated  in  daily 
domestic  life  so  long  as  they  remained  in  Washington.  It  was  Mr. 
Mason's  habit  to  go  home  to  Selma  for  short  visits  as  frequently 
as  could  be  done,  without  interfering  with  his  public  duties.  He 
generally  spent  Saturday  and  Sunday  at  Selma,  once  in  each 
month,  and  he  often  took  with  him  one  or  more  of  the  members 
of  "  The  Mess."  Judge  Butler  was  his  guest  on  several  such 
occasions,  and  he  thus  became  quite  familiar  with  the  home  life 
at  Selma.  In  talking  to  a  friend  in  Washington  of  these  visits, 
he  said  :  "  I  have  lived  for  years  in  the  same  house  with  Mason, 
and  have  been  so  intimately  associated  with  him  in  many  ways, 
that  I  really  thought  I  knew  him  thoroughly,  but  I  find  I  never 
fully  appreciated  the  man  until  I  saw  him  in  his  own  house 
among  his  neighbors,  his  children,  grandchildren,  and  servants." 

In  order  that  Mr.  Mason's  political  career  may  be  appre 
ciated  by  those  who  have  come  upon  the  stage  of  life  long  since 
the  curtain  of  time  closed  the  drama  in  which  he  was  one  of  the 
actors,  it  may  be  needful  to  recall  the  fact  that  the  subject  of 
slavery  was  continually  made  the  topic  of  discussion  in  both 
houses  of  Congress,  and  that  the  whole  country  was  in  a  state 
of  agitation  and  anxiety  concerning  the  results  of  the  measures 
there  proposed.  The  condition  of  public  feeling  resembled  an 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


angry  sea,  lashed  into  fury  by  opposing  storms  brewed  in  dif 
ferent  latitudes  by  the  heated  passions  of  opposing  interests. 

The  records  of  Congress  show  that  his  influence  was  soon 
acknowledged  and  a  responsible  place  accorded  him  by  the 
Senate.  In  December,  1847,  ne  was  made  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Claims,  and  held  the  position  until  the  end  of 
that  Congress  in  March,  1849,  when  a  Whig  administration 
came  into  power  and,  according  to  custom,  the  principal  com 
mittees  were  put  under  the  charge  of  the  victorious  party. 

In  March,  1849,  ne  was  appointed  one  of  the  Regents  of 
the  Smithsonian  Institute;  and  his  name  appears  in  its  reports 
as  being  at  different  times,  on  ten  of  its  committees;  good 
evidence  of  his  active  participation  in  the  care  and  management 
of  the  Institute,  then  in  its  infancy,  Mr.  Smithson's  bequest 
having  been  accepted  in  September,  1838,  and  the  first  Regents 
appointed  in  August,  1846.  He  retained,  by  successive  reap- 
pointments,  this  position  of  Regent,  so  long  as  he  remained  in 
the  Senate,  and  as  the  records  show,  was  faithful  in  his  attend 
ance  at  the  meetings  of  the  Board,  was  present  (and  in  the 
chair)  at  the  meeting  on  February  I9th,  1861,  only  a  few  weeks 
before  he  left  his  seat  in  the  Senate  never  to  return  to  it. 

^^-At  the  time  he  entered  upon  his  duties  as  a  Senator,  both 
houses  of  Congress  were  occupied  with  bills  providing  a  ter 
ritorial  form  of  government  for  Oregon.  In  March,  1846, 
President  Polk  had,  in  his  message,  recommended  prompt 
action  in  this  matter  as  being  necessary  for  the  welfare  of  that 
territory,  and  in  the  discussion  that  ensued,  Mr.  David  P. 
Wilmot,  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  from  Penn 
sylvania,  had  offered,  as  an  amendment  to  one  of  the  bills  then 
introduced,  what  was  afterwards  known  as  the  "  Wilmot  Pro 
viso."  It  "  provided  that  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  ser 
vitude  shall  ever  exist  in  said  Territory,  except  for  crime  whereof 
the  party  shall  first  be  duly  convicted."  This  amendment  aroused 
much  excitement,  not  only  in  the  halls  of  legislation,  but 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land. 

On  January  i5th,  1847,  only  ten  days  before  Mr.  Mason 
took  his  seat  in  the  Senate,  a  bill,  that  included  the  "  Wilmot 
Proviso/'  had  been  introduced  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON, 


and  it  had  served  as  fuel  for  the  flame  that  seemed  then  ready  to 
burst  out. 

In  the  Senate,  too,  a  bill  to  establish  a  territorial  govern 
ment  for  Oregon  was  pending,  and  although  it  differed  greatly 
from  the  one  under  consideration  in  the  House,  the  excitement 
was  almost  as  great  among  the  Senators  as  among  the  Repre 
sentatives. 

From  the  North  came  resolutions  adopted  by  the  State 
Legislatures,  of  which  the  following,  sent  by  the  Legislature  of 
^Vermont,  may  serve  as  a  specimen :  "  Resolved,  by  the  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives,  That  slavery  is  a  crime  against 
humanity,  and  a  sore  evil  in  the  body  politic,  that  was  excused 
by  the  framers  of  the  Federal  Constitution  as  a  crime  entailed 
upon  the  country  by  their  predecessors,  and  tolerated  solely  as 
a  thing  of  inexorable  necessity. 

"  Resolved,  That  our  Senators  and  Representatives  in  Con 
gress  be  requested  to  resist  by  all  and  every  constitutional 
means  the  extension  of  slavery  in  any  manner,  whether  by 
annexation  to  slave-holding  Texas  of  territory  now  free,  or  by 
the  admission  to  the  Union  of  territory  already  acquired,  or 
which  may  be  hereafter  acquired,  without  an  express  prohibi 
tion  of  slavery,  either  in  the  Constitution  of  each  State  asking 
admission,  or  in  the  act  of  Congress  providing  for  such  admis 
sion." 

Petitions  innumerable,  expressing  similar  sentiments,  and 
urging  corresponding  action,  came  from  the  towns  and  villages 
of  the  "  Free  States  "  to  their  respective  Representatives  and 
Senators,  to  be  presented  to  Congress,  and  to  be  taken  by  the 
newspapers  into  the  homes  of  the  South. 

From  the  South  came  the  most  earnest  protests  against 
such  action  by  Congress :  They  came  in  every  possible  form 
to  the  Senators  and  Members  of  the  House  from  the  Southern 
States ;  came  in  letters  from  their  constituents,  in  reports  of  the 
public  meetings  held  in  the  Southern  towns  and  in  instructions 
received  from  the  Legislatures  of  their  respective  States. 

No  attempt  can  be  made  to  give  here  any  connected 
account  of  the  progress  of  events  in  the  fourteen  years  from 
1847  to  1861,  during  which  time  the  subject  of  this  memoir  was 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON.  rr 


earnestly  and  persistently  contending  for  the  political  rights 
of  his  State,  and  for  the  protection  of  the  property  of  her  people. 

Only  occasional  instances  can  be  recorded,  of  the  many  that 
occurred,  when  he  considered  that  the  questions  debated  were 
such  as  involved  the  vital  principles  of  the  Constitution  that  he 
had  sworn  to  uphold  and  defend.  Prominent  among  such  in 
stances,  stood  the  question  whether  the  Federal  Government 
had  the  power  to  make  laws  by  which  the  people  of  the  South 
ern  States  would  be  excluded  from  the  territories  that  they 
owned  in  common  with  the  Northern  States. 

On  July  6th,  1848,  a  bill  "  to  establish  a  territorial  govern 
ment  for  Oregon  "  being  under  consideration,  Mr.  Mason  said : 

"  Mr.  President,  it  seems  that  the  people  in  Oregon,  rinding 
themselves  without  other  law,  when  the  title  to  the  territory  was 
ascertained  and  established  in  the  United  States,  assembled  in 
convention  and  enacted  laws  for  their  temporary  security. 
Amongst  these  laws,  we  have  been  duly  informed,  is  one  by 
which  slavery,  or,  as  it  is  termed,  '  Involuntary  servitude  except 
for  crime/  is  forever  prohibited. 

"  Sir,  whatever  crude  opinions  may  have  been  formed  when 
the  subject  was  first  under  consideration  in  this  body  or  else 
where,  I  apprehend  there  are  none,  now,  who  will  say  that  the 
people  of  a  territory  belonging  to  the  United  States  have  a  right 
proprio  jure  to  pass  laws  in  derogation  of  the  authority  of  the 
United  States.  If  there  were  such  opinions,  they  have 
been  exploded,  and  I  assume  there  is  no  Senator,  and  no  Jurist, 
who  will  maintain  that  the  people  who  may  be  found  in  a  ter 
ritory  belonging  to  the  United  States,  undertaking,  for  their 
own  safety,  or  for  any  other  reason,  to  legislate  for  that  ter 
ritory  without  the  sanction  of  the  Government,  that  such  laws 
have  any  validity  whatever  against  the  owners  of  the  country, 
that  is  to  say,  against  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 

"  Well,  sir,  the  Committee  on  Territories  in  this  body,  by 
instructions  from  the  Senate,  have  reported  a  bill  providing  a 
government  for  the  Territory  of  Oregon,  under  the  sanction  of 
what?  Of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  whose  prop 
erty  it  is:  And  by  the  I2th  section  of  the  bill,  the  laws  ex 
isting  within  the  limits  of  Oregon,  be  they  what  they  may,  are 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


adopted  and  declared  to  be  in  full  force  for  the  government  of 
the  people  of  that  territory.  One  of  these  laws  being,  that  in 
voluntary  servitude,  or  slavery,  shall  be  forever  thereafter  ex 
cluded  from  the  territory,  and  that  law  being  adopted  by  the 
bill  on  your  table,  if  that  bill  be  enacted  into  law,  it  follows  of 
necessity  that  involuntary  servitude  will  be  excluded  from  that 
territory  by  the  act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States;  and 
thus  we  are  called  on  to  treat  this  bill,  so  far  as  regards  the 
I2th  section  of  it,  precisely  as  if  there  were  spread  out  on  its 
face  a  prohibition  in  terms  against  slavery  in  that  territory.  Sir, 
it  is  right  it  should  be  clearly  understood,  that  it  should  be  un 
covered,  that  we  should  expose  it,  so  that  we  may  defeat  it  if  we 
can. 

"  Gentlemen  have  said  upon  this  floor,  that  the  Southern 
States  (where  alone  this  institution  is  found)  are  here  agitating 
this  question ;  that  the  Southern  States  have  presented  the  ques 
tion  before  the  National  Councils;  and  that  for  all  the  conse 
quences  that  result  from  its  agitation  the  South  is  responsible. 
Let  then  the  truth  be  known,  let  the  fact  appear  that  a  committee 
of  this  body  have  introduced  a  bill  with  this  provision  in  it,  and 
if  there  be  offence  in  agitating  the  question,  let  the  responsibility 
rest  where  of  right  it  belongs.  What  we  seek  to  do  is  simply  to 
defeat  it,w>_JWe^j&J^ 

J  having  stricken  this  clause  from  the  bill,  to  leave  it,  as  to  that, 

\.. tabula  rasa. 

"  Mr.  President,  when  the  Constitution  was  adopted  in 
1788,  the  institution  of  slavery  formed  an  important  part  of  the 
social  condition  of  all  the  Southern  and  many  of  the  Northern 
States.  Its  existence  and  influence  upon  the  future  destiny  of 
the  South,  where  from  climate  and  other  causes,  it  was  most 
likely  to  become  permanent,  was  recognised  and  discussed  with 
mature  deliberation.  The  antagonist  interests  of  the  North  and 
East  were  brought  out  in  full  array;  and  after  months  of  con 
sideration  and  debate  by  the  wise  and  patriotic  men  then  assem 
bled;  after  great  and  mutual  concessions  on  all  sides  for  the 
common  good,  a  representative  weight  in  the  Federal  Councils 
was  assigned  to  the  slave  population,  and  secured  to  the  States 
interested,  by  perpetual  guarantee  of  the  Constitution. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


57 


"  Sir,  there  are  four  provisions  in  this  instrument  recognis 
ing  slavery,  and  providing  appropriate  guarantees  for  the 
security  of  that  institution : 

"First:  In  the  second  section  of  the  first  article,  estab 
lishing  a  basis  of  representation  on  three-fifths  of  that  popula 
tion. 

"Second:  In  the  ninth  section  of  the  same  article,  prohib 
iting  the  passage  of  any  laws  by  Congress,  prior  to  the  year 
1808  (a  period  of  twenty  years),  to  prevent  the  further  importa 
tion  of  slaves  by  any  of  the  States. 

"  Third:  In  the  fifth  article,  providing  that  no  amend 
ment  of  the  Constitution  shall  affect  the  prohibitions  of  the 
ninth  section  of  the  first  article,  prior  to  the  year  1808;  and 

"  Fourth:  In  the  second  clause,  second  section  of  the 
fourth  article,  providing  for  the  surrender  of  fugitive  slaves,  on 
the  claim  of  their  owners,  by  the  State  where  such  fugitives  may 
be  found. 

"  These,  sir,  are  all  full  and  distinct  recognitions  of  a  class 
held  in  bondage,  and  are  guarantees  provided  by  the  consti 
tutional  compact — first,  allowing  their  continued  importation 
for  twenty  years ;  second,  providing  for  the  security  of  their 
tenure  as  property;  and  third,  and  most  important,  admitting 
them  in  the  scale  of  representation  as  an  element  of  political 
power;  and  for  each  one  of  these  guarantees,  a  full  and  ample 
equivalent  was  given  to  the  Northern  and  Eastern  States,  in  im 
munities  and  advantages  secured  to  them.  I  will  instance  a 
very  striking  one,  which  has  been  rescued  from  oblivion  by  Mr. 
Jefferson,  and  left  under  his  hand  as  a  memorial  for  history.  It 
is  taken  from  his  unpublished  manuscripts  and  was  communi 
cated  to  me  many  years  since  by  the  Honorable  William  C. 
Rives,  of  Virginia,  my  predecessor  on  this  floor. 

"  Mr.  Jefferson  was  Minister  in  France  whilst  the  Conven 
tion  sat  which  framed  the  Constitution;  and  Mr.  Mason,  at 
whose  relation  he  recorded  this  scrap  of  history,  was  a  member 
of  that  Convention,  and  it  is  dated  at  the  family  seat  of  the  re- 
lator,  some  four  years  only  after  the  event. 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


"  '  GUNSTON  HALL,  September  3Oth,  1792. 
"  '  Ex  relatione  G.  Mason. 

" '  The  Constitution,  as  agreed  to,  till  a  fortnight  before  the 
Convention  rose,  was  such  an  one  as  he  would  have  set  his  hand 
and  heart  to :  First — The  President  was  to  be  elected  for  seven 
years,  then  ineligible  for  seven  years  more.  Second — Rotation 
in  the  Senate.  Third — A  vote  of  two-thirds  in  the  legislation  on 
particular  subjects,  and  expressly  on  that  of  navigation.  The 
three  New  England  States  were  constantly  with  us  in  all  ques 
tions.  (Rhode  Island  not  there,  and  New  York  seldom.)  So 
that  it  was  these  three  States,  with  the  five  Southern  ones 
against  Pennsylvania,  Jersey,  and  Delaware.  With  respect  to 
the  importation  of  slaves,  it  was  left  to  Congress.  This  dis 
turbed  the  two  Southernmost  States,  who  knew  that  Congress 
would  immediately  suppress  the  importation  of  slaves.  These 
two  States,  therefore,  struck  up  a  bargain  with  the  three  New 
England  States :  if  they  would  join  to  admit  slaves  for  some 
years,  the  two  Southernmost  States  would  join  in  changing  the 
clause  which  required  two-thirds  of  the  Legislature  in  any  vote. 
It  was  done.  These  articles  were  changed  accordingly,  and 
from  that  moment  the  two  Southern  States  and  the  three 
Northern  ones  joined  Pennsylvania,  Jersey,  and  Delaware,  and 
made  the  majority  eight  to  three  against  us,  instead  of  eight  to 
three  for  us,  as  it  had  been  through  the  whole  Convention. 
Under  this  coalition,  the  great  principles  of  the  Constitution 
were  changed  in  the  last  days  of  the  Convention/ 

"  Now,  sir,  by  reference  to  the  journal  of  that  Convention, 
it  will  be  found  that  the  votes  of  the  States  implicated  were 
changed  as  are  recorded  in  that  memorial.  And  what  is  proved 
by  it?  Why,  first,  that  the  right  to  import  slaves  for  twenty 
years  was  bartered  away  by  three  of  the  New  England  States; 
and,  second,  that  in  consideration  of  this  immunity,  the  whole 
right  of  legislation  on  all  matters  affecting  commerce  and  navi 
gation,  which,  up  to  that  time,  had  been  restricted  to  a  majority 
of  two-thirds,  was  committed  to  a  bare  numerical  majority ;  and 
a  very  bad  bargain  it  was  for  the  South.  But  ex  hoc  disce  omnes. 
Let  this  one  example  illustrate  the  whole.  Sir,  the  South  has 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


been  faithful  and  true  to  all  their  constitutional  engagements. 
If  there  has  been  an  instance  where,  however  onerous,  the 
South  has  failed  both  in  spirit  and  letter,  to  fulfil  those  engage 
ments  on  her  part,  I  pray  gentlemen,  to  make  it  known. 

"  Let  us  see,  in  reference  to  these  guarantees  respecting  the 
institutions  of  slavery,  how  they  have  been  fulfilled  by  the  States 
now  called  '  Free  States.'  I  instance  the  obligation  on  the 
States  for  the  surrender  of  fugitive  slaves.  How  has  that  been 
fulfilled?  The  clause  imposing  it  is  part  of  the  same  section, 
and  in  pari  materia  with  that  requiring  the  surrender  of  those 
who  shall  '  flee  from  justice. '  Sound  and  good  faith  to  the 
compact,  requires  that  each  class  of  fugitives  should  be  '  de 
livered  up '  as  an  act  of  State  authority  upon  the  demand  of  the 
'  Executive  '  in  the  one  case,  and  on  the  '  claim  of  the  party ' 
entitled,  in  the  other.  I  ask  of  Senators  representing  the  so 
styled  '  Free  States/  how  are  these  obligations  discharged?  Is 
it  not  due  to  the  faith  of  the  Constitution,  that  each  should  be 
regarded  as  equally  obligatory?  And  yet  what  is  the  fact? 
Why,  laws  are  enacted  in  all  the  States,  requiring  of  the 
Executive  authority  to  surrender  fugitives  from  justice  upon 
the  demand  of  the  State  whence  they  flee,  and  providing  for 
their  arrest  and  detention  until  such  demand  is  made.  But 
in  the  case  of  fugitive  slaves,  in  none  of  these  States  is  the 
like  constitutional  duty  regarded.  In  some,  laws  are  even 
enacted  denying  the  use  of  their  jails  for  the  custody  of  such 
fugitives,  and  denouncing  penalties  upon  officers  if  they  lend 
any  aid  in  arresting  them ;  whilst  in  all,  the  citizens  of  the  South 
who  go  there  in  pursuit  are  insulted  and  defied,  and  even  hunted 
down  and  killed.  I  have  no  disposition  to  speak  in  terms  of 
crimination,  or  to  excite  angry  or  bitter  feeling.  But  our  prop 
erty  is  insecure.  The  guarantees  under  which  we  hold  it  are 
habitually  and  wantonly  disregarded,  and  I  should  be  wanting 
in  duty  to  those  whose  honor  and  interest  are  in  part  committed 
to  my  care,  did  I  not  make  it  known.  Sir,  all  that  the  SoutheA 
States  ask  is,  that  the  Constitution  shall  be  observed  in  good 
faith.  They  have  a  right  to  demand,  and  they  do  demand,  that 
the  guarantees  of  the  Constitution  shall  be  observed  and  held 
sacred. 


$0  LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


>ir,  I  have  heard  Senators  on  this  floor  declare  that  it  is 

Ipe  purpose  of  the  Northern  and  Eastern  States  to  do — what? 

* 

ITo  prevent  the  extension  of  what  they  call  the  '  Slave  power/ 
II  put  it  to  those  Senators,  what  do  they  mean  by  the  '  Slave 
power7?  In  the  discussion  of  a  question  like  this,  we  have  a 
."ight  to  expect  that  Senators  should  give  us  terms  that  are  in 
telligible.  What  then  is  the  '  Slave  power '  to  which  the  Senator 
says  an  end  must  be  put?  Why,  sir,  it  is  the  representative 
weight  which  is  assigned  by  the  Constitution  -to  this  specieT'of 
population  or  property. 

"  If  there  be  any  power  lodged  by  the  Constitution,  in 
which  it  is  supposed  the  Northern  States  do  not  share  in  com 
mon  with  their  brethren  in  other  States,  it  is  referable  to  this 
clause  of  the  Constitution  which  arranges  and  distributes  the 
representation.  And  it  is  this  power,  for  which  an  ample 
^  equivalent  has  been  given,  which  we  are  told  now  by  Senators 
is. not  to  be  extended.  Mr.  President,  this  representative 
weight,  assigned  to  the  States  of  this  Union  by  the  Constitu 
tion,  must  be  preserved.  If  it  is  not  preserved,  I  need  not  tell 
gentlemen  what  the  consequences  will  be.  It  is  not  only  neces 
sary  for  the  security  of  their  property,  but  it  is  indispensable 
to  their  political  welfare.  The  question  of  abolition,  heretofore, 
has  been  a  mere  brutum  fulmen,  but  it  now  comes  in  a  shape  that 
is  no  longer  to  be  despised.  The  institution  was  first  assailed 
when  a  majority  in  Congress  attempted,  in  1820,  to  prevent  the 
State  of  Missouri  from  coming  into  this  Union,  unless  upon 
terms  derogatory  to  her  as  a  Sovereign  State,  and  directly  in 
violation  of  the  Constitution. 

"  Sir,  I  know  not  how  it  was  felt  at  the  North ;  I  know  not 
how  far  Northern  politicians  may  have  believed  that  their  ascend 
ency  was  involved  in  the  curtailment  of  the  slave  representa 
tion;  but  I  know  this,  that  in  the  South,  it  required  but  the 
application  of  the  torch  to  kindle  the  whole  country.  They 
looked  upon  it  as  not  only  vital  to  their  safety,  but  they  looked 
upon  the  attempt  to  assail  it  as  an  insult,  an  indignity,  offered 
to  them  as  sovereign  members  of  this  Confederacy. 

"  Sir,  Mr.  Jefferson  lived  in  those  days.  No  man,  I  sup 
pose,  will  question  his  loyalty  to  the  Constitution,  and  none 
his  sagacity  as  a  statesman.  A  letter  was  read  on  this  floor, 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


the  other  day,  by  the  honorable  Senator  from  South  Carolina 
(Mr.  Calhoun),  in  which  Mr.  Jefferson  spoke  his  alarm  at  the 
portentous  consequences  threatened  by  this  movement  against 
the  South.  His  mind  was  filled  with  the  portents  of  the  occa 
sion,  and  his  views,  fully  expressed  in  letters  to  his  friends, 
show  that  in  this  parricidal  attack  he  saw  the  days  of  the  Con 
stitution  numbered. 

"  Mr.  Jefferson's  opinions  on  the  occasion  cited  are  entitled 
to  great  weight.  A  matured  statesman  and  philosopher,  pro 
foundly  versed  as  well  in  the  science  of  government  as  in  the 
shoals  and  depths  of  party,  he  saw  through  the  vista  of  years, 
this  disturbing  influence,  ever  on  the  alert  when  once  aroused, 
until  its  wicked  work  was  ended  in  the  overthrow  of  the  Con 
stitution  of  his  country.  In  a  letter  dated  on  the  I3th  April, 
1820,  to  Mr.  --  ,  a  gentleman  now  living,  he  says:  '  The  old 
schism  of  Federal  and  Republican  threatened  nothing,  because 
it  existed  in  every  State,  and  united  them  together  by  the  fra- 
ternism  of  party;  but  the  coincidence  of  a  marked  principle, 
moral  and  political,  with  a  geographical  line  once  conceived, 
I  feared  would  never  more  be  obliterated  from  the  mind;  that 
it  would  be  recurring  on  every  occasion,  and  renewing  irrita 
tions  until  it  would  kindle  such  mutual  and  mortal  hatred,  as 
to  render  separation  preferable  to  eternal  discord.  I  have  been 
amongst  the  most  sanguine  in  believing  that  our  Union  would  be 
of  long  duration.  I  now  doubt  it  much  ;  and  see  the  event  at  no 
great  distance,  and  the  direct  consequence  of  this  question/ 

"  So    thought    and    so    wrote   Jefferson,    on    the    question 

which  divided  and  threatened  us  then,  as  it  divides  and  threat-  . 

. 

ens  us  now.  But,  sir,  the  difficulty  was  then  overcome.  It 
was  overcome  by  concession  made  by  these  very  Southern 
States  —  a  great  concession  —  a  concession  not  only  of  their  con 
stitutional  right,  but  of  an  expressed  constitutional  guarantee  ,/V 
And  it  was  made  for  the  sake  of  peace  —  the  concession  was  \ 
made  in  the  hope  that,  in  so  doing,  the  question  was  settled 
forever.  By  mutual  agreement  for  the  sake  of  peace,  it  was 
agreed  to  limit  the  right  to  introduce  slaves  in  the  country 
acquired  from  France,  to  a  line  extended  west  from  the  south 
ern  boundary  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  being  the  parallel  of 
36  degrees  and  30  minutes.  Sir,  this  was  conceded  for  the  sake 


(J2  LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 

of  preser_ving_.this  Union.  It  was  a  consideration  as  high  even 
as  that,  and  we  fondly  hoped  that  at  no  future  day  would  it  be 
in  the  power  of  agitators  again  to  jeopard  this  Union,  with  all 
the  consequences  that  must  ensue,  in  order  to  drive  a  political 
bargain.  But  this  has  been  done.  The  very  first  occasion, 
when  new  territory  is  acquired  as  the  property  of  the  Confed 
eracy,  this  disturbing  question  is  brought  up;  and  brought  up 
how?  Brought  up  by  connecting  it  with  territory  lying  so  far 
north,  that  all  must  agree,  it  never  can  become  the  property  of 
slaveholders.  It  is  brought  iqx,  .sir,  .as_- 2L-preeede.nt,  because 
Senators  well  know  what  will  follow.  (There  are  two  other  ter^N 
/ritories  that  have  been  recently  obtained,^  California  and  New-' 
V  Mexico,  and  here  the  precedent  is  to  apply  A  Sir,  we  must  meet 
the  question  in  limine,  and  if  it  be  the  judgment  of  the  Senate, 
of  a  majority  of  the  States  here  represented,  that  the  settlement 
of  this  question  in  1820  is  to  be  disregarded,  and  the  question 
is  to  be  carried  as  a  matter  of  absolute  power,  let  them  take 
the  consequence  when  it  comes,  as  come  it  will. 

"  Mr.  President,  when  a  matter  of  political  rule — not  of 
political  right,  but  of  political  rule — is  once  determined  on, 
there  is  no  great  difficulty  in  finding  arguments  to  sustain  it. 
The  Senator  from  New  York  (Mr.  Dix),  who  has  opened  the 
debate  on  this  question,  has  invoked  the  ordinance  of  1787,  for 
the  government  of  the  Northwestern  Territory,  and  has  relied 
upon  it — as  what?  As  a  precedent?  I  should  presume  not — 
hardly  as  persuasive  authority — but  as  an  example,  that 
early  as  the  year  1787,  before  the  foundation  of  this  Govern 
ment  was  laid,  the  American  people,  by  a  compact,  excluded 
slavery  from  a  large  territory  that  belonged  to  the  United 
States.  Sir,  the  ordinance  shows  upon  its  face,  that  it  was  a 
matter  of  absolute  compact  between  the  States  then  confed 
erated  and  the  State  of  Virginia,  which  made  the  cession.  The 
claim  by  many  of  the  States  to  a  large  and  unoccupied  territory 
in  the  West,  was  the  subject  of  much  jealousy  and  dissension 
with  those  States  whose  boundaries  were  more  circumscribed. 
Virginia,  whose  chartered  limits  once  extended  to  the  Pacific 
(then  called  the  South  Sea),  had  yet  an  immense  territory 
unoccupied,  lying  to  the  northwest  of  the  Ohio  River.  New 
York  claimed  a  part  of  the  same  territory,  in  opposition  to  the 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


title  of  Virginia;  while  the  States  of  Massachusetts  and  Con 
necticut,  in  the  East,  and  Georgia  and  the  two  Carolinas,  in  the 
South,  each  held  large  bodies  of  waste  and  unappropriated  land. 

"  It  was  said  by  the  other  States,  that  it  was  unjust  and 
inequitable  that  these  vast  territories,  the  enjoyment  of  which 
had  been  secured  to  their  respective  claimants  by  the  blood  and 
treasure  of  all,  freely  lavished  in  the  Revolutionary  struggle, 
should  be  thus  separately  held;  that  Delaware,  Maryland,  and 
New  Jersey  had  equally  contributed  to  rescue  them  from  the 
dominion  of  the  British  Crown,  and  it  was  oppressive  and 
unjust  to  exclude  them  from  the  fruits  of  the  conquest.  This 
feeling,  which  grew  as  the  Revolution  progressed,  manifested 
itself  in  a  decided  manner  when  the  *  Articles  of  Confederation 
and  Perpetual  Union/  agreed  to  by  Congress  in  1777,  were 
recommended  to  the  several  States  for  their  ratification.  The 
State  of  Maryland  refused  to  ratify,  and  placed  her  refusal  upon 
the  express  ground  that  she  was  excluded  from  participation  in 
these  unoccupied  lands. 

"  New  Jersey  did  ratify,  but  under  protest,  '  in  the  firm 
reliance  that  the  candor  and  justice  of  the  several  States  will,  in 
due  time,  remove,  as  far  as  possible,  the  inequality  which  now 
subsists/  The  State  of  Delaware  also  came  into  that  Confed 
eracy,  but  under  like  protest.  Sir,  it  is  useful  to  go  back  and 
contrast  the  spirit  with  which  these  States  came  originally 
together,  in  the  days  of  the  Revolution,  with  that  which  ani 
mates  some  of  them  now.  Such  was  the  state  of  things  when 
the  territory  was  ceded,  which  is  now  brought  up  in  judgment 
against  Virginia  and  other  Southern  States.  And  what  was 
done?  Why  the  State  of  New  York  set  the  example,  and  made 
the  sacrifice  required  on  the  altar  of  the  country,  for  the  com 
mon  good.  And  then  followed  a  resolution  of  the  Old  Con 
gress  accepting  this  territorial  grant  from  the  State  of  New 
York,  and  inviting  the  other  States  to  do  the  like.  Sir,  the  next 
State  in  order  was  Virginia.  There  had  been  a  strong  remon 
strance  presented  by  Virginia  to  this  claim  of  New  York  to  the 
lands  which  she  considered  embraced  within  her  territory  of  the 
Northwest,  the  whole  of  which  was  forgotten  and  laid  aside; 
and  that  great  State,  in  the  year  1783,  gave  authority  to  her 
representatives  in  Congress  to  convey  to  the  United  States,  in 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


absolute  perpetuity,  a  territory  that  is  covered  by  ten  parallels 

of  latitude,  and  thirteen   degrees   of  longitude,   out   of  which 

'have  been  carved  five  of  the  States  which  are  now  in  the  Union, 

/  and  enjoying  its  protection.     And  she  did  it  for  what?     Why, 

to   meet  in   a   spirit   of  conciliation   the   concessions   of   other 

States,  to  do  everything  for  the  common  good,  and  to  accom- 

\plish  which,  she  has  truly  given  up  her  birthright. 

.,,^""  Contrast  the  language  held  by  New  York  in  the  Act  of 
1780,  with  the  language  held  by  her  Senator  on  this  floor  now. 
Sir,  who  believes,  when  it  required  a  spirit  of  such  mutual  for 
bearance  and  concession  —  a  spirit  that  was  disposed  to  give  up 
everything  for  the  common  good  —  in  order  to  prevail  upon  the 
States  to  bind  themselves  in  Articles  of  Confederation,  that  you 
can  keep  those  States  under  any  federated  government  whatever, 
when  that  spirit  is  forgotten  and  disregarded?  Who  is  there 
on  this  floor  who  believes  that  Virginia,  the  largest,  most  popu 
lous,  and  most  wealthy  of  the  Southern  States,  ever  would  have 
been  a  party  to  the  Constitution,  if  there  had  been  a  provision 
ingrafted  in  it  forbidding  an  extension  of  any  part  of  her  popu 
lation  to  any  territory  that  might  hereafter  become  the  property 
of  the  United  States?  No  one.  And  if  she  would  not  then, 
and  believes  now,  that  such  extension  is  her  constitutional 
right,  who  believes  that  she,  or  any  of  her  Southern  sister 
States,  can  remain  in  the  Confederacy,  when  the  barriers  that 
had  been  erected  for  their  protection  have  been  ruthlessly 
broken  down  and  disregarded? 

"  Every  movement  that  is  made  affecting  the  rights  and 
power  of  the  Southern  States  in  reference  to  this  population,  is 
looked  upon  there  as  in  derogation  of  their  exclusive  authority. 
They  are  sensitive  on  this  subject.  It  forms  a  part  of  their  most 
valuable  property.  It  is  a  great  element  of  their  political  power, 
and  its  proper  management  is  essential  to  their  safety.  Yet 
honorable  Senators  here,  as  I  understand  them,  looking  upon  the 
powers  of  this  Government  as  unlimited,  perfectly  without  con 
trol,  approach  this  subject  as  they  would  approach  an  ordinary 
subject  of  legislation,  and  assert  a  right  to  control  it,  whether 
with  or  without  the  assent  of  the  States  where  alone  the  insti 
tution  is  found. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  Is  not  all  power  that  is  not  granted  to  the  General  Gov-y 
ernment  reserved  to  the  States?   ;And  do  you  find  anything  in 
the  Constitution  which  authorizes  any  interference  on  the  part 
of  the  General  Government  with  the  domestic  institutions,  and 
the  regulation  of  the  internal  affairs  of  the  State? 

"  Suffer  me  now,  sir,  to  sum  up  the  argument  I  have 
advanced.  This  institution  existed  when  the  Constitution  was 
formed.  It  was  recognized,  it  was  legislated  upon,  it  was  made 
the  subject  of  concession  on  one  side,  and  an  equivalent  on  the 
other.  There  was  assigned  to  it  a  representative  weight,  as  an 
element  of  political  power  in  the  Southern  States.  It  was 
guaranteed  to  those  States  by  the  Constitution,  and  it  can 
never  be  tolerated  that  a  power  in  Congress  to  legislate  for  the 
territories — a  power  deduced  from  necessity  only,  and  tempo 
rary  in  its  exercise  (for  it  ceases  when  the  territory  becomes  a 
State),  should  be  wrested  from  its  legitimate  ends,  and  made  to 
unsettle  the  balances  of  the  Constitution  and  to  destroy  its  guar 
antees.  To  give  it  such  direction  would  be  an  outrage  of  all 
just  legal  construction,  and  of  every  sense  of  political  right  in 
the  States  interested. 

"  Power,  Mr.  President,  is  never  appeased  by  concession ; 
and  we  are  now  reaping  the  bitter  fruits  of  the  concession  then 
made  by  the  South.  How  strikingly  is  illustrated,  by  this 
renewed  struggle,  the  predictions  of  Mr.  Jefferson  in  his  letter 
of  April,  1820,  in  which  speaking  of  the  Missouri  question,  he 
says :  '  The  coincidence  of  a  marked  principle,  moral  and  polit 
ical,  with  a  geographical  line  once  conceived,  I  feared  would 
never  more  be  obliterated  from  the  mind ;  that  it  would  be 
recurring  on  every  occasion  and  renewing  irritations,  until  it 
would  kindle  such  mutual  and  mortal  hatred  as  to  render  sepa 
ration  preferable  to  eternal  discord/ 

"  Sir,  the  prophecy  is  fulfilled.  There  is  a  party  organized, 
or  in  course  of  organization  at  the  North,  lifting  itself  erect  on 
the  pending  canvass  for  the  Presidency,  on  whose  banner  is 
inscribed,  as  the  sole  rallying  cry,  '  Destruction  to  the  Slave 
Power.' 

"  We  have  seen  the  preliminary  chart  of  that  party  in  the 
manifesto  of  its  convention  recently  held  at  Utica,  in  New 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


York,  in  which  all  parties  are  invited,  at  the  North,  to  abandon 
all  subjects  of  former  dissension  and  to  unite  in  a  common  cru 
sade  to  break  down  the  institutions  of  the  South.  Sir,  the  Sena 
tor  from  New  York  (Mr.  Dix)  stands  the  exponent  of  that  party 
in  this  Senate-house  —  a  party  whose  mission  is,  to  divide  the 
North  and  South  on  this  question  of  the  so-called  "  Slave 
power."  Already  we  have  three  remarkable  documents  shad 
owing  forth  their  plan  of  campaign. 

"  The  first  is  a  letter  from  Martin  Van  Buren  addressed  in 
reply  to  the  '  delegates  of  the  city  and  county  of  New  York  '  to 
the  Utica  Convention,  sketching  in  advance  the  principles  and 
policy  of  the  party  in  embryo. 

"  Next  comes  the  speech  of  the  honorable  Senator  from 
New  York,  following  step  by  step  the  landmarks  there  laid 
down,  and  denouncing  any  extension  of  slavery  into  the  terri 
tories  where  it  is  not  now  found,  as  of  '  evil  tendency,  wrong  in 
itself,  and  repugnant  to  the  humanity  and  the  civilization  of  the 
age.' 

"  And  last,  the  manifesto  of  the  Utica  Convention.  I  trust, 
sir,  that  Senators  on  all  sides  have  read  this  paper  with  atten 
tion,  because  it  develops  in  extenso,  the  principles  and  purposes 
of  this  new  Northern  party,  avows  its  objects  to  be,  to  get  pos 
session  of  the  Government  of  the  Union  for  the  purpose  of  de 
stroying  the  political  weight  of  the  '  Slave  representation  '  and 
assigns  their  appropriate  duties  to  its  recognized  leaders.  And, 
more  than  all,  it  denounces  the  old  and  healthy  issues  which 
have  heretofore  divided  parties,  as  no  longer  worthy  of  consid 
eration,  and  calls  upon  former  friends  and  former  foes,  to  unite 
alike  in  a  great  concerted  effort  to  break  down  the  barriers  of 
the  Constitution. 

"  To  prove  this,  sir,  I  may  be  pardoned  for  making  a  single 
extract  from  the  document,  where  it  will  be  found  under  the 
head  of  '  Duty  of  the  Free  States/  and  in  these  words  : 

"  '  If,  from  these,  or  any  other  causes,  the  people  of  the  Free 
States  have  suffered  in  the  estimation  of  the  South,  or  of  the 
world,  the  time  has  now  come  when  they  owe  it  to  themselves, 
and  to  the  nation,  to  redeem  their  character  from  this  reproach. 
Both  the  late  political  parties  have  the  opportunity  to  do,  and 
they  are  called  upon  to  do  this  :  they  may  unite  in  the  effort 


LIFE   OF  JAMBS   MURRAY   MASON. 


without  any  abandonment  of  their  distinctive  principles.  The 
old  issues,  which  for  the  last  twenty  years  have  divided  them, 
are  now  settled  or  set  aside ;  a  new  issue  has  been  presented,  in 
which  all  minor  differences — and  in  which  differences  that, 
under  other  circumstances,  would  be  important — are  merged 
and  swallowed  up. 

"  '  It  is  important,  too,  that  this  effort  should  now  be  made, 
and  that,  if  possible,  it  should  be  made  to  succeed.  Resist  the 
beginning,  is  the  maxim  of  political,  not  less  than  moral  science. 
This  is  the  first  time,  since  the  formation  of  the  Government, 
that  the  slave  power,  whilst  retaining  its  distinct  political  asso 
ciations  with  the  two  great  national  parties,  has  been  able  to 
seize  and  to  sway  the  sceptres  of  each.  If  the  people  of  the 
Free  States  understand  and  perform  their  duty,  such  an  exhi 
bition  will  never  again  be  witnessed/ 

"  Mr.  President,  these  are  words  of  fearful  omen.  We  are 
aware  that  ten  States  of  this  Confederacy  have,  through  their 
legislative  assemblies,  called  upon  their  representatives  in  Con 
gress  to  maintain  this  interdict  against  the  extension  of  South 
ern  institutions  to  the  new  territories.  And  here  we  have  a 
proclamation  by  a  party,  said  to  be  of  formidable  numbers,  in 
the  great  State  of  New  York,  separating  themselves  from  all 
former  political  alliance,  arrayed  under  leaders  of  known  dis 
tinction,  burying  all  former  topics  of  political  dissension,  and 
proclaiming  as  the  great  bond  of  future  union,  '  exterminating 
war  to  slave-power.'  And  for  what  objects  is  a  party  to  be 
thus  marshalled?  For  the  public  weal,  the  common  good?  Sir, 
let  not  words  so  dear  to  the  Republicans  be  profaned  by  such 
unholy  perversion.  To  advance  the  cause  of  freedom  and  free 
government?  No,  no!  When  was  freedom  born  of  tyranny, 
whether  it  be  the  tyranny  of  one  or  of  many? 

"  The  evil  day  looked  for  and  dreaded  by  the  sages  and 
patriots  of  the  land,  dawns  darkly  through  this  proclamation — 
when  a  line  shall  be  drawn  between  the  North  and  the  South, 
and  a  party  resting  on  geographical  division  alone  shall  march 
up  to  it,  as  the  line  of  power.  This  is  the  party  which  the 
Utica  manifesto  seeks  to  rally. 

"  But,  sir,  I  pursue  this  ungrateful  theme  no  further.  I  yet 
confide  in  the  regenerative  spirit  of  Republican  virtue  at  the 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


North  to  consign  to  deserved  obloquy  this  first  attempt  to  array 
the  Republics  of  the  Confederacy  against  each  other  in  a  sheer 
struggle  for  power." 

It  is  interesting  to  note  his  sensitiveness  regarding  the  limi 
tations  of  the  power  entrusted  to  the  Federal  Government. 
Possibly  there  may  be  some  who  will  recognize,  in  these  later 
days,  the  truth  and  justice  of  what  he  repeatedly  said  when  he 
was  contesting  inch  by  inch  the  extension  of  this  power.  An 
instance  of  this  occurred  on  March  3d,  1849,  when  a  bill  was  in 
troduced  to  "  Create  a  new  Executive  Department  of  the  United 
States  to  be  called  the  Department  of  the  Interior,  the  head  of 
which  Department  shall  be  called  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior." 
Mr.  Mason  then  said  :  "  Mr.  President,  I  can  not  but  look  on 
this  bill  as  one  that  will  make  a  material  change  in  the  admin 
istration  of  the  affairs  of  this  Government.  A  bill  comes  into 
the  Senate,  vital  in  its  character  and  proposing  to  make  a 
change  in  the  existing  offices  of  the  Government.  Was  not  the 
Government  devised,  planned,  and  organized  to  manage  the 
exterior,  the  foreign  relations  of  the  States? 

"  The  design  evidently  was  to  confine  the  Federal  Govern 
ment,  as  far  as  possible,  to  the  management  of  foreign  relations 
in  the  four  great  departments  of  the  Government.  The  State, 
Treasury,  War,  and  Navy  were  organized  with  that  view.  But, 
sir,  none  who  have  watched  the  course  of  the  Government  to 
any  purpose  can  have  failed  to  see  that  a  policy  has  grown  up 
whose  object  has  been,  as  far  as  possible,  to  bring  within  the 
power  of  the  Federal  Government  the  management  of  the 
Interior  and  industrial  pursuits  alluded  to  by  the  Honorable 
Senator  who  has  just  taken  his  seat  (Niles,  of  Connecticut). 
These  industrial  pursuits  of  our  people,  it  has  been  sought  to 
bring  within  the  vortex  of  Federal  action. 

"  There  can  be  no  question  that  if  the  object  is  merely  to 
provide  means  of  doing  the  work,  it  can  be  far  better  done  by 
keeping  the  officers,  as  they  are  now,  separate,  and  to  a  certain 
extent  independent,  giving  an  assistant  to  each,  subject  to 
appeal  to  the  head  of  the  Bureau.  It  is  said  that  this  measure 
is  recommended  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  Yes,  sir; 
and  it  has  been  recommended  from  the  days  of  Mr.  Madison 


LIFE   OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MA8ON. 


and  Alexander  Hamilton.  The  very  fact  that  it  has  never  been 
adopted,  though  so  long  recommended  and  from  such  high 
sources,  shows  a  distrust  of  the  American  people  of  the  safety 
of  giving  such  a  State  capacity  to  this  Federal  power. 

"Are  we  to  increase  this  central  power?  More  especially, 
are  we,  who  belong  to  the  South — who  have  very  little  more 
interest  in  this  country  than  to  have  the  protection  of  our  inde 
pendence,  with  the  other  States,  from  whom  a  great  part  of  the 
revenue  is  drawn,  and  to  whom  very  little  of  it  is  returned ;  who 
pay  everything  to  Federal  power  and  receive  nothing  for  it — are 
we,  at  this  day,  to  give  our  sanction,  under  whatever  auspices  it 
may  be  presented,  to  this  vital  change  in  the  Federal  Govern 
ment? 

"  If  this  thing  is  done,  it  is  an  '  entering  wedge.' " 

He  then  moved  the  bill  be  laid  on  the  table,  and  asked  the 
yeas  and  nays  upon  that  motion.  The  vote  was  taken  with  the 
result,  yeas  22,  nays  31. 

In  the  afternoon  session  of  the  same  day,  he  made  another 
effort  in  the  same  direction,  by  moving  to  amend  the  bill  by 
striking  out  the  words  "  Create  a  new  Executive  Department 
of  the  United  States  to  be  called  the  Department  of  the  Interior, 
the  head  of  which  shall  be  called  the  '  Secretary  of  the  Inte 
rior/  "  and  in  lieu  thereof  inserting,  "  Appoint  an  officer  to  be 
called  an  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Treasury."  He  supported 
the  amendment  and  further  said :  "  He  has  read  the  history  of 
his  country  to  little  purpose  who  does  not  know  that  there  are 
two  great  parties  in  this  country;  those  who  would  extend  the 
powers  of  the  Federal  Government,  and  those  who  would  con 
fine  them.  Sir,  in  the  school  in  which  I  have  been  reared,  and 
which,  I  trust,  I  shall  ever  religiously  venerate,  I  have  had  im 
pressed  upon  me  a  distrust  of  every  measure  which  tends  to 
strengthen  the  area  of  Federal  power.  I  would  hold  this  Gov 
ernment  strictly  to  the  powers  clearly  granted,  and  restrain  it, 
as  far  as  practicable,  from  interference  with  the  people  in  their 
domestic  pursuits. 

"  I  have  been  taught,  sir,  that  the  State  governments  are 
to  administer  in  our  domestic  relations ;  and  that  the  operations 
of  the  Federal  Government  were  intended  chiefly  for  the  regula 
tion  of  our  exterior  and  foreign  relations.  And  the  lesson  has, 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


been  impressed  upon  me  by  my  knowledge  of  what  has  beei. 
attempted  over  and  over  again  by  those  who.  lean  to  an. exten 
sion  of  Federal  power. 

"  Sir,  how  is  the  country  divided?  Look  at  it,  I  beseeci* 
you.  Is  it  not  manifest  that  the  planting  States,  those  which 
grow  the  articles  of  export,  pay  the  taxes ;  and  those  which 
enjoy  the  carrying  trade,  and  conduct  our  foreign  commerce, 
which  are  engaged  in  manufactures,  pay  but  little  tax,  while 
they  revel  and  grow  rich  by  the  expenditures  of  the  Govern 
ment?  What  is  the  tendency  of  this?  Why,  it  leads  those  who 
thus  profit,  to  bring  everything  they  can  within  the  vortex  of 
the  Federal  Government." 

This  amendment  was  rejected  and  the  bill  was  passed.  It 
was  not,  however,  done  by  a  sectional  vote;  the  only  political 
parties  then  known  were  the  Whigs  and  the  Democrats.  Is  it 
not  worthy  of  note  that  when  Congress  convened  in  the  follow 
ing  December,  a  third  party  had  been  organized  which  was 
entirely  confined  to  the  Northern  States?  In  the  lists  of  the 
members  of  Congress,  given  in  the  Congressional  Globe  of  that 
year  (1849),  thirteen  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
and  two  of  the  Senators  are  called  "  Free-Soilers."  Salmon  P. 
Chase,  of  Ohio,  and  John  P.  Hale,  of  New  Hampshire,  were  the 
two  Senators,  and  David  P.  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  one 
of  the  thirteen  in  the  House. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

Compromise  of  18150 — Mr.  Calhoun's  Prophecy — Mr.  Mason  Member  of 
Committee  of  Thirteen — He  Dissents  from  Report  of  Committee — The 
Union  Party  and  the  Secessionists.  Reply  to  Invitation  to  Address  Mass- 
meeting  at  Newmarket.  California  Admitted  into  Union — Protest  of 
Southern  Senators — Fugitive  Slave  Law — Extract  from  Diary — Re-elected 
to  Senate — Chairman  of  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations — New  England 
Fisheries. 

The  effort  to  exclude  slavery  from  the  Western  territories 
caused  continuous  excitement  throughout  the  country,  and 
engendered  a  feeling  of  hostility  between  the  Northern  and 
the  Southern  sections  of  the  Union  that  increased  in  strength 
and  bitterness  as  time  passed. 

The  refusal  by  the  Northern  States  to  comply  with  the 
obligation  regarding  the  rendition  of  fugitive  slaves,  imposed 
upon  them  by  the  Constitution,  had  become  another  source  of 
constantly  increasing  grievance  to  the  South;  and  when  the 
3 ist  Congress  assembled,  in  December,  1849,  there  was  a  gen 
eral  recognition  of  the  necessity  for  some  legislation  that  would 
avert  the  impending  crisis. 

Many  looked  to  Mr.  Clay,  the  "  Great  Pacificator,"  with 
anxious  expectations  of  relief  to  be  afforded  by  the  measures 
he  should  propose.  The  famous  Compromise  of  1850  has  been 
ascribed  to  him,  and  doubtless  he  was  chiefly  responsible  for  it. 
Those  at  all  familiar  with  the  political  world  of  that  day  are 
aware  of  the  fact  that  Mr.  Mason  was  one  of  those  who  differed 
entirely  from  that  great  statesman  regarding  both  the  propriety 
of  the  concessions  then  made  by  the  South,  and  the  results  to  be 
anticipated  from  them. 

On  January  29th,  1850,  Mr.  Clay  introduced  in  the  Senate 
a  series  of  resolutions  intended  to  cover  all  the  questions  under 
discussion,  and  other  Senators  offered  numerous  modifications 
and  amendments,  but  the  debate  waxed  warmer  and  served 
only  to  increase  and  make  more  intense  the  feeling  of  hostility 
between  the  two  sections. 

It  was  in  the  midst  of  this  critical  period  that  Mr.  Cal 
houn's  voice  was  hushed  to  be  heard  no  more  in  the  councils 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


of  his  country.  On  March  4th  of  this  year,  1850,  he  appeared 
for  almost  the  last  time  in  the  Senate,  and  said  he  had  hoped 
to  speak  on  the  questions  then  pending,  but,  finding  he  had  not 
sufficient  strength  to  do  so,  he  had  committed  to  paper  what  he 
wished  to  say  and  would  ask  his  friend  from  Virginia  (Mr. 
Mason)  to  read  to  the  Senate  what  he  had  written.  This 
request  was,  of  course,  complied  with.  The  fact  that  Mr. 
Mason  was  selected  to  read  this  speech  is  sufficient  evidence 
that  it  touched  responsive  chords  in  his  mind  and  heart,  and 
thus  it  seems  particularly  appropriate  to  give  here  a  brief 
extract  which  describes  the  condition  of  the  South,  as  it  was 
understood  by  this  distinguished  statesman : 

"  I  have  believed  from  the  first/'  wrote  Mr.  Calhoun,  "  that 
the  agitation  of  the  subject  of  slavery  would,  if  not  prevented 
by  some  timely  and  effective  measure,  end  in  dissolution.  The 
agitation  has  been  permitted  to  proceed,  until  it  has  reached  a 
period  when  it  can  no  longer  be  disguised  or  denied  that  the 
Union  is  in  danger.  How  can  the  Union  be  preserved?  The 
first  question  presented  for  consideration,  in  the  investigation 
I  propose  to  make  is,  '  What  is  it  that  has  endangered  the 
Union?'  To  this  question  there  can  be  but  one  answer:  that 
the  immediate  cause  is  the  almost  universal  discontent  which 
pervades  all  the  States  composing  the  southern  section  of  the 
Union.  It  is  a  great  mistake  to  suppose  that  it  originated  with 
demagogues,  or  with  the  disappointed  ambition  of  certain  poli 
ticians,  who  resorted  to  it  as  a  means  of  retrieving  their  fortunes. 
The  cause  of  this  discontent  will  be  found  in  the  belief  of  the 
people  of  the  Southern  States  that  they  can  not  remain,  as  things 
are  now,  consistently  with  honor  and  safety,  in  the  Union." 

Among  the  fragmentary  memoranda  found  with  Mr. 
Mason's  papers,  from  which  quotations  have  already  been  made, 
the  following  is  interesting  in  this  connection.  It  is  in  Mr. 
Mason's  handwriting.  In  the  last  illness  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  and 
not  long  before  his  death,  sitting  with  him  in  his  chamber,  the 
conversation  turned  on  the  various  propositions  and  the  ques 
tions  before  the  Senate  and  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  as  arising 
out  of  the  acquisition  of  California  and  New  Mexico.  In  this 
conversation  he  said :  "  The  Union  is  doomed  to  dissolution, 
there  is  no  mistaking  the  signs.  I  am  satisfied  in  my  judgment, 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


even  were  the  questions  which  now  agitate  Congress  settled  to 
the  satisfaction  and  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Southern  States, 
it  would  not  avert,  or  materially  delay,  the  catastrophe. 

"  I  fix  its  probable  occurrence  within  twelve  years  or  three 
Presidential  terms.  You,  and  others  of  your  age,  will  probably 
live  to  see  it;  I  shall  not.  The  mode  by  which  it  will  be  done 
is  not  so  clear ;  it  may  be  brought  about  in  a  manner  that  none 
now  foresee.  But  the  probability  is,  it  will  explode  in  a  Presi 
dential  election/' 

Mr.  Calhoun  died  in  Washington,  March  3ist,  1850.  Mr. 
Mason  was  appointed  as  chairman  of  the  Senate  Committee  of 
Arrangements  for  the  funeral,  and,  accompanied  by  several 
other  members  of  the  committee,  he  took  the  body  to  South 
Carolina  for  interment. 

So  critical  was  the  situation  in  the  Senate  acknowledged  to 
be,  that  it  was  thought  necessary  to  effect  an  agreement  that  no 
measures  involving  the  subject  of  slavery  should  be  discussed 
during  the  absence  of  the  committee.  Upon  their  return  the 
debate  was  resumed  and  was  continued  until  some  time  in 
April,  when  it  was  arranged  to  refer  all  questions  connected 
with  slavery  to  a  committee  of  thirteen,  of  which  Mr.  Clay  was 
made  chairman,  and  Mr.  Mason  one  of  its  members. 

On  May  8th,  Mr.  Clay  reported  from  that  committee  the 
measures  that  made  up  the  compromise.  "  Many  Senators 
desired  to  consider  these  measures  separately,  but  the  com 
mittee  had  decided  to  embrace  them  all  in  one  bill  of  four  parts, 
which  bill  has  been  commonly  known  as  the  '  Omnibus  bill.'  'J 
The  reader  is  referred  to  the  Congressional  Globe  (3ist  Con 
gress,  ist  session,  May  8th),  for  the  full  report  made  by  Mr. 
Clay,  with  the  remarks  he  then  made. 

Upon  their  conclusion  Mr.  Mason  said :  "  Mr.  President, 
I  rise  to  make  a  few  remarks  upon  the  subject  of  the  report 
just  presented  by  the  distinguished  chairman  of  the  committee. 
The  honorable  gentleman  has  done  no  more  than  justice — full 
and  proper  justice  to  every  member  of  it — certainly  so  far  as  I 
am  informed.  I  went  into  that  committee,  sir,  with  the  earnest 
hope  that  it  was  in  the  power  of  the  committee  to  recommend 
such  an  adjustment  of  the  great  questions  committed  to  them 
as  would  be  satisfactory  to  the  States.  None  can  regret  more 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


deeply  than  I  do  that  their  counsels  did  not  so  result.  I  need 
not  say  to  you,  sir,  or  to  the  Senators  around  me,  that  the  sub 
ject  committed  to  them  was  environed  with  difficulties ;  but  I 
fear,  so  far  as  I  am  informed  of  what  is  expected  of  the  repre 
sentatives  of  the  Southern  States  upon  this  question,  that  those 
difficulties,  by  the  report  submitted,  have  not  been  removed. 
The  language  of  the  report,  Mr.  President,  shows  that,  except 
ing  a  single  one  of  the  subjects  considered  by  them,  there  was 
not  unanimity.  That  one  was  the  construction  of  the  compact 
under  which  the  State  of  Texas  was  annexed.  It  was  my  mis 
fortune  not  to  be  in  the  majority  who  made  this  report,  or  that 
has  recommended  the  measures  to  be  adopted.  I  do  not  mean 
to  go  into  that  now,  sir.  It  may  become  my  duty  to  do  so  in 
the  deliberations  of  the  Senate,  when  they  shall  take  up  the 
various  modifications  which  these  measures  are  to  undergo,  if 
it  then  shall  be  found  that  we  can  fix  upon  some  plan  satisfac 
tory  to  the  country.  I  desire  only  to  state,  because  of  the 
gravity  and  importance  of  the  question  to  be  considered,  hum 
ble  as  I  am  upon  this  floor,  but  representing  one  of  the  States 
most  deeply  interested  in  the  question  involved,  that  I  do  not 
constitute  one  of  the  majority  of  the  committee.  I  deeply  and 
earnestly  regret  it,  sir,  that  I  could  not  either  concur  in  the 
measures  recommended  by  the  committee — at  least  those  meas 
ures  which  were  of  the  chief  importance — and  that  I  could  not 
recommend  any  conclusion  attained  by  the  committee,  or  the 
reasons  which  led  them  to  it.  I  do  not  mean  to  detain  the 
Senate,  I  wish  merely  to  put  myself  right  in  relation  to  the 
measures  proposed." 

The  most  important  measures  recommended  in  this  report, 
were,  that  California  should  be  forthwith  admitted  into  the 
Union  with  the  boundaries  she  had  proposed;  and  that  there 
should  be  "  more  effectual  enactments  of  law  to  secure  the 
prompt  delivery  of  persons  bound  to  service  or  labor  in  one 
State  under  the  laws  thereof,  who  escape  into  another  State." 

The  bill  to  admit  California  was  immediately  taken  up  and 
for  more  than  three  months  was  the  chief  subject  of  considera 
tion  and  of  discussion,  not  only  in  both  Houses  of  Congress,  but 
in  every  little  town  or  hamlet  and  at  the  country  post-offices 
throughout  the  Southern  States.  Wherever  two  or  three  peo- 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


75 


pie  gathered  together  the  one  absorbing  topic  of  common  inter 
est  was  the  same.  Everywhere  meetings  were  held  for  the  pur 
pose  of  considering  the  measures  proposed  by  the  Committee  of 
Thirteen,  and  many  resolutions  were  adopted  similar  in  their 
tone,  to  those  passed  by  the  Legislature  of  Mississippi,  which 
are  here  quoted  as  expressing  the  opinions,  with  some  few 
exceptions,  of  the  people  of  the  South,  as  well  as  those  of  their 
Senators  and  Representatives  in  Congress. 

It  is  true  that  there  were  some  in  the  South  who  thought 
it  possible  to  preserve  the  Union  by  yielding  their  right  to  share 
equally  with  the  Northern  States  the  enjoyment  of  the  terri 
tories  as  being  the  property  of  all  the  States  equally,  and  who 
were,  therefore,  in  favor  of  the  proposed  compromise.  The 
number  of  these  grew  gradually  smaller  as  time  rolled  by, 
although  it  was  large  enough  in  1850  to  be  recognized  as  a  dis 
tinct  party,  known  as  the  Unionists,  in  opposition  to  the  so- 
called  Secessionists,  whose  position  was  clearly  defined  by  the 
Virginia  Legislature  in  the  resolutions  adopted  in  1847,  an<^ 
more  than  once  afterwards  repeated.  The  Legislature  of  Miss 
issippi  simply  stated  the  same  general  principles  and  pointed 
out  their  application  to  the  case  then  presented  to  the  country, 
when  it 

"  Resolved,  That  the  policy  heretofore  pursued  by  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States  in  regard  to  said  territory  (Cali 
fornia)  in  refusing  to  provide  territorial  government  therefor, 
has  been,  and  is,  eminently  calculated  to  promote,  and  is  about 
to  effect,  indirectly,  the  cherished  objects  of  the  Abolitionists, 
which  cannot  be  accomplished  by  direct  legislation,  without  a 
plain  and  palpable  violation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States : 

"Resolved,  That  the  admission  of  California  into  the  Union 
as  a  Sovereign  State,  with  its  present  Constitution,  the  result  of 
the  aforesaid  false  and  unjust  policy  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  would  be  an  act  of  fraud  and  oppression  on  the 
rights  of  the  people  of  the  slaveholding  States,  and  it  is  the 
sense  of  this  Legislature  that  our  Senators  and  Representa 
tives  should,  to  the  extent  of  their  ability,  resist  it  by  all  hon 
orable  and  constitutional  means." 

Mr.  Mason  was  frequently  called  a  Secessionist.    The  follow- 


76 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


ing  letter  speaks  for  itself:  Might  he  not  well  have  quoted 
Patrick  Henry,  and  said :  "  If  this  be  treason,  make  the  most 
of  it"? 

"  WASHINGTON,  July  23d,  1850. 
"  To  David  Hedrick  and  others,  Committee: 

"  GENTLEMEN  : — I  have  your  letter  of  the  Qth,  as  a  com 
mittee  of  citizens  of  New  Market  and  its  vicinity,  inviting  me  to 
attend  and  to  address  a  '  Union  Mass  Meeting '  to  be  held  at 
New  Market  on  Saturday,  the  27th  inst.,  '  to  take  into  consid 
eration  the  plan  submitted  by  the  Committee  of  Thirteen  now 
before  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  for  the  adjustment  of 
the  unhappy  difficulties  existing  between  the  North  and  the 
South  on  the  subject  of  slavery  and  all  other  subjects  connected 
with  the  same/ 

"  Could  I  be  absent  from  my  place  at  Washington,  I  should 
gladly  embrace  the  opportunity,  afforded  by  your  kind  invita 
tion,  to  meet  my  fellow-citizens  of  Shenandoah  in  counsel,  and 
to  lay  before  them  my  views  at  large,  on  the  great  and  moment 
ous  questions  now  depending  before  the  country. 

"  But  my  first  duty  is  to  be  discharged  here,  and  until 
these  questions  are  disposed  of,  no  representative  from  the 
South  can  be  safely  absent  from  the  post  assigned  him.  I 
regret,  therefore,  that  I  can  not  be  with  you  on  the  27th. 

"  That  our  glorious  and  once  happy  Union  is  brought  into 
serious  danger  by  the  perverse  and  wicked  counsels  of  those 
who  seek  to  destroy  the  equality  of  the  States,  and  to  break  up 
the  social  organization  of  our  Southern  institutions,  we  have 
been  again  solemnly  warned  by  our  own  General  Assembly  dur 
ing  the  past  winter,  reviewing  and  reaffirming  the  deliberate  pos 
ture  of  resistance  it  was  forced  to  assume  in  1847.  ^n  tne  lan~ 
guage  of  our  Legislature,  speaking  to  their  sister  States  the 
voice  of  Virginia,  '  Her  loyalty  to  the  Union  is  no  matter  of 
empty  profession ;  it  is  stamped  upon  every  page  of  her  history. 
No  State  has  done  as  much  to  form  the  Union;  none  is  pre 
pared  to  do  more  to  perpetuate  it,  in  the  spirit  in  which  it  was 
formed,  and  in  which  alone  it  can  be  preserved.  But  loyal  as 
she  is,  and  ever  has  been,  it  were  a  fatal  error  to  suppose  that 
Virginia  will  ever  consent  that  that  Union,  to  which  she  has 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


looked  as  a  source  of  happiness  and  honor,  shall  be  converted 
into  an  instrument  of  degradation  and  oppression.' 

"  Every  true  son  of  our  noble  Commonwealth  will  stand 
by  the  General  Assembly,  in  support  of  the  principles  and 
sentiments  thus  announced;  I  am  sure  none  with  more 
unwavering  devotion  than  my  fellow-citizens  to  whom  I  address 
this  letter. 

"  In  the  present  unhappy  dissensions  which  divide  the 
country,  and  to  which  you  have  alluded,  I  can  only  say  that  no 
one  is  prepared  to  go  farther  than  I  in  efforts  to  compose  and 
settle  them  forever.  But  this  can  be  no  better  effected  by 
evasive  adjustment,  than  by  peremptory  submission  to  lawless 
power. 

"  In  regard  to  the  bill  reported  to  the  Senate  by  the  Com- 
mitttee  of  Thirteen,  it  is  a  measure  yet  depending,  and  it  is  im 
possible  to  say  what  changes  it  may  undergo  before  a  final  vote 
is  ordered.  If  it  ultimately  assumes  such  a  form,  as  under  its 
operation  to  ensure  the  just  equality  of  all  the  States,  in  the 
benefits  as  well  as  in  the  burdens  of  a  common  government,  it 
shall  receive  at  my  hands  a  cordial  and  zealous  support — if 
otherwise,  clearly  and  decidedly  not. 

"  With  great  respect,   I   am,   Gentlemen, 
"  Your  friend  and  fellow-citizen,, 

"JAMES   M.   MASON." 

History  records  the  adoption  of  the  compromise  measures, 
and  the  admission  of  California  into  the  Union  as  a  State  on 
August  1 3th,  1850. 

The  next  day,  Mr.  R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  of  Virginia,  said  in 
the  Senate :  "  I  rise  not  to  present  a  petition,  but  to  address 
a  motion  to  the  courtesy  of  the  Senate — a  motion  which  I  am 
aware  I  can  not  make  as  a  matter  of  right  and  parliamentary 
privilege.  It  is  to  ask  that  a  protest,  which  has  been  prepared 
and  signed  by  ten  members  of  this  body,  against  the  passage 
of  the  bill  admitting  California  into  the  Union  as  a  State,  which 
passed  yesterday,  may  be  received  and  spread  upon  the  Jour 
nals  of  the  Senate.  We  ask  it,  because  we  deem  it  one  of  the 
most,  if  not  perhaps  the  most  important  measure  that  has 
passed  during  our  experience  here,  and  we  wish  to  give  what- 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


ever  emphasis  we  legitimately  can  to  our  opposition  to  it.  We 
wish,  so  far  as  we  can,  to  break  the  force  of  a  precedent,  which 
we  regard  as  mischievous  and  dangerous,  for  the  admission  of 
States  into  this  Union.  I  ask  that  it  may  be  read  and  spread 
upon  the  Journals  of  the  Senate."  After  considerable  oppo 
sition  on  the  part  of  several  of  the  Senators,  this  protest  was 
received  and  read.  It  is  given  as  copied  from  the  Congres 
sional  Globe: 

PROTEST   AGAINST   THE    PASSAGE   OF   THE    BILL   ADMITTING 
CALIFORNIA  AS  A  STATE. 

"  We,  the  undersigned  Senators,  deeply  impressed  with  the 
importance  of  the  occasion,  and  with  a  solemn  sense  of  the 
responsibility  under  which  we  are  acting,  respectfully  submit 
the  following  protest  against  the  bill  admitting  California  as  a 
State  into  this  Union,  and  request  that  it  may  be  entered  upon 
the  Journal  of  the  Senate.  We  feel  that  it  is  not  enough  to 
have  resisted  in  debate  alone  a  bill  so  fraught  with  mischief  to 
the  Union  and  the  States  which  we  represent,  with  all  the  re 
sources  of  argument  which  we  possessed ;  but  that  it  is  also  due 
to  ourselves,  the  people  whose  interests  have  been  intrusted 
to  our  care,  and  to  posterity,  which  even  in  its  most  distant 
generations  may  feel  its  consequences,  to  leave  in  whatever 
form  may  be  most  solemn  and  enduring,  a  memorial  of  the 
opposition  which  we  have  made  to  this  measure,  and  of  the  rea 
sons  by  which  we  have  been  governed,  upon  the  pages  of  a 
Journal  which  the  Constitution  requires  to  be  kept  so  long  as 
the  Senate  may  have  an  existence.  We  desire  to  place  on 
record  the  reasons  upon  which  we  are  willing  to  be  judged  by 
generations  living  and  yet  to  come,  for  our  opposition  to  a  bill 
whose  consequences  may  be  so  durable  and  portentous  as  to 
make  it  an  object  of  deep  interest  to  all  who  may  come  after 
us.  We  have  dissented  from  this  bill  because  it  gives  the 
sanction  of  law,  and  thus  imparts  validity  to  the  unauthorized 
action  of  a  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of  California,  by  which  an 
odious  discrimination  is  made  against  the  property  of  the  fif 
teen  slaveholding  States  of  the  Union,  who  are  thus  deprived 
of  that  position  of  equality  which  the  Constitution  so  mani- 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


festly  designs,  and  which  constitutes  the  only  sure  and  stable 
foundation  on  which  this  Union  can  repose. 

"  Because  the  right  of  the  slaveholding  States  to  a  com 
mon  and  equal  enjoyment  of  the  territory  of  the  Union  has 
been  defeated  by  a  system  of  measures  which,  without  the 
authority  of  precedent,  of  law,  or  of  the  Constitution,  were 
manifestly  contrived  for  that  purpose,  and  which  Congress 
must  sanction  and  adopt,  should  this  bill  become  a  law. 

"  In  sanctioning  this  system  of  measures,  this  Government 
will  admit  that  the  inhabitants  of  its  territories,  whether  perma 
nent  or  transient,  whether  lawfully  or  unlawfully  occupying  the 
same,  may  form  a  State  without  the  previous  authority  of  law ; 
without  even  the  partial  security  of  a  territorial  organization 
formed  by  Congress ;  without  any  legal  census  or  other  efficient 
evidence  of  their  possessing  the  number  of  citizens  necessary  to 
authorize  the  representation  which  they  may  claim ;  and  without 
any  of  those  safeguards  about  the  ballot-box  which  can  only  be 
provided  by  law,  and  which  are  necessary  to  ascertain  the  true 
sense  of  a  people.  It  will  admit,  too,  that  Congress,  having 
refused  to  provide  a  Government  except  upon  the  condition  of 
excluding  slavery  by  law,  the  Executive  branch  of  this  Gov 
ernment  may,  at  its  own  discretion,  invite  such  inhabitants  to 
meet  in  convention,  under  such  rules  as  it  or  its  agents  may 
prescribe,  and  to  form  a  Constitution  affecting  not  only  their 
own  rights,  but  those  also  of  fifteen  States  of  the  Confederacy, 
by  including  territory  with  the  purpose  of  excluding  those 
States  from  its  enjoyment,  and  without  regard  to  the  natural 
fitness  of  boundary,  or  any  of  the  considerations  which  should 
properly  determine  the  limits  of  a  State.  It  will  also  admit 
that  the  convention  thus  called  into  existence  by  the  Executive 
may  be  paid  by  him  out  of  the  funds  of  the  United  States,  with 
out  the  sanction  of  Congress ;  in  violation  not  only  of  the  plain 
provisions  of  the  Constitution,  but  of  those  principles  of 
obvious  propiiety  which  would  forbid  any  act  calculated  to 
make  that  convention  dependent  upon  it ;  and  last,  but  not  least, 
in  the  series  of  measures  which  this  Government  must  adopt 
and  sanction  in  passing  this  bill,  is  the  release  of  the  authority 
of  the  United  States  by  the  Executive  alone  to  a  Government 
thus  formed,  and  not  presenting  even  sufficient  evidence  of  its 


So  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

having  the  assent  of  a  majority  of  the  people  for  whom  it  was 
designed.  In  view  of  all  these  considerations,  the  undersigned 
are  constrained  to  believe  that  this  Government  could  never  be 
brought  to  admit  a  State  presenting  itself  under  such  circum 
stances,  if  it  were  not  for  the  purpose  of  excluding  the  people  of 
the  slaveholding  States  from  all  opportunity  of  settling  with 
their  property  in  that  territory. 

"  Because  to  vote  for  a  bill  passed  under  such  circumstances 
would  be  to  agree  to  a  principle  which  may  exclude  forever 
hereafter,  as  it  does  now,  the  States  which  we  represent,  from 
all  enjoyment  of  the  common  territory  of  the  Union ;  a  principle 
which  destroys  the  equality  of  their  States  in  the  Confederacy, 
the  equal  dignity  of  those  whom  they  represent  as  men  and  as 
citizens  in  the  eye  of  the  law,  and  their  equal  title  to  the  pro 
tection  of  the  Government  and  the  Constitution. 

"  Because  all  the  propositions  have  been  rejected  which 
have  been  made  to  obtain  either  a  recognition  of  the  rights  of 
the  slaveholding  States  to  a  common  enjoyment  of  all  the  ter 
ritory  of  the  United  States,  or  to  a  fair  division  of  that  territory 
between  the  slaveholding  and  non-slaveholding  States  of  the 
Union — every  effort  having  failed  which  has  been  made  to 
obtain  a  fair  division  of  the  territory  proposed  to  be  brought  in 
as  the  State  of  California. 

"  But,  lastly,  we  dissent  from  this  bill,  and  solemnly  protest 
against  its  passage,  because,  in  sanctioning  measures  so  con 
trary  to  former  precedent,  to  obvious  policy,  to  the  spirit  and 
intent  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  for  the  purpose 
of  excluding  the  slaveholding  States  from  the  territory  thus  to 
be  erected  into  a  State,  this  Government  in  effect  declares  that 
the  exclusion  of  slavery  from  the  territory  of  the  United  States 
is  an  object  so  high  and  important  as  to  justify  a  disregard  not 
only  of  all  the  principles  of  sound  policy,  but  also  of  the  Con 
stitution  itself.  Against  this  conclusion  we  must  now  and 
forever  protest,  as  it  is  destructive  of  the  safety  and  liberties 
of  those  whose  rights  have  been  committed  to  our  care,  fatal  to 
the  peace  and  equality  of  the  States  which  we  represent,  and 
must  lead,  if  persisted  in,  to  the  dissolution  of  the  Confederacy, 
in  which  the  slaveholding  States  have  never  sought  more  than 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON.  Si 


equality,  and  in  which  they  will  not  be  content  to  remain  with 
less. 

"  Signed, 

"J.   M.   MASON,  Virginia. 

"  R.  M.  T.  HUNTER,  Virginia. 

"A.  P.  BUTLER,  South  Carolina. 

"R.   B.  BARNWELL,  South   Carolina. 

"H.  L.  TURNEY,  Tennessee. 

"  PIERRE  SOULE,  Louisiana. 

"  JEFFERSON  DAVIS,  Mississippi. 

"  DAVID  R.  ATCHINSON,  Missouri. 

"JACKSON  MORTON,  Florida. 

"  D.  L.  YULEE,  Florida." 

On  the  day  after  this  protest  was  presented,  the  Senate,  at 
the  request  of  Mr.  Mason,  took  up  the  "  Fugitive  Slave  Bill " 
which  he  had  introduced  on  a  previous  occasion,  and  of  which  he 
had  then  said :  "  I  introduced  the  bill  here  to  discharge  a  duty 
which  I  owe  to  the  people  whom  I  represent,  and  in  obedience 
to  instructions  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia."  *  *  "  I 
am  free  to  confess,"  he  continued,  "  that  although  the  bill  and 
the  amendments  have  been  framed  with  some  care,  and  the 
amendments  have  met  the  approbation  of  the  Committee  on  the 
Judiciary,  I  have  little  hope  that  it  will  afford  the  remedy  it  is 
intended  to  afford.  I  fear  it  will  be  found  that  even  this  law  will 
be  of  little  worth  in  securing  the  rights  of  those  for  whose 
benefit  it  is  intended,  and  yet,  if  the  remedies  proposed  could  be 
enforced,  they  would  be  found  of  exceeding  value  and  impor 
tance,  not  alone  to  the  people  of  the  State  which  I  represent, 
but  to  all  the  Southern  States  now  holding  the  African  race  in 
bondage." 

It  should  be  here  noted:  this  bill  was  not  only  in  accord 
ance  with  the  compromise  just  agreed  upon,  but  it  was  in  fact 
provided  to  carry  into  effect  one  of  the  provisions  of  the  said 
compromise.  It  has  been,  nevertheless,  held  up  to  condemna 
tion,  even  to  execration,  by  the  people  of  the  North;  and  Mr. 
Mason  was  specially  odious  to  the  Abolitionists,  because  he  was 
generally  known  as  its  author. 

The  following  clipping  from  an  English  newspaper  gives 


82  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

interesting  information  concerning  this  bill,  which,  after  much 
earnest  and  angry  debate,  was  adopted  by  the  Senate  on  August 
26th,  and  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  September  I2th, 
1850.  There  is  strong  circumstantial  evidence  this  article  was 
contributed  by  Mr.  Mason,  although  his  name  was  not  given 
when  it  appeared  (during  the  war)  in  the  form  of  a 

LETTER  TO  THE  EDITOR  OF  "  THE  INDEX/' 

"Sir:  So  much  having  of  late  been  said  about  Mr. 
Mason's  connection  with  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  I  beg  to  send 
you  the  following  brief  sketch  of  the  true  history  of  that  law, 
and  its  real  authorship,  as  derived  from  the  most  authentic 
records : 

"  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  the  author  of  the 
so-called  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  It  contains  a  clause  stipulating 
between  the  States,  parties  to  it,  for  the  surrender  of  fugitives 
escaping  from  one  State  into  the  jurisdiction  of  another  State, 
and  without  which  such  fugitives  could  not  be  reclaimed;  that 
is  to  say: 

"  First.     Felons,  called  '  fugitives  from  justice/ 

"  Second.  Apprentices  or  indentured  servants,  called  per 
sons  '  held  to  service/ 

"  Third.    Slaves,  called  persons  '  held  to  labour/ 

"  This  stipulation  is  found  in  Article  IV,  Section  2,  of  the 
Constitution,  in  the  following  words: 

" '  A  person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason,  felony,  or 
other  crime,  who  shall  flee  from  justice  and  be  found  in  another 
State,  shall,  on  demand  of  the  Executive  of  the  State  from  which 
he  fled,  be  delivered  up,  to  be  removed  to  the  State  having 
jurisdiction  of  the  crime. 

"  'No  person  held  to  service  or  labour  in  one  State,  under 
the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of 
any  law  or  regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service 
or  labour,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to 
whom  such  service  or  labour  may  be  due/ 

"  This  provision,  it  is  seen,  makes  it  incumbent  to  '  deliver 
up '  a  fugitive  of  either  class  to  the  jurisdiction  from  which  he 
fled.  The  Constitution  went  into  operation  in  1787,  but  no  case 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


arose  calling  for  the  aid  of  this  stipulation  until  1792-93,  and  it 
arose  then  in  the  case  of  a  fugitive  from  justice.  The  Governor 
of  one  of  the  States  desired  to  reclaim  a  person  guilty  of  felony 
who  was  found  in  another  State.  The  Governor  of  the  State 
where  the  fugitive  sought  refuge  decided  that  he  had  no  power 
either  to  apprehend  or  to  '  deliver  him  up/  An  appeal  was  then 
made  to  the  Executive  of  the  United  States,  as  a  duty  devolving 
on  it  under  the  Constitution,  General  Washington  being  then 
President.  The  question  was  referred  by  him  to  the  Attorney- 
General  of  the  United  States,  as  its  law  adviser.  The  Attorney- 
General  reported  that,  although  the  duty  was  imperative,  the 
Constitution  required  legislation  to  give  it  effect,  and  that  with 
out  such  legislation  the  Government  was  without  power  in  the 
premises. 

"  President  Washington  laid  this  report  before  Congress, 
with  a  recommendation  that  proper  legislation  should  be  sup 
plied  to  give  effect  to  the  Constitution  in  this  regard.  No 
difficulty  had  arisen  at  that  day  about  the  surrender  of  slaves 
escaping  from  their  masters,  *  Runaways/  as  they  were  called  in 
common  parlance;  they  were  taken  by  their  masters  wherever 
found,  without  hindrance,  and  with  the  aid,  if  necessary,  of  the 
vicinage. 

"  Congress,  on  the  President's  recommendation,  took  up 
the  subject,  and  finding  that  three  classes  of  fugitives  were  pro 
vided  for  in  the  same  Article  of  the  Constitution,  enacted  a  law 
embracing  the  three  classes  as  in  pari  materia,  by  the  act  en 
titled,  '  An  Act  respecting  Fugitives  from  Justice,  and  Persons 
escaping  from  the  Service  of  their  Masters/  approved  by  Presi 
dent  Washington,  February  I2th,  1793. 

"  This  Act,  the  first  passed  for  the  recovery  of  fugitive 
slaves,  provided  for  their  arrest  by  the  owner  in  whatsoever 
State  such  fugitive  was  found,  and  imposed  penalties  on  any 
who  should  obstruct  or  hinder  such  arrest,  or  rescue  the  fugitive 
from  the  custody  of  his  owner,  or  should  harbor  or  conceal  him. 

"  If  there  be  any  curiosity  to  establish  the  authorship  of  the 
so-called  '  Fugitive  Slave  Law/  it  is  thus  historically  traced. 
The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  the  author  of  the  princi 
ple  of  the  reclamation  of  the  slave,  and  General  Washington,  by 
his  recommendation  to  Congress,  was  the  author  of  the  law  to 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


give  effect  to  the  principle,  the  Constitution  being  powerless 
proprio  vigore. 

"  Mr.  Mason,  thus,  was  not  the  author  of  this  law,  but  he 
was  the  author  of  a  subsequent  law  of  Congress,  passed  in  1850, 
more  effectually  to  carry  into  effect  the  provisions  of  the  Act 
of  1793,  which  the  title  of  the  Act  of  1850  fully  discloses,  it 
being  entitled,  '  An  Act  to  amend  and  supplementary  to  an  Act 
Entitled  An  Act  respecting  Fugitives  from  Labour  and  Justice,' 
approved  February  I2th,  1793." 

It  would  be  deeply  interesting  to  study  closely  the  progress 
of  legislation  during  the  next  eight  years,  to  trace  back  to  their 
respective  sources  the  various  measures  proposed,  and  to  find, 
in  the  speeches  made  in  the  Senate,  the  arguments  urged  by  the 
advocates  of  each  measure  and  the  evil  results  predicted  from 
them  by  their  opponents.  Such  study  might  reveal  much  that 
is  not  generally  found  in  the  histories  that  have  been  written, 
and  might  place  beyond  further  question  the  wisdom  and  fore 
sight  of  those  Southern  Senators  who,  before  the  close  of  that 
decade,  had  said  to  their  respective  States  that  both  their  safety 
and  their  honor  demanded  their  withdrawal  from  the  Union. 
The  necessary  limits  of  this  volume  do  not,  however,  admit  of 
more  than  brief  notices  of  some  of  the  more  important  events 
of  that  eventful  period,  with  extracts  from  such  of  Mr.  Mason's 
speeches  and  letters  as  will  show  whether  he  correctly  inter 
preted  the  signs  of  the  times.  It  will  be  evident  that  while  he 
claimed  for  the  Southern  States  nothing  more  than  had  been 
guaranteed  to  them  by  the  Federal  Constitution,  he  strove 
earnestly  to  point  out  to  the  people  of  the  whole  country  the 
inevitable  results  of  the  policy  which  secured  complete  political 
ascendency  to  one  section  and  placed  the  other  in  a  helpless 
minority. 

In  the  fragmentary  memoranda,  before  spoken  of  as  found 
among  Mr.  Mason's  papers,  there  is  the  following  entry,  which 
is  dated,  Selma,  August  9th,  1851 : 

THE  SLAVE  QUESTION  AND  THE  DISPOSITION  MADE  OF  IT  BY 
THE  3  IST  CONGRESS,  1850. 

"  The  pseudo  compromise  of  the  slave  question,  claimed 
to  have  been  effected  by  the  measures  of  this  session,  will,  in 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


its  consequences,  be  found  fatal,  either  to  the  Union  of  the 
States,  or  to  the  institution  of  slavery.  The  disposition  of  the 
subject  made  by  the  compromise  laws  has  had  the  necessary 
effect  of  placing  the  Union  of  the  States  under  a  common  gov 
ernment,  in  direct  hostility  to  the  institution  of  slavery,  and  an 
antagonism,  not  before  even  known  to  exist,  has  thus  been 
established  and  placed  broadly  before  the  eyes  of  the  people. 
It  leaves  to  the  Southern  States  no  escape  from  the  decision. 
Which,  on  their  part,  shall  be  preferred?  And  all  this  has  been 
done  by  defection  in  the  Representatives  of  the  South.  Who 
these  are,  history  and  the  records  of  the  day  will  leave  in  no 
uncertainty  when  the  day  of  trial  comes.  The  issues  made  were, 
the  right  of  the  Federal  Government  to  prohibit  slavery  in  the 
territories,  and  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia. 

"  The  Southern  States  had,  with  entire  unanimity,  pre 
scribed  these  issues  as  the  fighting  line,  and  both  were,  by  the 
compromise  unconditionally  surrendered.  The  former,  directly 
and  without  equivocation,  and  the  latter,  substantially;  because, 
on  the  question  of  right  there  can  be  no  difference  between  the 
right  to  abolish  an  institution,  and  the  right  to  destroy  an  in 
cident  material  to  its  preservation. 

In  looking  to  the  part  I  bore  in  the  deliberations  and  acts 
of  that  Congress,  I  have  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  my 
judgment  never  wavered,  or  recognized  one  doubt  as  to  the  line 
of  duty,  an  opposition  from  the  beginning  to  the  close  of  the 
disgusting  drama,  with  a  protest  when  it  ended.  The  rest  is  a 
question  of  time,  and  of  time  only.  The  safety  and  integrity  of 
the  Southern  States  (to  say  nothing  of  their  dignity  and  honor) 
are  indissolubly  bound  up  with  domestic  slavery,  and  for  the 
overthrow  of  the  latter  the  Federal  Government  is  now  com 
mitted,  to  the  world,  and  to  the  majority  which  wields  its  power. 
Those  who  would  have  averted  this  fearful  issue  were  the  true 
friends  to  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union;  and  if  it  be  found  true 
that  this  issue  is  presented  by  the  so-called  Compromise 
Measures,  it  results  that  the  responsibility  rests  with  those  who 
voted  them  into  law." 

Another  entry  in  the  same  memoranda,  says :  "  The  term 
for  which  I  was  elected  to  the  Senate,  expired  on  March  4th, 


S6  LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

1851.  The  Legislature  met  at  Richmond  on  Monday,.  Decem 
ber  2d,  1850,  and  on  Saturday  following,  December  7th,  I  was 
re-elected  for  six  years  to  expire  March  4th,  1857,  by  the 
triumphant  majority  of  seventy,  against  all  competitors,  on  the 
first  ballot.  The  election  was  made  thus  immediately  after  the 
Legislature  met  (as  shown  by  reasons  assigned  in  the  debate), 
to  mark  the  more  emphatically  its  decided  approbation  of  my 
course  in  the  Senate,  on  the  slavery  questions,  arising  out  of  the 
acquisition  of  California  and  New  Mexico.  Bis  dat,  qui  cito  dat." 

His  re-election  to  the  Senate  was,  of  course,  the  subject  of 
comment  in  many  of  the  newspapers.  The  opinions  then  ex 
pressed  possess  some  interest  now. 

The  first  extract  is  taken  from  one  of  the  papers  of  Charles- 
town,  Jefferson  County,  Virginia,  which  said : 

"  On  the  arrival  of  the  news  from  Richmond  of  the  re 
election  of  Colonel  James  M.  Mason  to  the  United  States 
Senate  by  the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  the  Court-House  bell  was 
rung,  and  a  meeting  of  the  people  of  the  town  and  neighborhood 
held.  On  motion,  Colonel  Francis  Yates  was  called  to  the  chair, 
and  Robert  Baylor  appointed  secretary.  On  motion  of  R.  H. 
Butcher,  Esq.,  the  following  resolutions  were  offered  and 
adopted : 

" '  Resolved,  That  with  unfeigned  pleasure  we  have  just 
heard  of  the  re-election  of  the  Honorable  James  M.  Mason  to 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States  by  the  Virginia  Legislature. 

"  '  Resolved,  That  this  meeting  hails  with  delight  this  act  of 
justice  and  right  on  their  part  towards  a  distinguished,  faith 
ful,  public  servant,  who  has  obeyed  his  State,  faithfully  repre 
sented  his  constituents,  and  reflected  honor  upon  this  noble 
Commonwealth. 

" '  Resolved,  That  our  worthy  Senator  should  see  in  this  act 
of  his  constituents,  not  only  his  reward,  but  his  duty  to  per 
severe  in  that  course  which  shall  ensure  to  his  own  State  and 
the  whole  South  her  constitutional  rights  under  the  Constitu 
tion  made  by  the  Fathers  of  this  Republic. 

"  '  Resolved,  That  this  meeting  tender  their  thanks  to  the 
Senator  from  this  district,  H.  L.  Opie,  and  other  Senators  and 
members  from  the  Valley,  for  vindicating  the  rights  of  this  State 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


and  the  South,  in  their  advocacy  of  the  claims  of  the  Honorable 
James  M.  Mason  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

"  '  Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  five  be  appointed  by  the 
Chair  to  procure  ammunition  and  fire  a  salute  of  thirteen  guns 
in  honor  of  the  re-election  of  the  Honorable  James  M.  Mason 
to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

"  '  Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  this  meeting  forward  a 
copy  of  the  proceedings  of  this  meeting  to  Honorable  James  M. 
Mason,  Senator-elect;  to  the  Honorable  R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  to 
the  State  Senator  from  this  district,  and  to  his  Excellency  John 
B.  Floyd,  Governor  of  Virginia/ 

"  A  postscript  by  the  editor  said :  '  In  accordance  with  the 
above  resolutions,  our  old  cannon  made  vocal  the  hills  and  the 
valleys  on  last  evening,  in  honor  of  the  election  of  Mr.  Mason. 
Bonfires  also  illumined  our  village,  and  with  many  of  our  citizens 
it  was  an  occasion  of  no  ordinary  rejoicing/  " 

The  Southern,  Argus,  of  December  nth,  1850,  said:  "The 
two  Houses  of  the  Virginia  Legislature,  by  joint  ballot,  on 
Saturday  re-elected  the  Honorable  James  M.  Mason,  Senator 
of  the  United  States  for  six  years  from  the  4th  of  March  next, 
by  the  overwhelming  vote  of  112,  scattering  42.  The  Richmond 
Enquirer  says  that  Mr.  Mason  received  the  vote  of  every 
Democrat  and  of  many  Whigs  who  felt  it  their  duty  to  sustain 
him.  We  feel  gratified  and  proud  at  this  result.  Had  the  Legis 
lature  pursued  a  different  course  towards  this  pure  patriot  and 
statesman,  it  would  have  been  an  ineffaceable  stain  upon  the 
character  of  the  State." 

These  extracts  from  contempoVaneous  newspapers  afford 
evidence  that  his  course  was  fully  approved  and  endorsed  by  his 
constituents.  The  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  in  the 
Senate  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that,  upon  the  opening  of. 
the  next  session  of  that  body,  in  December,  1851,  he  was  elected 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  and  was  re- 
elected  to  this  important  position  each  session  during  the  next 
ten  years,  or  so  long  as  Virginia  retained  her  place  among  the 
States  of  the  Union. 

An  extract  from  the  Congressional  Globe  indicates  his  jeal 
ous  care  (as  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations) 
for  the  rights  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  irrespective  of 


8$  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

sectional  questions.  It  may  be  well  to  say,  in  explanation,  that 
in  the  early  summer  of  1852,  great  excitement  and  indignation 
was  aroused  in  the  New  England  States  by  the  appearance  on 
the  North  American  coast  of  British  vessels  of  war  sent  out  for 
the  avowed  purpose  of  seizing  any  American  fishing  vessels 
found  within  the  limits  defined  by  "  The  Crown  Officers  of 
England/'  The  opinion  delivered  by  these  officers  of  the  Crown 
was,  "  That  by  the  terms  of  the  Convention  of  1818,  American 
citizens  were  excluded  from  any  right  of  fishing  within  three 
miles  from  the  coast  of  British  America,  and  that  the  prescribed 
distance  of  three  miles  is  to  be  measured  from  the  headland  or 
extreme  points  of  land  next  the  sea,  of  the  coast  or  of  the 
entrance  of  bays  or  indents  of  the  coast,  and  consequently  that 
no  right  exists  on  the  part  of  American  citizens  to  enter  the 
bays  of  Nova  Scotia,  there  to  take  fish,  although  the  fishing 
being  within  the  bay  may  be  a  greater  distance  than  three  miles 
from  the  shore  of  the  bay;  as  we  are  of  opinion  that  the  term 
'  head  land '  is  used  in  the  treaty  to  express  the  part  of  the  land 
we  have  before  mentioned;  including  the  interior  of  the  bays 
and  the  indents  of  the  shore." 

In  the  newspapers  of  July  6th,  1852,  had  appeared  a  com 
munication  headed: 

AMERICAN    FISHERIES — (OFFICIAL) — DEPARTMENT    OF    STATE. 

"  Information  of  an  official  nature  has  been  received  to  the 
effect  that,  with  the  recent  change  of  Ministry  in  England,  has 
occurred  an  entire  change  of  policy  regarding  the  questions  re 
lating  to  protection  for  the  fisheries  on  the  coasts  of  British 
North  America.  That  her  Majesty's  Ministers  are  desirous  of 
removing  all  grounds  of  complaint  on  the  part  of  the  Colonies, 
in  consequence  of  the  encroachments  of  the  fishing  vessels  of 
the  United  States  upon  those  waters,  from  which  they  are  ex 
cluded  by  the  terms  of  the  Convention  of  1818;  and  they  there 
fore  intend  to  dispatch,  as  soon  as  possible,  a  small  naval  force 
of  steamers  or  other  small  vessels,  to  enforce  the  observance  of 
that  Convention." 

After  a  clear  recital  of  the  facts  and  circumstances  relevant, 
the  paper  concludes :  "  It  is  this  construction  of  the  intent  and 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


meaning  of  the  Convention  of  1818,  for  which  the  Colonies  have 
contended  since  1841,  and  which  they  have  desired  should  be 
enforced.  This  the  English  Government  has  now,  it  would 
appear,  consented  to  do,  and  the  immediate  effect  will  be  the 
loss  of  the  valuable  fall  fishing  to  American  fishermen,  a  com 
plete  interruption  of  the  extensive  fishing  business  of  New  Eng 
land,  attended  by  constant  collisions  of  the  most  unpleasant  and 
exciting  character,  which  may  end  in  the  destruction  of  human 
life,  in  the  involvement  of  the  Government  in  questions  of  a  very 
serious  nature,  threatening  the  peace  of  the  two  countries.  Not 
agreeing  that  the  construction  thus  put  upon  the  treaty  is  con 
formable  to  the  intentions  of  the  contracting  parties,  this  in 
formation  is,  however,  made  public  to  the  end  that  those  con 
cerned  in  the  American  fisheries  may  perceive  how  the  case  at 
present  stands,  and  may  be  upon  their  guard.  The  whole  sub 
ject  will  engage  the  immediate  attention  of  the  Government. 
"(Signed)  DANIEL  WEBSTER, 

"  Secretary  of  State" 

On  July  23d,  1852,  Mr.  Mason  submitted  the  following 
resolution : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  re 
quested  to  communicate  to  the  Senate,  if,  in  his  opinion,  not 
incompatible  with  the  public  interests,  all  correspondence  on 
file  in  the  Executive  Departments  with  the  Government  of  Eng 
land,  or  its  Diplomatic  representatives,  since  the  Convention 
between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  of  October  2Oth, 
1818,  touching  the  fisheries  on  the  coasts  of  the  British  pos 
sessions  in  North  America,  and  the  rights  of  American  citizens 
of  the  United  States  engaged  in  such  fisheries,  as  secured  by 
such  Convention. 

"  And  that  the  President  be  also  requested,  under  like 
limitations,  to  inform  the  Senate  whether  any  of  the -Naval 
forces  of  the  United  States  have  been  ordered  to  the  seas 
adjacent  to  the  British  possessions  in  North  America,  to  protect 
the  rights  of  American  fishermen,  under  said  Convention  of 
1818,  since  the  receipt  of  the  intelligence  that  a  large  and  un 
usual  British  naval  force  had  been  ordered  there  to  enforce 
certain  alleged  rights  of  Great  Britain,  under  said  Convention." 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


He  then  said  :  "  Mr.  President,  I  have  thought  it  my  duty, 
considering  the  present  aspect  of  affairs,  so  far  as  they  are  com 
municated  to  us  by  the  public  journals,  to  submit  this  resolu 
tion,  and  ask  that  it  be  considered  immediately.  We  are  in 
formed,  unofficially,  but  in  a  manner  clearly  indicating  that  it  is 
correct,  that  the  British  Government  has  recently  asserted 
rights  under  the  Convention  of  1818,  in  relation  to  the  fisheries 
of  the  North,  which,  whether  they  exist  or  not,  they  suffered 
from  1818  to  1841  to  pass  without  a  question,  and  after  1841, 
when  the  question  was  mooted  as  to  the  respective  rights  of 
British  subjects  and  American  citizens  under  the  treaty  of  1818, 
they  still  suffered  to  remain  in  statu  quo. 

"  Sir,  the  British  Government  know  well  that  very  large 
and  important  interests  are  embarked  by  citizens  of  the  United 
States  in  these  fisheries.  They  know  that  the  harbors,  and 
coasts,  and  seas  off  their  possessions  in  North  America  swarm 
at  stated  seasons  of  the  year  —  and  this,  as  I  am  informed,  is  one 
of  those  seasons  —  with  these  fishing  vessels  ;  yet,  suddenly,  with 
out  notice  of  any  kind,  we  are  informed  from  the  public  journals, 
and  semi-officially  by  a  sort  of  proclamation  from  the  Secretary 
of  State,  that  a  very  large  British  naval  force  has  been  ordered 
into  those  seas  for  the  purpose  of  enforcing,  at  the  mouth  of 
the  cannon,  the  construction  which  Great  Britain  has  now 
recently  determined  to  place  on  that  Convention.  Now,  sir,  I 
had  supposed,  in  this  civilized  age,  and  between  two  such  coun 
tries  as  those  of  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  that  were 
it  the  purpose  of  England  to  revise  her  construction  of  this 
Convention,  and  require  that  it  should  be  enforced,  comity, 
ordinary  comity,  national  courtesy,  would  have  required  that 
notice  should  have  given  of  that  determination  on  the  part  of 
Great  Britain. 

"  But,  sir,  when  no  such  notice  is  given  ;  when  on  the  con 
trary,  the  first  information  that  reaches  us  is  that  Great  Britain 
has  ordered  into  those  seas  a  large  naval  force  for  the  purpose 
of  enforcing  this  alleged  right,  I  know  not  in  what  light  it  may 
strike  other  Senators,  but  it  strikes  me  as  a  far  higher  offence 
than  a  breach  of  national  courtesy  —  as  one  of  insult  and  in 
dignity  to  the  American  people. 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


"  This  morning,  in  the  first  paper  I  took  up  from  the 
North,  I  see  extracted  from  one  of  the  British  colonial  news 
papers,  printed  at  St.  Johns,  in  New  Brunswick,  a  formal  state 
ment  of  the  actual  naval  force  ordered  by  Great  Britain  im 
mediately  to  rendezvous  in  those  seas.  It  consists  of  the 
Cumberland,  a  seventy-gun  ship,  commanded  by  Sir  G.  F.  Sey 
mour,  who,  I  believe,  is  a  British  Admiral  commanding  on  the 
West  India  Station;  and  then  follows  an  enumeration  of  steam 
vessels,  sloops  of  war,  and  schooners,  to  the  number  of  nineteen, 
ordered  to  rendezvous  there  immediately,  and  with  the  utmost 
dispatch.  For  what  purpose?  To  enforce  at  once,  and  without 
notice  to  this  Government,  so  far  as  I  am  informed  —  and  yet 
we  have  some  information,  through  the  quasi-proclamation  of 
the  Secretary  of  State  —  at  the  mouth  of  the  cannon,  the  con 
struction  which  the  British  Government  places  upon  that  Con 
vention.  I  do  not  know  what  view  has  been  taken  by  the  Presi 
dent  of  this  extraordinary  movement  on  the  part  of  the  British 
Government  ;  but  I  think  I  do  know  what  the  American  people 
would  demand  of  the  Executive  under  such  circumstances.  If 
there  be  official  information  or  information  satisfactory  to  the 
Executive,  that  this  extraordinary  naval  armament  has  been 
ordered  by  Great  Britain  into  the  North  American  seas,  for  the 
purpose  of  executing,  instanter,  the  construction  which  Great 
Britain  places  upon  the  Convention,  I  say  the  American  people 
will  demand  of  their  Executive  that  all  the  naval  force  on  the 
home  station  should  be  ordered  there  instantly,  to  protect  the 
American  fishermen. 

"  Sir,  we  have  been  told  by  the  poet  who  most  deeply  read 
the  human  heart,  that  '  out  of  this  nettle,  danger,  we  pluck  the 
flower,  safety  '  ;  and  if  I  may  be  told  there  is  danger  of  collision, 
I  would  answer  at  once,  there  is  no  danger.  But  if  there  were, 
it  becomes  the  Executive  immediately  to  resent  that  which  can 
be  looked  upon  only  as  an  indignity  and  insult  to  the  nation. 
I  have  no  fear,  Mr.  President,  that  war  is  to  follow  the  apparent 
collision  which  has  taken  place  between  the  two  governments; 
but  I  confess  that  I  feel  deeply  the  indignity  that  has  been  put 
upon  the  American  people,  in  ordering  this  British  squadron 
into  those  seas  without  notice  ;  and  if  I  read  the  feelings  of  our 
people  aright,  they  will  demand  that  a  like  force  shall  be  in- 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


stantly  sent  there,  in  order  that  the  rights  of  our  people  may  be 
protected. 

"  Sir,  I  do  not  profess  the  power  to  construe  the  purpose  of 
this  movement  on  the  part  of  the  British  Government;  but  I 
was  very  much  impressed  by  a  dispatch  which  I  saw  in  one  of 
the  late  papers,  but  which,  unfortunately,  I  have  not  at  hand, 
within  the  last  few  days,  a  dispatch  from  the  Foreign  Office  of 
Great  Britain  to  the  Colonial  Office  advising  the  Colonial  Office 
of  this  movement,  advising  it  that  it  was  one  requiring  celerity 
and  dispatch,  and  requiring  that  measures  should  be  taken  by 
the  Colonial  Office  to  procure  concert  between  the  British  naval 
force  and  the  Colonial  authorities.  The  reason  assigned  was 
that  this  measure  was  taken  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  as 
preliminary  to  certain  negotiations.  Now,  what  does  this  mean? 
I  know  not  what  these  negotiations  are,  but  if  it  means  any 
thing,  it  means  that  we  are  to  negotiate  under  duress.  Ay,  sir  ; 
at  this  day,  that  this  great  people  covering  a  continent,  and 
numbering  five  and  twenty  millions,  are  to  negotiate  with  a 
foreign  fleet  on  our  coast.  I  know  not  what  the  President  has 
done;  I  claim  to  know  what  the  American  people  expect  of 
him.  I  know,  that  if  he  has  done  his  duty,  the  reply  to  the 
resolution  of  inquiry  will  be,  'I.  have  ordered  the  whole  naval 
force  of  the  country  into  those  seas  to  protect  the  rights  of 
American  fishermen  against  the  British  cannon/ 

"  I  hope  it  will  be  the  pleasure  of  the  Senate  to  consider  the 
resolution  immediately/' 

The  resolution  was  commended,  in  short  speeches,  by 
Messrs.  Hamlin  (Maine),  Cass  (Michigan),  and  Seward  (New 
York),  and  was  adopted.  It  does  not  pertain  to  the  present 
purpose  to  go  into  the  negotiations  that  followed  between  the 
British  and  the  United  States  Governments  on  the  subject.  A 
letter  from  Mr.  Woodbury  is  appended  as  one  among  many 
received  from  New  England  in  acknowledgment  of  Mr.  Mason's 
vigilance  in  protecting  the  rights  and  the  interests  of  that  sec 
tion  of  the  country. 

"  BOSTON,  February  25th,  1852. 
"  To  the  Hon.  James  M.  Mason, 

"  U.  S.  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 
"DEAR  SIR:  A  great  excitement  prevails  here  on  the  fishery 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


question,  and  your  conduct  in  the  Senate  excites  the  warmest 
approbation  along  the  coast.  In  the  present  peculiar  position 
of  the  question  we  hardly  know  whom  to  petition,  or  exactly 
what  to  ask;  a  great  many  petitions  are  circulating  in  all  our 
coast  towns.  Every  Yankee  feels  his  honor  and  his  interest 
alike  involved  in  this  matter,  and  if  the  Government  will  only 
permit  the  fishermen  to  arm  themselves,  they  may  not  be  able 
to  catch  steamers,  but  you  may  rely  upon  it  there  will  be  no 
British  left  on  land  or  water  within  a  marine  league  of  the  coasts 
of  the  provinces. 

"  The  accompanying  memorials  are  sent  through  you,  as 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Relations,  with  the 
desire  that  you  may  refer  them  to  the  President  or  the  depart 
ment  most  proper  to  entertain  them,  or  if  the  preliminary  move 
ment  is  from  Congress,  to  use  yourself.  This  step  is  not  in 
tended  in  any  doubt  or  disrespect  of  the  members  from  this 
State,  but  for  the  purpose  of  informing  your  committee  in 
transitu,  and  expressing  our  gratification  that  you  should  so 
promptly  tread  in  the  steps  of  the  illustrious  Jefferson  (your 
countryman)  in  vindicating  that  child  of  his  policy,  the  nursery 
of  American  seamen. 

"  I  am,  etc.,  yours  respectfully, 

"CHAS.  LEVI  WOODBURY." 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Kossuth — Speech  on  Intervention  and  Monroe  Doctrine — Know-Nothing 
Party — President  Pierce  and  His  Cabinet — Kansas-Nebraska  Act — Kansas 
Aid  Society — Senator  Sumner's  Speech  and  Mr.  Mason's  Reply — Mr. 
Sumner  Punished  by  Mr.  Brooks. 

Another  extract  from  the  fragmentary  memoranda  found 
among  Mr.  Mason's  private  papers  will  supply  an  appropriate 
introduction  to  his  speech  on  the  "  Intervention  Policy,"  made 
in  the  Senate  on  April  6,  1852.  It  is  the  last  of  these  mem 
oranda,  and  it  is  dated 

"  SELMA,  September  i8th,  1852. 

"  I  found  it  impossible  at  the  late  session,  which  terminated 
August  3  ist,  to  continue  the  foregoing  as  a  contemporaneous 
diary;  and  thus  record  now  such  of  the  events  of  that  session 
as  memory  retains,  or  I  may  think  worth  transmission. 

"  The  first  was  the  visit  of  Kossuth,  the  soi-disant  Governor 
of  Hungary,  to  Washington.  Either  instinct  or  some  knowl 
edge  of  humanity  led  me  to  consider  this  man  an  impostor,  and 
his  subsequent  career  in  the  country  fully  confirmed  the  first 
impression.  I  did  not  call  on  him  in  Washington,  being  one  of 
the  very  few  who  did  not.  I  voted  against  his  reception  by  the 
Senate,  and  took  occasion  in  debate  on  the  intervention  policy  to 
give  my  opinion  of  him. 

"  He  is  certainly  a  man  of  genius,  but  it  is  the  genius  of  a 
poet  and  a  visionary. 

"  The  occasion  of  his  visit,  and  his  avowed  policy  to  induce 
this  Government  to  depart  from  its  hitherto  neutral  position  in 
all  questions  affecting  foreign  interests,  was  taken  hold  of  by  all 
the  aspirants  for  the  Presidency,  to  -conciliate  the  immense 
foreign  vote  of  the  country,  at  the  expense  of  its  peace  and 
safety. 

"  At  a  dinner  given  to  him  in  Washington  by  members  of 
Congress,  to  which  I  refused  to  subscribe,  Captain  Douglas,  and 
even  Webster,  though  Secretary  of  State,  vied  in  the  effort  to 
exceed  each  other  in  such  oblations. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  Kossuth,  in  his  progress  through  the  country,  collected 
and  took  with  him  to  Europe  some  $100,000  as  a  sacred  fund 
for  aid  to  Hungary  in  future  revolution.  It  remains  to  be  seen 
how  it  will  be  accounted  for  by  the  trustee." 

The  following  extract  can  be  found  on  Page  401  of  the 
Appendix  to  the  Congressional  Globe  of  the  session  1850-1852: 

The  Senate  having  under  consideration  the  resolutions 
offered  by  Mr.  Clark,  with  amendments  offered  by  Mr.  Seward 
and  Mr.  Cass,  reaffirming  the  doctrines  of  non-intervention, 
Mr.  Mason  said: 

"  Mr.  President :  The  resolutions  which  have  been  offered 
by  the  Honorable  Senator  from  Michigan  (Mr.  Cass),  and  also 
by  the  Honorable  Senator  from  New  York  (Mr.  Seward),  are 
directed  to  an  occasion  that  has  passed  by.  They  are  intended 
to  express  the  sense  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  on  the 
armed  intervention  of  the  Emperor  of  Russia  between  Austria 
and  Hungary,  one  of  its  dependencies.  But,  though  the  occa 
sion  is  passed,  these  honorable  Senators  regarding,  I  doubt  not, 
the  strong  feeling  which  was  manifested  in  some  parts  of  the 
country  on  the  occasion  of  that  intervention  have  deemed  it 
proper  to  bring  the  subject  before  Congress,  in  order,  first,  that 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States  may  express,  so  far  as  lies 
with  them,  the  sentiments  of  the  country  on  the  subject  of  that 
intervention;  and,  secondly,  with  a  view  to  foreshadow  what 
those  Senators,  and  others  who  think  with  them,  take  to  be  the 
true  position  of  this  Government,  and  of  this  country,  in  refer 
ence  to  all  similar  occasions  when  they  may  arise. 

"  Now,  sir,  we  can  not  shut  our  eyes  to  the  fact,  that 
among  some  of  the  people  of  this  country,  confined,  I  believe, 
pretty  much  to  the  West  and  North,  a  strong  sentiment  has 
been  excited  by  the  presence  of  one  of  the  refugees  from  this 
re-subjugated  country  of  Hungary,  who  came  among  us,  brought 
out  under  the  safe  conduct  of  our  flag,  as  was  supposed,  with  a 
view  to  find  a  Republican  home ;  or  if  not,  then  simply  to  make 
his  acknowledgments  for  that  safe  conduct ;  but  as  it  has  turned 
out,  he  came  with  a  view  to  establish  himself  as  a  propagandist 
in  this  country;  to  invite  the  councils  of  the  nation  to  what  he 
apprehended  to  be  the  duty  that  this  country  owed  to  others, 
and  more  especially  to  his  own.  The  feeling  natural  to  the 


96 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


occasion  was  very  much  inflamed  by  the  peculiar  talents  of  the 
man  as  a  popular  orator.  And  so  it  has  been  that  your  table, 
Mr.  President,  now  has  on  it  memorials  and  petitions  from 
various  parts  of  the  country  asking  the  Government  to  review, 
in  order  to  remodel,  the  policy  that  has  been  the  guide  of  this 
country  for  the  last  half  century  in  its  intercourse  with  and  in  its 
relations  to  foreign  countries. 

"  Sir,  the  resolution  which  has  been  offered  by  the  Senator 
from  Michigan,  adverting  to  this  armed  interference  of  Russia 
between  Austria  and  Hungary,  expresses,  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States,  the  declaration  '  that  they  have  not  seen,  nor 
could  they  again  see,  without  deep  concern,  the  violation  of  this 
principle  of  national  independence ' ;  the  principle  being  as 
recited  in  the  resolution,  that  which  is  an  undoubted  law  of 
nations,  that  one  nation  has  not  the  right  to  interfere  with  the 
domestic  concerns  of  another. 

"  The  resolution  of  the  Senator  from  New  York  goes  a 
little  further.  In  that  resolution  it  is  declared  that,  '  The  United 
States,  in  defence  of  their  own  interests,  and  of  the  common 
interests  of  mankind,  do  solemnly  protest  against  the  conduct 
of  Russia  on  that  occasion,  as  a  wanton  and  tyrannical  infrac 
tion  of  the  laws  of  nations;  and  the  United  States  do  further 
declare  that  they  will  not  hereafter  be  indifferent  to  similar  acts 
of  national  injustice,  oppression,  and  usurpation,  whenever  or 
wherever  they  may  occur/ 

"  The  sanctions  under  which  these  resolutions  were  offered 
to  the  world  are  pretty  much  the  same  in  both  instances.  The 
Senator  from  Michigan  says,  that  '  the  United  States  can  not 
see  without  deep  concern  any  further  violation/  etc.,  and  the 
Senator  from  New  York  says  that  we  '  can  not  see  it  with 
indifference.'  The  import  of  the  two  expressions,  I  apprehend, 
being  pretty  much  the  same;  but  they  both  go  to  this  extent, 
that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  express  a  purpose  on 
their  part,  should  there  be  any  future  intervention  by  one 
foreign  nation  in  the  domestic  concerns  of  another. 

"  Mr.  President,  the  reasons  which  Senators  have  assigned 
in  sustaining  these  resolutions  have  gone  further  than  the  resolu 
tions  themselves.  They  have  shadowed  forth — some  more  dis 
tinctly,  some  less  so,  and  I  refer  especially  to  the  remarks  of  the 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


Senator  from  New  York  (Mr.  Seward),  and  those  of  the  Senator 
from  Louisiana  (Mr.  Soule),  —  they  have  shadowed  forth  on  the 
part  of  these  honorable  Senators  this  idea,  that  the  time  was  at 
hand  when  it  became  this  country  to  review  its.  policy  in  this 
respect,  although  not  expressed  in  language  sufficiently  pointed 
to  enable  us  to  understand  to  what  extent  that  review  should  be 
carried. 

"  But  the  honorable  Senator  from  Louisiana  went  some 
what  further.  He  undertook  to  show  that  that  which  had  been 
assumed  as  being  the  policy  of  Washington  —  a  subject  of  late 
much  discussed  at  public  meetings  in  the  country,  as  well  as  in 
the  newspapers  —  was  a  sort  of  historical  misconception,  that 
there  had  been  no  such  policy  at  all,  or  if  there  had  been,  that 
it  was  a  policy  adopted  only  for  an  occasion,  and  which  ended 
with  the  occasion  which  gave  it  birth.  This  suggestion  would 
seem  to  render  it  proper  that  we  should  go  back  to  the  early 
history  of  the  country,  and  trace  from  their  first  beginning  the 
rules  and  maxims,  which,  it  is  alleged,  on  our  part,  were  in 
stituted  by  the  fathers  of  the  Republic,  to  guide  us  in  our  inter 
course  with  foreign  nations. 

"  Thus  looking  back,  we  shall  find  three  great  occasions  on 
which  the  policy  of  this  Government,  in  its  relation  to  foreign 
powers,  was  brought  prominently  before  the  country  : 

"  First,  in  the  wars  following  the  French  Revolution, 
towards  the  close  of  the  last  century. 

"  Second,  on  the  threatened  intervention  of  the  '  Holy 
Alliance  '  between  Spain  and  her  American  Colonies. 

"  Third,  on  the  invitation  to  this  Government  by  the  South 
American  Republics,  to  meet  them  in  a  Congress  at  Panama. 

"  The  first  arose  immediately  after  the  organization  of  the 
Government.  Washington  was  inaugurated  President  in  1789, 
and  his  celebrated  proclamation  of  neutrality  issued  in  1793.  To 
this  proclamation  history  goes  back  as  the  great  landmark  in 
every  review  of  our  foreign  policy.  It  will  be  useful  therefore, 
briefly  to  recall  the  position  of  the  country  at  that  time,  and  the 
occasion  that  brought  it  forth. 

"  From  the  commencement  of  the  American  Revolution, 
France  had  looked  to  the  ultimate  separation  of  England  and  her 
American  Colonies  with  an  eye  of  favor,  and,  as  a  consequence, 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


nothing  was  left  undone  on  their  part  to  engage  France  in  the 
contest. 

"  Dr.  Franklin  had  been  sent  to  Paris  to  conciliate  the  good 
will  of  that  country,  and  to  procure  aid.  He  was  kindly  and 
graciously  received,  though  not  formally  acknowledged  as  the 
representative  of  his  country.  But  soon  the  favor  of  the  French 
Court  was  strongly  evinced  by  permitting  military  stores  and 
other  supplies  to  be  shipped  to  America,  and  even  vessels  of 
war  to  be  armed  and  equipped  in  her  ports  against  England. 
The  gratitude  of  our  country  thus  strongly  awakened  —  for  even 
by  such  connivance  France  incurred  the  hazards  of  a  war  —  was 
soon  more  keenly  excited  by  the  treaty  of  1778,  by  which  she 
made  herself  a  party  belligerent,  and  guaranteed  our  independ 
ence.  It  was  to  be  expected,  therefore,  that  the  American  people 
would  strongly  sympathize  with  those  of  France,  when  they 
were  soon  after  found  in  a  like  struggle  for  freedom,  as  was 
fondly  believed,  against  a  league  of  foreign  despots. 

"  The  year  1793,  just  ten  years  after  the  independence  of  the 
United  States  had  been  finally  established  by  the  treaty  of  peace, 
found  our  old  enemy,  England,  confederated  in  arms  with 
Austria,  Prussia,  Sardinia,  and  the  United  Netherlands,  against 
Republican  France.  The  occasion  was  eminently  calculated  to 
unsettle  the  judgment  of  the  country.  The  despots  of  Europe  in 
league  to  subjugate  Republican  France,  that  France,  who,  but 
ten  years,  short  years,  before,  had  been  our  ally  in  a  like  contest 
with  one  of  those  very  powers  then  armed  against  her. 

"  Fortunately  for  the  event,  the  destinies  of  the  country  were 
then  under  the  guidance  of  men  who  were  statesmen,  as  well  as 
patriots.  They  were  (to  borrow  the  appropriate  word  of  the 
Senator  from  Louisiana,  Mr.  Soule)  'impassive/  unmoved  by 
the  stirring  excitement  of  the  occasion;  they  took  counsel  only 
of  the  duties  they  owed  to  their  own  country.  They  well  knew 
that,  however  equally  our  country  had  reaped  the  benefits, 
France,  in  becoming  our  ally,  was  actuated,  as  nations  always 
are  actuated,  by  considerations,  first,  of  her  own  interest. 

"  France  and  England  were  then  the  great  rival  powers  of 
the  world  and  at  that  very  juncture,  the  former  was  yet  smarting 
under  the  humiliations  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris  in  1763,  by  which 
she  lost  her  possessions  in  North  America,  and  England  had 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


acquired  them  ;  and  without  disparaging  the  important  aid  which 
we  had  derived  from  France,  they  knew,  also,  that  she  had  not 
committed  herself  to  a  breach  with  England,  until  the  success  of 
our  arms  in  the  campaign  of  1777,  in  the  plains  of  New  Jersey, 
followed  by  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne  at  Saratoga,  showed  our 
country  capable  of  maintaining  the  independence  it  had  declared. 
In  fine,  they  knew  that  the  first,  if  not  the  single  object  of  France, 
was  to  weaken  her  rival,  by  dismembering  her  colonies. 

"  Mr.  Gerraud,  one  of  the  commissioners  on  the  part  of 
France,  who  signed  the  treaty  of  1778,  stated  to  the  American 
Commissioners  :  '  That  his  most  Christian  Majesty  was  fixed  in 
his  determination,  not  only  to  acknowledge,  but  to  support  their 
independence;  that  in  doing  this  he  might  probably  be  soon 
engaged  in  a  war,  yet  he  should  not  expect  any  compensation 
from  the  United  States  on  that  account,  nor  was  it  pretended  that 
he  acted  wholly  for  their  sakes,  since,  besides  his  good  will  to  them, 
it  was  manifestly  the  interest  of  France  that  the  power  of  Eng 
land  should  be  diminished  by  the  separation  of  the  Colonies 
from  its  Government.  The  only  condition  he  should  require,  and 
rely  on,  would  be,  that  the  United  States,  in  no  peace  to  be 
made,  should  give  up  their  independence  and  return  to  obedi 
ence  to  the  British  Government.'* 

"  Reasoning  as  a  statesman  should,  Washington  and  his 
Cabinet  acknowledged  only  the  responsibility  of  the  nation  to 
itself.  Although  under  many  stipulations  to  guaranty  to  France 
her  West  Indian  possessions,  there  was  none  that  America 
should  make  herself  a  party  to  the  war;  and  by  direction  of 
President  Washington,  the  proclamation  of  neutrality  was 
issued.  Its  character  simply  was,  to  define  the  relations  of  the 
country,  as  existing  with  all  foreign  powers,  under  the  laws  of 
the  country,  nothing  more.  It  laid  for  the  time,  but  it  laid  broad 
and  deep,  the  foundations  of  our  foreign  policy.  In  communicat 
ing  it  to  Congress,  at  the  first  session  thereafter,  by  his  message 
of  December,  1793,  the  President  said: 

;  '  As   soon   as   the   war   in    Europe  had   embraced   those 

powers  with  whom  the  United  States  have  the  most  extensive 

relations,  there  was  reason  to  apprehend  that  our  intercourse 

with  them  might  be  interrupted,  and  our  disposition  for  peace 

*See  Ramsey's  "History  of  the  United  States." 


I00  LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


drawn  into  question  by  the  suspicions  too  often  entertained  by 
belligerent  nations.  It  seemed,  therefore,  to  be  my  duty  to 
admonish  our  citizens  of  the  consequence  of  a  contraband  trade, 
and  of  hostile  acts  to  any  of  the  parties,  and  to  obtain,  by  a 
declaration  of  the  existing  legal  state  of  things,  an  easier  admis 
sion  of  our  right  to  the  immunities  belonging  to  our  situation. 
Under  those  impressions  the  proclamation  which  will  be  laid 
before  you  was  issued/ 

"  Of  this  proclamation  the  Senator  from  Louisiana  (Mr. 
Soule)  says,  it  was  only  a  '  transient  measure,  looking  wholly  to 
the  then  situation  of  the  country,  and  to  the  demands  which 
that  situation,  with  its  surrounding  perils,  made  upon  it/  And 
again :  '  It  seemed  to  be  debated  in  Cabinet  Council  how  far,  in 
issuing  that  proclamation,  General  Washington  had  not  tran 
scended  the  powers  vested  in  the  President  by  the  Constitution; 
and  we  have  the  authority  of  Mr.  Jefferson  to  the  effect  that  '  he 
apologised  for  the  use  of  the  term  neutrality'  '  The  President,' 
remarked  Mr.  Jefferson,  '  declared  he  never  had  an  idea  that  he 
would  bind  Congress  against  declaring  war,  or  that  anything 
contained  in  his  proclamation  could  look  beyond  the  day  of  their 
meeting.  The  President  said  he  had  but  one  object,  the  keeping 
our  people  quiet  till  Congress  should  meet/ 

"  The  impression  that  would  seem  to  be  conveyed  by  the 
honorable  Senator  in  the  expression  thus  used,  is,  that  this  proc 
lamation  was  one  intended  only  to  indicate  a  policy  altogether 
transient;  a  policy  that  should  die  with  the  exigency  that  had 
given  rise  to  it ;  and  tie  cites  from  the  '  Ana '  of  Mr.  Jefferson, 
published  with  his  correspondence,  to  show  what  General  Wash 
ington  himself  thought  of  the  proclamation.  He  says  that  Gen 
eral  Washington  declared  that  he  had  no  idea  of  committing 
Congress  by  that  proclamation ;  but  that  his  only  object  was  to 
'  keep  the  nation  quiet  until  Congress  should  meet/  Now,  sir. 
it  did  not  require  any  declaration  on  the  part  of  General  Wash 
ington,  as  to  what  the  character  of  that  proclamation  was,  for  the 
proclamation  speaks  for  itself.  It  did  not  require  anything  from 
General  Washington  to  inform  the  American  people  of  that  day, 
of  the  extent  of  his  powers ;  for  the  extent  of  his  powers,  as  Presi 
dent,  were  denned  in  the  Constitution.  Washington  declared,  and 
declared  correctly,  that  the  proclamation  originated  nothing.  It 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON.  IQI 

was  no  enactment  of  a  law.  It  was  a  single  declaration  of  the 
existing  relations  between  this  country  and  all  foreign  powers, 
relations  not  arising  from  his  will,  nor  created  by  the  proclama 
tion,  but  existing  under  the  laws.  His  purpose  and  sole  object 
was,  to  declare  to  the  American  people,  the  obligations  which 
existing  laws  imposed  upon  them.  What  were  those  laws? 
Laws  recognizing  that  this  country  was  at  peace  with  all  the 
world.  And  the  proclamation  was  nothing  more  than  that  being 
at  peace,  it  was  his  duty,  as  the  conservator  of  the  laws,  to  see 
that  that  peace  was  not  broken. 

"  Sir,  parties  were  somewhat  divided  at  that  day  upon  the 
policy  which  it  became  this  country  to  pursue  towards  France; 
one  party  asserting  that  our  proper  position  was  neutrality, 
another  party  asserting  that  we  ought  to  embark  in  the  war,  that 
it  was  a  duty  which  we  owed  to  our  ancient  ally,  to  sustain  her 
in  her  war  for  independence,  as  she  had  recently  sustained  us. 
But,  until  war  was  declared  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
who  alone  were  competent  to  declare  it,  there  could  be  no  dif 
ference  of  opinion  as  to  the  duty  of  the  Executive,  to  take  care 
that  the  peace  of  the  country  was  preserved.  The  country  was 
then  new.  The  Constitution  was  new.  It  was  comparatively 
untried.  The  extent  of  power  confided  under  it  to  the  Ex 
ecutive,  and  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  although  to 
be  gathered  from  the  instrument,  was  a  matter  that  very  much 
occupied  the  minds  of  statesmen  of  that  day.  It  does  appear, 
on  the  relation  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  that  in  the  Cabinet,  occasionally, 
Alexander  Hamilton,  whose  latitudinarian  opinions  upon  the 
subject  of  power  we  all  know,  advanced  the  opinion,  that  there 
was  something  more  potent  in  this  proclamation  of  neutrality, 
than  a  mere  declaration  of  the  existing  state  of  things.  Hamil 
ton  seemed  to  have  entertained  the  opinion,  that  it  was  com 
petent  for  the  President  of  the  United  States,  by  a  proclamation 
of  neutrality,  to  create  a  neutrality;  and  he  went  so  far  in  main 
taining  his  position,  as  to  declare  his  belief  that,  under  the  treaty- 
making  power,  it  was  competent  for  the  President  and  the 
Senate  to  stipulate  a  neutrality  with  a  foreign  nation,  and  thereby 
take  away  from  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  the  right 
to  declare  war  in  that  particular  case.  In  this  broad  opinion  Mr. 
Hamilton  seems  to  have  been  sustained  by  General  Knox.  Mr. 


I02  LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


Jefferson  and  Edmund  Randolph  combated  it;  and  General 
Washington,  it  would  seem,  agreed  with  them,  declaring,  as 
reported  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  '  that  he  had  but  one  object,  that  of 
keeping  the  people  quiet  until  Congress  met/  The  proclama 
tion,  in  truth,  originated  nothing;  it  created  nothing.  It  estab 
lished  the  status  of  the  country  only  until  Congress  should  meet. 
But  it  declared  the  opinion  of  General  Washington  as  to  the 
duty  of  his  country,  and  that  that  duty  was  neutrality. 

"  The  Senator  from  Louisiana,  whose  absence  I  very  much 
regret,  because  I  am  commenting  on  the  very  able  speech  which 
he  delivered  here  a  few  days  ago,  and  which,  I  doubt  not,  will 
have  its  effect  upon  the  country  in  the  decision  to  which  they 
will  come  on  this  question,  in  speaking  of  this  proclamation, 
says  further : 

: '  A  war  had  just  broken  out  between  France  and  England 
—I  should  say  between  France  and  coalesced  Europe,  France 
alone  struggling  for  her  liberties  and  the  liberties  of  mankind 
against  the  world  in  arms.  The  question  arose  what  part 
America  should  act  in  that  awful  conflict.  Would  she  redeem 
those  pledges  which  ardent  and  enthusiastic  minds  had  per 
suaded  themselves  she  was  under,  and  taking  the  part  of  France, 
strike  by  her  side  for  the  liberties  of  the  world?  She  could  not 
join  England  in  a  crusade  against  those  liberties.  Would  she 
then  participate  in  the  struggle,  or  would  she  rather  remain  a 
quiet  spectator  of  the  gigantic  scene,  and  trust  to  God  the  des 
tinies  of  her  ally?  Necessity — stern  necessity — could  alone 
impel  her  to  choose  the  last  alternative/ 

"  He  here  conveys  the  idea  that  the  American  people  were 
deterred  from  embarking  in  that  war  with  France,  only  because 
of  their  debilitated  condition.  That,  he  holds,  was  their  '  neces 
sity/  Now,  I  apprehend,  the  history  of  that  period  shows  very 
differently.  Washington  issued  the  proclamation  of  neutrality 
in  April.  Congress  met  in  the  ensuing  December;  and  so  far 
from  declaring  any  war,  with  a  view  to  aid  our  former  ally, 
France,  Congress  passed,  from  time  to  time,  a  series  of  laws  to 
protect  this  country  in  the  neutrality  thus  established.  Things 
went  so  far,  as  we  know  from  the  history  of  the  times,  that  Con 
gress  at  last  authorized  reprisals  to  be  made  against  France,  on 
account  of  the  spoliation  on  American  commerce ;  and  the  scene 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


closed  by  a  formal  act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
repealing  the  Treaty  of  1778,  and  with  it  all  the  guarantees  which 
it  had  made  to  France.  I  adduce  this  for  the  purpose  of  show 
ing,  that,  so  far  as  the  spirit  of  the  American  people  is  to  be 
ascertained  from  the  legislation  of  the  country,  during  the  whole 
of  that  trying  period,  Congress  sustained  the  President  of  the 
United  States  in  his  neutral  policy,  and  passed  every  law  which 
they  considered  would  conduce  to  the  preservation  of  neutrality, 
and  keep  the  country  free  from  all  foreign  obligations.* 

"  Mr.  President,  I  will  weary  the  Senate  no  longer  than 
briefly  to  sum  up  the  points  I  have  thus  endeavored  to  establish, 
by  reference  to  the  appropriate  history  of  our  country.  The 
policy  of  the  United  States  in  her  intercourse  with  foreign 
nations,  as  established  by  Washington,  and  followed  by  his  suc 
cessors,  I  take  to  be  this : 

"  That  the  Government  shall  keep  itself  free  of  all  political 
connection  with  any  foreign  power. 

'  That  the  first  and  great  object  in  view  is  to  preserve  rela 
tions  of  peace  and  amity  with  all ;  and  this  is  best  subserved  by 
avoiding  all  alliances,  whether  transient  or  permanent." 

After  reviewing  the  circumstances  attending  the  other  two 
occasions  to  which  he  had  referred,  Mr.  Mason  quoted  the  cele 
brated  message  of  President  Monroe,  and  said  of  it.  "  The 
ground  upon  which  President  Monroe  based  this  deliberate 
declaration  was,  as  will  be  seen,  that  the  allied  powers  could  not 
extend  their  political  system  to  any  portion  of  the  continent 
of  America  without  endangering  our  peace  and  happiness.  That 
was  the  distinct,  independent,  and  sole  ground  on  which  he 
justified  this  ostensible  departure  from  the  established  policy  of 
the  country.  It  was  boldly  and  wisely  done,  and  was  sustained 
by  the  American  people.  This  declaration  went  upon  the  prin 
ciple,  that  whilst  this  Government  disclaimed  all  right  to  inter 
fere  in  controversies  between  foreign  powers,  yet  such  disclaimer 
was  obviously  limited  to  controversies  which  could  not  affect 
our  own  people ;  when  by  any  such  controversy  a  different  aspect 
was  presented,  the  safety  and  interest  of  our  own  country  be 
came  our  sole  guide." 

*Want  of  space  makes  it  necessary  to  omit  much  of  this  speech.     It 
can  be  found  in  the  Congressional  Globe. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  That  the  cardinal  maxim  of  the  Government,  when  any 
measure  affecting  its  policy  is  proposed,  is  to  consider  first,  and 
to  consider  last,  how  it  will  affect  the  safety  and  welfare  of  our 
own  people,  and  to  do  nothing  (consistent  with  the  honor  of  the 
country)  which  will  endanger  either. 

"  That  in  case  of  war  between  two  or  more  powers  with 
whom  we  are  at  peace,  both  duty  and  interest  require  of  us  strict 
neutrality. 

"  That  should  such  war,  or  other  form  of  hostility,  exist 
between  a  Government  and  its  own  people,  or  its  dependencies, 
however  we  may  sympathize  with  the  one  party  or  the  other, 
accordingly  as  we  may  consider  on  which  side  is  the  right,  our 
duty  of  neutrality  is  not  the  less  incumbent,  than  in  case  of  such 
war  between  independent  powers. 

"  That  the  laws  of  nations  have  their  sanction  only  in  the 
faith  and  in  the  honor  of  nations;  whence  it  results  that,  what 
ever  opinions  may  justly  be  entertained  of  the  offender,  when 
they  are  violated  or  disregarded,  no  nation  is  called  upon  to 
enforce  such  law,  or  to  redress  the  wrong,  unless  thereby  injury 
be  committed  against  herself. 

"  That  in  any  case  where  one  nation  interferes  by  force  or 
otherwise,  with  the  internal  or  domestic  affairs  of  another,  how 
ever  it  be  in  violation  of  the  law  of  nations,  our  American  policy 
prescribes,  that  it  is  no  affair  of  ours,  unless  such  interference 
shall,  either  directly  or  ultimately,  affect  the  safety  or  interest 
of  our  own  people;  in  which  case,  such  affair  becomes  ours, 
and  our  Government  is  bound  to  act  accordingly. 

"  That  in  regard  to  any  such  foreign  interference,  our  duty 
is  measured  only  by  our  interests;  we  may  be  called  to  intervene 
when  its  consequences  are,  or  may  become,  injurious  to  our 
own  people,  but  not  because  of  its  injury  to  another  people. 

"  These  maxims  of  policy  have  guided  us  thus  far  to  honor, 
dignity,  and  strength.  Under  them  the  country  is  prosperous  at 
home  and  respected  abroad.  To  abandon  them  now  would  be  in 
the  very  wantonness  of  power,  to  hazard  in  speculative  philan 
thropy  the  peace  and  welfare  of  a  whole  people." 

During  the  summer  of  1852  public  attention  was  much 
engrossed  with  the  pending  Presidential  campaign.  The  old 
party  lines  were  almost  disappearing  before  a  new  issue  that  had 


LIFE    OF   JAME8   MURRAY   MASON. 


been  brought  into  prominence,  or  it  would,  perhaps,  be  more 
accurate  to  say  an  old  issue  had  been  revived  and  presented  in 
a  rather  different  form.  The  American  Party,  formed  in  New 
York  in  1842,  had  demanded  that  public  offices  should  be  held 
only  by  native  Americans,  and  that  naturalization  should  be 
allowed  only  after  twenty  years'  sojourn  in  the  country.  Now, 
in  1852,  when  immigration  had  greatly  increased,  a  secret,  oath- 
bound  fraternity,  with  numerous  lodges,  -and  with  conventions 
which  made  nominations  secretly,  attained  sudden  importance 
because  of  the  inroads  made  by  it  upon  the  Democratic  and 
Whig  parties,  particularly  upon  the  latter,  as  it  drew  much  more 
largely  upon  that  party  than  upon  the  Democratic.  It  was  the 
outgrowth  from  the  American  Republican  Party,  and  it  revived 
the  old  claim  that  all  public  offices  should  be  reserved  for  native- 
born  Americans.  From  the  professions  of  ignorance  with  which 
its  members  met  all  questioning,  they  derived  the  name  "  Know- 
nothings."  Possibly  the  secrecy  and  mystery  of  the  organization 
increased  its  popularity  with  certain  classes,  but  to  Mr.  Mason 
and  others  of  the  same  mould  this  feature  alone  would  have 
made  it  odious,  even  though  there  had  not  been  important  issues 
at  stake  upon  which  this  new  party  advocated  measures  at  vari 
ance  with  those  supported  by  the  Democrats.  Mr.  Mason,  there 
fore,  took  an  active  part  in  canvassing  his  State,  and  earnestly 
endeavored  to  point  out  the  evils  he  apprehended  from  the 
Know-nothing  party. 

Congress  continued  in  session  that  year  until  August  3ist; 
consequently  it  proved  a  laborious  season  for  him;  but  the 
results  of  the  elections  in  the  fall  were  more  than  compensation 
for  the  efforts  he  had  made.  In  March  of  the  next  year,  1853, 
Mr.  Pierce  was  inaugurated  President,  with  Honorable  W.  R. 
King,  Vice-President ;  Governor  W.  L.  Marcy,  of  New  York, 
Secretary  of  State ;  and  Honorable  Jefferson  Davis,  Secretary  of 
War.  Very  kind,  personal  relations  had  long  existed  with  all 
these  gentlemen,  and  Mr.  Mason's  intercourse  with  this  admin 
istration  was  most  cordial  and  agreeable.  It  should  also  be 
noted  in  this  connection  that  General  Samuel  Cooper,  of  New 
York,  Mr.  Mason's  brother-in-law,  was  at  this  time  Adjutant- 
General  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Davis  says,  in  his  "  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Confederate 


I0$  LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


Government,"  when  speaking  of  his  own  experience  as  Secretary 
of  War,  "  me  administration  of  Franklin  Pierce  presents  the 
only  instance  in  our  history  of  the  continuance  of  a  Cabinet  for 
four  years  without  a  single  change  in  its  personnel.  When  it  is 
remembered  that  there  was  much  dissimilarity,  if  not  incon 
gruity,  of  character  among  the  members  of  that  Cabinet,  some 
idea  may  be  formed  of  the  power  over  men  possessed  and  ex 
ercised  by  Mr.  Pierce.  Chivalrous,  generous,  amiable,  true  to 
his  friends  and  to  his  faith,  frank  and  bold  in  the  declaration  of 
his  opinions,  he  never  deceived  any  one.  And,  if  treachery  had 
ever  come  near  him,  it  would  have  stood  abashed  in  the  presence 
of  his  truth,  his  manliness,  and  his  confiding  simplicity." 

The  "  Kansas-Nebraska  Act "  was,  perhaps,  the  most  im 
portant  measure  adopted  during  the  administration  of  Mr. 
Pierce;  and  as  it  has  been  considered  one  of  the  most  potent 
factors  in  determining  the  course  of  future  events,  it  may  be  well 
to  say  here  that  it  provided  separate  governments  for  the  two 
territories  and  left  the  question  of  slavery  to  be  decided  by  the 
people  of  the  future  States,  when  admitted.  Mr.  Davis  says  of  it, 
in  his  book  before  quoted :  "  This  bill  was  not,  as  has  been  im 
properly  asserted,  a  measure  inspired  by  Mr.  Pierce  or  any  of 
his  Cabinet.  Nor  was  it  the  first  step  taken  toward  the  repeal  of 
the  conditions  or  obligations  expressed  or  implied  by  the  estab 
lishment,  in  1820,  of  the  politico-sectional  line  of  thirty-six 
degrees  and  thirty  minutes.  That  compact  had  been  virtually 
abrogated,  in  1850,  by  the  refusal  of  the  representatives  of  the 
North  to  apply  it  to  the  territory  then  recently  acquired  from 
Mexico.  In  May,  1854,  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  was  passed; 
its  purpose  was  declared  to  be  to  carry  into  practical  operation 
the  '  propositions  and  principles  established  by  the  compromise 
measures  of  1850.'  The  '  Missouri  Compromise/  therefore,  was 
not  repealed  by  that  bill — its  virtual  repeal  by  the  legislation 
of  1850  was  recognised  as  an  existing  fact,  and  it  was  declared  to 
be  inoperative  and  void. 

"  It  was  added  that  the  '  true  intent  and  meaning '  of  the  act 
was  '  not  to  legislate  slavery  into  any  Territory  or  State,  nor  to 
exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to  leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly 
free  to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their 
own  way,  subject  only  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States/ 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


The  claim  afterwards  advanced  by  Mr.  Douglass  and  others, 
that  this  declaration  was  intended  to  assert  the  right  of  the  first 
settlers  of  a  territory,  in  its  inchoate,  rudimental,  dependent,  and 
transitional  condition,  to  determine  the  character  of  its  institu 
tions,  constituted  the  doctrine  popularly  known  as  '  squatter 
sovereignty/  Its  assertions  led  to  the  dissensions  which  ulti 
mately  resulted  in  a  rupture  of  the  Democratic  Party/' 

No  trouble  arose  regarding  Nebraska,  because,  owing  to  the 
climate,  there  was  little  probability  that  slave  labor  could  ever 
be  profitably  employed  there.  In  Kansas  the  case  was  different. 
Great  excitement  prevailed  throughout  the  Union ;  the  Massa 
chusetts  Emigrant  Aid  Society  sent  colonies  to  keep  slavery 
out  of  the  State.  A  Congressional  Association,  known  as  the 
Kansas  Aid  Society,  was  formed  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  free 
emigration  into  Kansas ;  arms,  ammunition,  and  money,  as  well 
as  men,  were  thus  sent  into  the  new  Territory.  John  Brown 
(of  Harper's  Ferry  fame)  was  one  of  these  employes  of  the 
Massachusetts  Emigrant  Aid  Society  who  proved  himself 
specially  energetic  and  skilful  in  executing  his  mission  of 
murder. 

Emigrants  from  Arkansas  and  Missouri  moved,  with  their 
slaves,  into  Kansas  for  the  purpose  of  counteracting  these 
designs  and  of  keeping  the  Territory  open  to  the  Southern 
people.  Scenes  of  violence  and  bloodshed  were  the  inevitable 
results  of  such  conditions,  and  they  were  of  such  frequent  occur 
rence  as  finally  to  call  out  the  Federal  troops  to  suppress  the 
disorders. 

The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  of  1850,  had  been  violently 
denounced  by  the  Abolitionists  of  the  North.  Fourteen  of  the 
States  had  passed  "  Personal  Liberty  Bills  "  for  the  protection 
of  fugitive  slaves  found  within  their  borders,  had  prohibited  the 
use  of  State  jails,  had  forbidden  State  officers  and  judges  to 
assist  claimants  or  to  issue  writs  in  such  cases,  and  had  provided 
heavy  penalties  for  the  violation  of  these  laws.  Sectional  feeling 
steadily  increased  in  strength  and  bitterness. 

An  extract  from  the  Congressional  Globe  illustrates  the 
strained  relations  that  existed  between  the  men  brought  together 
in  Congress  as  representatives  of  their  respective  sections.  It 
claims  a  place  here  because  of  its  reference  to  Mr.  Mason,  and 


I08  LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


also  because  the  incident  to  which  it  relates  has  been  recorded 
by  more  than  one  of  the  historians  of  the  day  who  have  con 
demned  in  unmeasured  terms  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Brooks,  and 
have  not  shown  the  provocation  to  which  he  was  subjected : 

"  On  May  I2th,  1856,  the  Senate,  as  in  Committee  of  the 
Whole,  having  under  consideration  the  Bill  '  to  Authorize  the 
People  of  the  Territory  of  Kansas  to  form  a  Constitution  and 
State  Government,  preparatory  to  their  admission  into  the 
Union,  when  they  have  the  Requisite  Population/  Mr.  Sumner 
spoke  at  length,  and  in  the  course  of  his  speech  he  said :  '  But 
before  entering  upon  the  argument,  I  must  say  something  of  a 
general  character,  particularly  in  response  to  what  has  fallen 
from  Senators  who  have  raised  themselves  to  eminence  on  this 
floor  in  championship  of  human  wrongs ;  I  mean  the  Senator 
from  South  Carolina  (Mr.  Butler),  and  the  Senator  from  Illinois 
(Mr.  Douglas),  who,  though  unlike  as  Don  Quixote  and 
Sancho  Panza,  yet,  like  this  couple,  sally  forth  together  in  the 
same  adventure.  I  regret  much  to  miss  the  elder  Senator  from 
his  seat ;  but  the  cause,  against  which  he  has  run  a  tilt,  with  such 
activity  of  animosity,  demands  that  the  opportunity  of  exposing 
him  should  not  be  lost ;  and  it  is  for  this  cause  that  I  speak. 

"  The  Senator  from  South  Carolina  has  read  many  books  of 
chivalry,  and  believes  himself  a  chivalrous  knight,  with  senti 
ments  of  honor  and  courage.  Of  course  he  has  chosen  a  mistress 
to  whom  he  has  made  his  vows,  and  who,  though  ugly  to  others, 
is  always  lovely  to  him;  though  polluted  in  the  sight  of  the 
world,  is  chaste  in  his  sight — I  mean  the  harlot,  slavery.  For 
her,  his  tongue  is  always  profuse  in  words.  Let  her  be  im 
peached  in  character  or  any  proposition  made  to  shut  her  out 
from  the  extension  of  her  wantonness,  and  no  extravagance  of 
manner  or  hardihood  of  assertion  is  then  too  great  for  this 
Senator.  The  frenzy  of  Don  Quixote,  in  behalf  of  his  wench, 
Dulcinea  del  Toboso,  is  all  surpassed.  The  asserted  rights  of 
slavery,  which  shock  equality  of  all  kinds,  are  cloaked  by  a  fan 
tastic  claim  of  equality.  If  the  slave  States  can  not  enjoy  what, 
in  mockery  of  the  great  fathers  of  the  Republic,  he  misnames 
equality  under  the  Constitution,  in  other  words,  the  full  power 
in  the  National  Territories  to  compel  fellowmen  to  unpaid  toil, 
to  separate  husband  and  wife,  and  to  sell  little  children  at  the 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


auction-block,  then,  sir,  the  chivalric  Senator  will  conduct  the 
State  of  South  Carolina  out  of  the  Union.  Heroic  knight  !  Ex 
alted  Senator  !  A  second  Moses  come  for  a  second  Exodus  ! 

"  '  But  I  have  not  done  with  the  Senator.  There  is  another 
matter  regarded  by  him  of  such  consequence,  that  he  inter 
polated  it  into  the  speech  of  the  Senator  from  New  Hampshire 
(Mr.  Hale),  and  also  announced  that  he  had  prepared  himself 
with  it,  to  take  in  his  pocket  all  the  way  to  Boston,  when  he 
expected  to  address  the  people  of  that  community.  On  this 
account,  and  for  the  sake  of  truth,  I  stop  for  one  moment  and 
tread  it  to  the  earth.  The  North,  according  to  the  Senator,  was 
engaged  in  the  slave  trade,  and  helped  to  introduce  slaves  into 
the  Southern  States;  and  this  undeniable  fact  he  proposed  to 
establish  by  statistics,  in  stating  which  his  errors  surpassed  his 
sentences  in  number.  But  I  let  these  pass  for  the  present,  that 
I  may  deal  with  his  argument.  Pray,  sir,  is  the  acknowledged 
turpitude  of  a  departed  generation  to  become  an  example  for 
us?  And  yet  the  suggestion  of  the  Senator,  if  entitled  to  any 
consideration  in  this  discussion,,  must  have  this  extent.  I  join 
my  friend  from  New  Hampshire  in  thanking  the  Senator  from 
South  Carolina  for  adducing  this  instance  ;  for  it  gives  me  an 
opportunity  to  say,  that  the  Northern  merchants,  with  homes  in 
Boston,  Bristol,  Newport,  New  York,  and  Philadelphia,  who 
catered  for  slavery  during  the  years  of  the  slave-trade,  are 
lineal  progenitors  of  the  Northern  men  with  homes  in  these 
places,  who  lend  themselves  to  slavery  in  our  day  ;  and  especially 
that  all,  whether  North  or  South,  who  take  part,  directly  or  indi 
rectly,  in  the  conspiracy  against  Kansas,  do  but  continue  the  work 
of  the  slave-traders,  which  you  condemn.  It  is  true,  too  true, 
alas,  that  our  fathers  were  engaged  in  this  traffic  ;  but  that  is  no 
apology  for  it.  And  in  repelling  the  authority  of  this  example, 
I  repel  also  the  trite  argument  founded  on  the  earlier  example 
of  England.  It  is  true  that  our  mother  country,  at  the  peace  of 
Utrecht,  extorted  from  Spain  the  Assiento  Contract,  securing  the 
monopoly  of  the  slave-trade  with  the  Spanish  Colonies,  as  the 
whole  price  of  all  the  blood  of  great  victories;  that  she  higgled 
at  Aix-la-Chapelle  for  another  lease  of  this  exclusive  traffic  ;  and 
again,  at  Madrid,  clung  to  the  wretched  piracy,  It  is  true,  that 
in  this  spirit  the  power  of  the  mother-country  was  prostituted 


IIO  LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


to  the  same  base  ends  in  her  American  Colonies  against  in 
dignant  protests  from  our  fathers.  All  these  things  now  rise  up 
in  judgment  against  her.  Let  us  not  follow  the  Senator  from 
South  Carolina  to  do  the  very  evil  to-day,  which  in  another 
generation  we  condemn. 

"  '  Among  these  hostile  Senators,  there  is  yet  another,  with 
all  the  prejudices  of  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina,  but  with 
out  his  generous  impulses,  who,  on  account  of  his  character 
before  the  country,  and  the  rancor  of  his  opposition,  deserves  to 
be  named.  I  mean  the  Senator  from  Virginia  (Mr.  Mason),  who, 
as  author  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Bill,  has  associated  himself  with 
a  special  act  of  inhumanity  and  tyranny.  Of  him  I  shall  say  little, 
for  he  has  said  little  in  this  debate,  though  within  that  little  was 
compressed  the  bitterness  of  a  life  absorbed  in  the  support  of 
slavery.  He  holds  the  commission  of  Virginia;  but  he  does  not 
represent  that  early  Virginia,  so  dear  to  our  hearts,  which  gave 
to  us  the  pen  of  Jefferson,  by  which  the  equality  of  men  was 
declared,  and  the  sword  of  Washington,  by  which  independence 
was  secured;  but  he  represents  that  other  Virginia,  from  which 
Washington  and  Jefferson  now  avert  their  faces,  where  human 
beings  are  bred  as  cattle  for  the  shambles,  and  where  a  dungeon 
rewards  the  pious  matron  who  teaches  little  children  to  Alieve 
their  bondage  by  reading  the  word  of  life.  It  is  proper  that  such 
a  Senator,  representing  such  a  State,  should  rail  against  Free 
Kansas. 

"  '  Senators  such  as  these  are  the  natural  enemies  of  Kansas, 
and  I  introduce  them  with  reluctance  that  the  country  may 
understand  the  character  of  the  hostility  to  be  overcome. 
Arrayed  with  them,  of  course,  are  all  those  who  unite  under  any 
pretext  or  apology,  in  the  propagandism  of  human  slavery.  To 
such,  indeed,  the  time-honored  safeguards  of  popular  rights  can 
be  a  name  only,  and  nothing  more.  What  are  trial  by  jury, 
habeas  corpus,  the  ballot-box,  the  right  of  petition,  the  liberty 
of  Kansas,  your  liberty,  sir,  or  mine,  to  one  who  lends  himself, 
not  merely  to  the  support  at  home,  but  to  the  propagandism 
abroad,  of  that  preposterous  wrong,  that  denies  even  the  right 
of  a  man  to  himself?  Such  a  cause  can  be  maintained  only  by 
a  practical  subversion  of  all  rights.  It  is,  therefore,  merely 
according  to  reason  that  its  partisans  should  uphold  the  usurpa- 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON.  ITI 

tions  in  Kansas.  To  overthrow  this  usurpation  is  now  the 
special,  importunate  duty  of  Congress,  admitting  of  no  hesita 
tion  or  postponement.  To  this  end  it  must  lift  itself  from  the 
cabals  of  candidates,  the  machinations  of  party,  and  the  low  level 
of  vulgar  strife.  It  must  turn  from  the  slave  oligarchy  that  now 
controls  the  Republic,  and  refuse  to  be  its  tool.  Let  its  power 
be  stretched  forth  towards  this  distant  Territory,  not  to  bind, 
but  to  unbind;  not  for  the  oppression  of  the  weak,  but  for  the 
subversion  of  the  tyrannical ;  not  for  the  prop  and  maintenance 
of  a  revolting  usurpation,  but  for  the  confirmation  of  liberty. 
Let  it  now  take  its  stand  between  the  living  and  the  dead,  and 
cause  this  plague  to  be  stayed.  All  this  it  can  do;  and  if  the 
interests  of  slavery  did  not  oppose,  all  this  it  would  do  at  once, 
in  reverent  regard  for  justice,  law,  and  order,  driving  far  away 
all  the  alarms  of  war ;  nor  would  it  dare  to  brave  the  shame  and 
punishment  of  this  great  refusal.  But  the  slave  power  dares  any 
thing  ;  and  it  can  be  conquered  only  by  the  masses  of  the  people. 
From  Congress  to  the  people,  I  appeal. 

" '  With  regret  I  come  again  to  the  Senator  from  South 
Carolina  (Mr.  Butler),  who,  omnipresent  in  this  debate,  over 
flowed  with  rage  at  the  simple  suggestion  that  Kansas  had 
applied  for  admission  as  a  State;  and,  with  incoherent  phrases, 
discharged  the  loose  expectoration  of  his  speech,  now  upon  her 
representative,  and  then  upon  her  people.  There  was  no  ex 
travagance  of  the  ancient  Parliamentary  Debate  which  he  did 
not  repeat ;  nor  was  there  any  possible  deviation  from  truth 
which  he  did  not  make,  with  so  much  passion,  I  am  glad  to  add, 
as  to  save  him  from  the  suspicion  of  intentional  aberration.  But 
the  Senator  touches  nothing  which  he  does  not  disfigure — with 
error,  sometimes  of  principle,  sometimes  of  fact.  He  shows  an 
incapacity  of  accuracy,  whether  in  stating  the  Constitution  or 
in  stating  the  law,  whether  in  the  details  of  statistics  or  the 
diversions  of  scholarship.  He  can  not  open  his  mouth,  but  out 
there  flies  a  blunder.' 

"  In  reply  to  Mr.  Sumner's  attack  upon  him,  Mr.  Mason, 
said :  '  Mr.  President,  the  necessities  of  our  political  position 
bring  us  into  relations  and  associations  upon  this  floor,  which,  in 
obedience  to  a  common  government,  we  are  forced  to  admit. 
They  bring  us  into  relations  and  associations,  which,  beyond  the 


II2  LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


walls  of  this  chamber,  we  are  enabled  to  avoid — associations 
here,  whose  presence  elsewhere  is  dishonor,  and  the  touch  of 
whose  hand  would  be  a  disgrace.  They  are  the  necessities  of  our 
political  position ;  and  yet,  Mr.  President,  it  is  not  easy  to  bear 
them.  Representing  our  States  here,  under  a  Constitution  which 
we  came  here  to  obey,  we  are  constrained  tt>  listen,  from  day  to 
day,  from  sources  utterly  irresponsible,  to  language  to  which  no 
gentleman  would  subject  himself  elsewhere.  I  say  it  is  difficult 
to  bear.  We  bear  it  from  respect  to  the  obligations  of  the  Con 
stitution,  and  in  obedience  to  the  constitutional  trust  which  we 
have  undertaken  to  perform.  The  Senator  from  South  Carolina 
will  return  in  good  time  to  his  place.  He  is  now  at  home,  where 
he  has  been  for  the  last  two  weeks.  I  will  say  this,  however,  in 
the  presence  of  the  Senate,  that  when  the  Senator  from  Massa 
chusetts  dared,  in  this  chamber,  and  among  those  who  know  the 
Senator  from  South  Carolina,  to  connect  his  name  with  untruth 
— for  he  did  so — he  presented  himself  here  as  one  utterly  in 
capable  of  knowing  what  truth  is,  utterly  incapable  of  conceiving 
the  perceptions  of  an  honorable  mind,  when  directed  to  the  in 
vestigation  of  truth.  He  presented  himself  as  the  cunning  artifi 
cer  or  forger,  who  knows  no  other  use  of  truth  than  to  give 
currency  to  falsehood;  who  uses  the  beaten  gold  to  enable  him 
to  pass  off  the  false  coin ;  who  distinguishes  between  that  which 
is  pure  metal  and  that  which  is  not  so,  only  to  enable  him  to 
deceive  those  who  have  trusted  him  here. 

" '  But,  Mr.  President,  I  did  not  intend  to  be  betrayed  into 
this  debate.  I  have  said  that  the  necessity  of  political  position 
alone  brings  me  into  relations  with  men  upon  this  floor  who 
elsewhere  I  can  not  acknowledge  as  possessing  manhood  in  any 
form.  I  am  constrained  to  hear  here  depravity,  vice  in  its  most 
odious  form  uncoiled  in  this  presence,  exhibiting  its  most  loath 
some  deformities  in  accusation  and  villification  against  the 
quarter  of  the  country  from  which  I  come ;  and  I  must  listen  to 
it  because  it  is  a  necessity  of  my  position,  under  a  common  gov 
ernment,  to  recognize  as  an  equal  politically,  one  whom  to  see 
elsewhere  is  to  shun  and  despise.  I  did  not  intend  to  be  be 
trayed  into  this  debate ;  but  I  submit  to  the  necessity  of  my  posi 
tion.  I  am  here  now  united  with  an  honored  band  of  patriots, 
from  the  North  equally  with  the  South,  to  try  if  we  can  preserve 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


and  perpetuate  those  institutions  which  others  are  prepared  to 
betray,  and  are  seeking  to  destroy;  and  I  will  submit  to  the 
necessity  of  that  position  at  least  until  the  work  is  accomplished. 

"  '  What  I  desired  chiefly  to  do,  Mr.  President,  was  to  bring 
before  the  American  people,  and  more  especially  the  people 
represented  by  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  what  he  calls 
the  supremacy  of  the  '  slave  power/  That  Senator  is  not  alone 
in  exhibiting  this  power  to  the  quarter  of  the  country  from  which 
he  comes.  The  ribald  sheets  of  a  depraved  press  in  unison  with 
that  Senator,  use  the  same  language  which  he  has  used  on  this 
floor  within  the  last  twenty-four  hours,  though  by  another  name 
— they  call  it  the  *  slaveocracy.'  The  Senator  from  New  York 
(Mr.  Seward),  speaks  of  it  as  an  '  oligarchy/  All  these  Con 
federate  Senators  are  loud  in  their  denunciation  of  the  '  slave- 
power/  They  declare  that  it  exercises  a  supreme  control  over 
the  affairs  of  this  Government.  They  taunt  Senators  who  come 
here  from  States  where  there  are  no  slaves,  with  submitting  to 
it.  And  yet  they  have  never  told  you  what  it  is — never.  What, 
then,  is  the  '  slave-power '  which  Senators  denounce  ?  It  is  not 
the  wealth  of  the  slaveholding  States,  for  the  Senator  from 
Massachusetts  himself,  by  an  extravagance  of  speech,  declared 
here  yesterday,  that  the  productive  industry  of  his  own  small 
State  was  greater  than  the  whole  cotton-growing  labor  of  the 
South. 

"  '  Mr.  Sumner :    Three  times  greater. 

"  '  Mr.  Mason :  Three  times  greater ;  be  it  so  for  the  argu 
ment.  It  is  not  the  wealth  of  the  South,  then,  which  constitutes 
the  'slave  power/  Is  it  the  numerical  strength?  No;  for  in 
disputably  we  are  numerically  in  a  minority.  Is  it  in  political 
power  meted  out  by  the  Constitution  to  the  States?  No;  for  we 
are  in  a  minority  in  the  Senate  where  the  States  are  represented ; 
we  are  in  a  minority  in  the  other  branch  where  the  people  are 
represented  numerically;  and  we  are  in  a  minority  in  the  elec 
toral  college. 

"  '  What,  then,  is  the  '  slave-power '  to  which  the  Senator 
from  Massachusetts,  and  all  his  confederates,  so  frequently  refer? 
Mr.  President,  there  is  but  one  power  left,  and  that  is  a  great  and 
controlling  power,  not  alone  in  the  halls  of  legislation,  but  in  the 
world.  It  is  the  moral  power  of  truth  and  justice ;  it  is  the  moral 


II4  LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


power  which  recognizes  the  obligations  of  a  compact,  and 
observes  it  as  you  observe  the  compacts  of  honor;  and  when 
these  Senators  ascribe  that  power  to  the  slaveholding  States, 
they  pay  an  involuntary,  perhaps,  but  a  high  tribute  to  the  insti 
tution  of  slavery,  which  they  denounce. 

" '  Now  let  the  Senator  survey  the  whole  field  of  power  to 
find  whence  the  '  slave-power '  comes ;  and  when  he  admits,  as 
he  must  admit,  that  it  is  not  in  wealth,  or  in  numerical  strength, 
or  in  the  constitutional  allotment  of  power,  what  is  it?  He  says 
it  exists;  that  it  is  supreme;  that  Presidents  bend  to  it;  that 
Senators  yield  to  it;  and  his  own  acknowledgment  of  the  exist 
ence  of  the  power,  shows  that  his  own  morale  feels  it  also.  Let 
me  ask  him  whence  it  comes.  The  picture  is  his,  not  mine.  If 
there  be  any  slave-power  exerting  an  influence  upon  the  counsels 
of  this  country,  it  is  moral  power  diffused  throughout  the  world, 
acknowledged  everywhere,  and  to  which  kings  and  potentates 
bow — it  is  the  moral  power  of  truth;  adherence  to  the  obliga 
tions  of  honor,  and  the  dispensation  of  those  charities  of  life 
that  ennoble  the  nature  of  man.  That  is  the  moral  power  which 
the  Senator  ascribes  to  the  institution  of  slavery. 

" '  Now,  Mr.  President,  if  that  be  so,  how  ungrateful  is  that 
Senator  and  his  State  of  Massachusetts.  Whatever  wealth  it 
may  have,  and  wealth  it  undoubtedly  has,  is  the  creature  of  this 
Federal  Government ;  for  let  them  be  separated  from  it,  and  they 
would  dwindle,  and  decay,  and  die.  What  is  their  productive 
power?  They  are  the  carriers  of  the  South,  they  are  enriched 
by  the  exchanges  of  the  South.  We  consume  the  fabrics  of  their 
looms ;  and  under  the  benefits  of  our  commercial  laws  (all  which 
the  South  has  contributed,  possessing  the  controlling  power 
which  the  Senator  ascribes  to  it),  they  have  grown  rich.  They 
have  grown  rich  by  means  of  this  very  confederacy.  I  say,  then, 
the  Senator  is  ungrateful.  He  ascribes  to  that  slave-power  the 
controlling  influence  over  this  confederacy ;  and  yet  is  not  grate 
ful,  as  he  should  be,  for  the  beneficent  rule  (and  at  their  own 
expense)  of  this  very  '  slave-power/ 

" '  Mr.  President,  the  first  criminal  known  to  the  world,  in 
the  complaint  which  instigated  him  to  crime,  declared  only  that 
the  offering  of  his  brother  was  more  acceptable  than  his.  It  was 
the  complaint  of  Cain  against  Abel,  and  he  avenged  it  by  putting 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


that  brother  to  death,  and  then  went  forth  with  the  primeval 
curse  upon  his  brow.  In  the  fortunes  of  those  who  are  enlisted 
with  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  against  this  confederation 
now,  let  them  go,  as  Cain  did,  with  the  curse  upon  their  brow 
of  fratricidal  homicide;  but  with  the  still  deeper  guilt  that  they 
instigate  others  to  shed  blood  when  they  shed  none  themselves/ 

"  Two  days  after  the  delivery  of  Mr.  Sumner's  speech,  Mr. 
Preston  S.  Brooks,  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
from  South  Carolina,  came  into  the  Senate  Chamber,  about  an 
hour  after  the  Senate  had  adjourned,  and  approaching  Mr. 
Stunner,  who  was  seated  at  his  desk  writing,  said  to  him : 
1  Mr.  Sumner,  I  have  read  your  speech  carefully,  and  with  as 
much  calmness  as  I  could  be  expected  to  read  such  a  speech. 
You  have  libelled  my  State  and  slandered  my  relation,  who  is 
aged  and  absent,  and  I  feel  it  to  be  my  duty  to  punish  you  for 
it/  He  then  struck  Mr.  Sumner  on  and  about  his  head  with 
his  walking-stick,  and  gave  him  numerous  and  severe  blows 
which  cut  his  head  and  disabled  him,  for  the  time  being,  from 
attending  to  his  duties  in  the  Senate.  Mr.  A.  S.  Murray,  a 
member  of  the  House  from  New  York,  came  up  behind  Mr. 
Brooks,  caught  him  by  the  body  and  the  right  arm,  drew  him 
back,  and  turned  him  around  from  Mr.  Sumner.  After  Mr. 
Brooks  had  been  '  pulled  off/  Mr.  Sumner  fell  over. 

"  Committees  of  investigation  were  appointed,  both  in  the 
Senate  and  by  the  House.  Many  witnesses  were  examined  by 
both  committees.  The  Senate  committee  reported  that,  in  their 
opinion,  the  Senate  could  not  proceed  further  in  the  case  than  to 
make  complaint  to  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  assault 
committed  by  one  of  its  members  upon  the  Senator  from  Massa 
chusetts. 

"  The  House  Committee  presented  reports  from  both  the 
majority  and  the  minority.  The  latter  offered  the  resolution 
'  That  this  House  has  no  jurisdiction  over  the  assault  alleged  to 
have  been  made  by  Honorable  Preston  S.  Brooks,  of  South 
Carolina,  upon  the  Honorable  Charles  Sumner,  of  Massachu 
setts,  and  therefore  deem  it  improper  to  express  any  opinion  on 
the  subject/  The  report  of  the  majority  declared  that  '  the  said 
assault  was  a  breach  of  the  privileges  of  the  Senate;  Therefore, 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


Resolved,  That  Preston  H.  Brooks  be,  and  he  is  forthwith  ex 
pelled  from  this  House  as  a  Representative  from  the  State  of 
South  Carolina/ 

"There  was  no  material  difference  between  the  three 
reports,  so  far  as  regards  the  narrative  of  the  facts  of  the  case. 
The  version  here  given  is  in  strict  accordance  with  that  narra 
tive.  The  testimony  taken  by  the  committees  shows  that  Mr. 
Brooks  had  informed  Mr.  Keitt,  of  South  Carolina,  and  Mr. 
Edmundson,  of  Virginia,  both  members  of  the  House,  that  he 
intended  to  call  Mr.  Sumner  to  account  for  the  offensive  portion 
of  his  speech  ;  that  he  had  not  notified  Mr.  Sumner,  or  any  one 
else,  of  his  purpose,  and  that  no  one  knew  when  or  where  he 
intended  to  execute  that  purpose.  Two  broken  fragments  of  the 
cane  were  exhibited  to  the  committee.  The  longest  piece,  the 
head,  was  22  inches  long,  the  smaller  end  having  been  broken  off. 
It  was  one  inch  thick  at  the  large  end  and  three-quarters  of  an 
inch  thick  at  the  smaller  end.  It  was  hollow,  the  hollow  being 
three-eighths  of  an  inch  in  diameter  at  the  small  end,  and  seem 
ing  to  increase  proportionally  to  the  head. 

"  The  resolution  to  expel  Mr.  Brooks  was  adopted  by  the 
House.  He  was,  however,  returned  by  his  constituents  and  was 
re-sworn  as  a  member  of  it  before  the  close  of  the  session. 

"  The  surgeon,  who  had  been  called  in  at  the  moment,  tes 
tified  before  the  committee  that  he  had  dressed  Mr.  Sumner's 
wounds,  and  said  :  '  There  were  marks  of  three  wounds  on  the 
scalp,  but  only  two  that  I  dressed.  One  was  a  very  slight 
wound  that  required  no  attention.  One  was  two  and  a  quarter 
inches  long,  cut  to  the  bone,  cut  under  as  it  were,  and  very 
ragged.  This  wound  has  healed  up  without  any  suppuration 
at  all.  The  other  is  not  quite  two  inches  long,  and  has  healed 
up  within  about  half  an  inch,  and  has  suppurated.  I  look  upon 
them  simply  as  flesh  wounds.  His  wounds  do  not  necessarily 
confine  him  one  moment.  He  would  have  come  to  the  Senate 
on  Friday,  if  I  had  recommended  it.  Perhaps  I  ought  to  state 
my  reason  for  objecting  to  his  coming  out  on  Friday  (the  day 
after  the  assault).  There  was  a  great  deal  of  excitement  at  that 
time,  and  I  thought  that  if  Mr.  Sumner  did  not  go  into  the 
Senate  for  a  day  or  two  the  excitement  might  wear  off.  It  was  not 
on  account  of  his  physical  condition  :  he  was  very  anxious  to  go." 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

Letter  to  Mr.  Davis — Letter  Declining  Invitation  to  Dinner  Given  to  Elec 
toral  College — Tribute  to  Memory  of  Hon.  A  P.  Butler — Extract  from 
Richmond  Enquirer— Re-elected  to  Senate — Visit  to  Bunker  Hill  and  to 
Boston— "  Kansas  Letter" — Speech  on  Admission  of  Kansas — Speech  in 
Opposition  to  Pacific  Railroad — Protest  Against  Bill  Donating  Public 
Lands  to  States  that  Provide  Colleges  for  Benefit  of  Agriculture  and  the 
Mechanical  Arts — John  Brown  Raid. 

A  letter  from  Mr.  Mason  to  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis,  Secretary 
of  War,  written  a  few  months  after  the  foregoing  incident,  gives 
evidence  of  his  appreciation,  even  at  that  early  day,  of  the  neces 
sity  for  preparation,  on  the  part  of  the  Southern  States,  to  meet 
and  repel  the  invasion  that  he  foresaw.  This  letter  was  probably 
left  by  Mr.  Davis  in  his  office  in  the  War  Department  in  Wash 
ington,  for  it  appeared  in  the  New  York  Tribune  during  the 
war,  while  Mr.  Mason  was  in  England.  It  is  here  copied  from 
the  newspaper  clipping  found  among  his  papers : 

FROM  THE  NEW  YORK  TRIBUNE,  October,  1863 : 

"  ANOTHER  OF  JEFF.  DAVIS'  LETTERS — PREPARATIONS  FOR  A 
REBELLION  AS  EARLY  AS  1856 — VILLAINOUS  PROPOSITION 
BY  J.  M.  MASON — IT  PLAINLY  SHOWS  THE  TREASONABLE 
PURPOSES  OF  THE  WRITER  AT  THE  TIME  OF  ITS  DATE." 

"  SELMA,  NEAR  WINCHESTER,  VIRGINIA, 

September  30,  1856. 
"  Hon.  Jefferson  Davis : 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  : — I  have  a  letter  from  *  Wise  of  the  27th, 
full  of  spirit.  He  says  the  governments  of  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina  and  Louisiana  have  already  agreed  to  the  ren 
dezvous  at  Raleigh,  and  others  will — this  in  your  most  private 
ear.  He  says  further  that  he  has  officially  requested  you  to 
exchange  with  Virginia,  on  fair  terms  of  difference,  percussion 
for  flint  muskets.  I  don  't  know  the  usages  or  power  of  the 
Department  in  such  cases,  but  if  it  can  be  done,  even  by  liberal 
construction,  I  hope  you  will  accede. 
*Hon.  H.  A.  Wise,  Governor  of  Virginia. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


"  Was  there  not  an  appropriation  at  the  last  session  for 
converting  flint  into  percussion  arms?  If  so,  would  it  not  fur 
nish  good  reason  for  extending  such  facilities  to  the  States? 
Virginia  probably  has  more  arms  than  the  other  Southern  States, 
and  would  divide  in  case  of  need.  In  a  letter,  yesterday,  to  a 
committee  in  South  Carolina,  I  gave  it  as  my  judgment,  in  the 
event  of  Fremont's  election,  the  South  should  not  pause,  but 
proceed  at  once  to  '  immediate,  absolute,  and  eternal  separation/ 
So  I  am  a  candidate  for  the  first  halter. 

*  "  Wise  says  his  accounts  from  Philadelphia  are  cheering 
for  §Old  Buck  in  Pennsylvania.  I  hope  they  be  not  delusive. 

Vale  et  Salute. 

"J.  M.  MASON/' 

This  same  letter  was  quoted  in  "  The  Life  of  Lincoln " 
published  in  Harper's  Magazine.  .The  interpretation  put  upon 
it  in  both  instances  needs  no  comment.  Nor  does  the  letter 
require  explanation  to  those  who  are  informed  concerning  the 
laws  regulating  the  distribution  of  arms  to  the  militia  of  the 
several  States  by  requisition  of  the  Governors  upon  the  War 
Department  in  Washington. 

The  following  letter,  written  a  few  months  later,  is  of  interest 
as  it  expresses  more  fully  his  views  regarding  the  course  to  be 
pursued  by  Virginia: 

"  WASHINGTON,  December  2d,  1856. 
"  Messrs.  W .  A.  Patterson  and  others,  Com't., 

"  GENTLEMEN  : — I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  let 
ter  of  26th  November,  on  behalf  of  the  Democrats  of  Richmond, 
inviting  me  to  a  dinner  to  be  given  by  them  to-morrow  in  that 
city  to  the  Electors  of  the  President  and  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States. 

"  I  had  hoped  it  would  be  in  my  power  to  accept  it,  but  I 
regret  now  to  say  that  my  engagements  here  will  not  admit 
of  it. 

"  I  shall  be  with  you,  gentlemen,  nevertheless  in  heart  and 
sentiment,  in  rendering  deserved  honor  to  our  noble  Common- 

*Hon.  H.  A.  Wise,  Governor  of  Virginia. 

§Hon.  James  Buchanan,  afterwards  President  of  the  United  States. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON.  TIg 

wealth,  in  the  persons  of  those  who  represent  her  in  casting  her 
electoral  vote. 

"  Virginia,  the  oldest  of  the  States,  and  the  pioneer  to  inde 
pendence,  has  a  great  destiny  to  fulfil,  and  greatly  has  she 
realized  that  responsibility.  True  to  the  Constitution,  because 
always  true  to  herself,  the  waves  of  faction  at  home,  or  of  dark 
conspiracy  abroad,  break  harmlessly  at  her  feet.  Her  honor  is 
in  her  own  keeping,  and  the  sacred  trust,  transmitted  from  sire 
to  sire,  and  from  generation  to  generation,  shall  vindicate  her 
position  as  a  free,  sovereign,  and  independent  Republic,  sub 
missive  to  her  Federal  obligations  so  long  as  they  are  respected 
by  her  associate  Republics,  but  ready  to  assert  and  establish  her 
separate  existence  when  such  submission  is  no  longer  consis 
tent  with  honor. 

"  With  great  respect,  I  am,  gentlemen,  yours  very  respect- 
fully, 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

Within  a  few  days  after  the  date  of  this  letter,  the  death  of 
Judge  A.  P.  Butler,  one  of  the  Senators  from  South  Carolina, 
was  announced  in  the  Senate  by  the  surviving  Senator  from  that 
State,  Mr.  Evans.  In  rising  to  second  the  resolutions  of 
respect  offered  by  Mr.  Evans,  Mr.  Mason  said : 

"  I  can  add  nothing,  Mr.  President,  to  the  eloquent  and  able 
tribute  just  rendered  by  the  venerable  Senator  from  South 
Carolina  to  the  memory  of  his  late  colleague. 

"  It  is  more  to  indulge  my  own  feelings  of  deep  and  sincere 
sympathy  with  those  who  survive,  than  from  any  hope  that  I  may 
contribute  even  one  poor  leaf  to  the  garlands  around  his  tomb, 
that  I  ask  the  indulgence  of  the  Senate  for  a  brief  moment  in 
these  sad  ceremonials. 

"  It  was  my  good  fortune  to  have  known  our  deceased 
colleague,  Andrew  Pickens  Butler,  on  terms  of  more  intimate 
association  than  most  Senators  now  around  me.  He  took  his 
seat  in  the  Senate  in  December,  1846,  and  I  followed  him  in 
January,  1847.  Educated  in  the  same  political  school,  and  thus 
drawn  together  in  political  circles  here,  habits  of  association 
were  formed  which,  for  the  ten  years  that  followed  our  entrance 
into  the  Senate,  and  until  his  death,  found  us  under  a  common 
roof,  at  a  common  hearth,  and  sharing  a  common  board.  Our 


I20  LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


intercourse  and  association  were  in  every  sense  fraternal.  And 
you,  Senators,  who  knew  him  best,  will  best  appreciate  the  loss 
I  am  called  to  mourn  in  common  with  you. 

"  Pickens  and  Butler  united  in  him,  mark  the  noble  and 
gallant  race  from  which  he  sprung;  and  he  sealed  in  death  a 
duty  to  his  descendants,  by  transmitting  both  names  to  them 
without  spot  or  blemish,  as  he  had  received  them.  Bayard-like, 
he  bore  them  through  life  '  without  fear  and  without  reproach/ 
With  that  hardy  morality  which  fears  no  contact,  he  mingled 
gracefully  and  graciously  in  the  walks  of  life,  alike  with  the  most 
humble  and  the  most  exalted,  honored  and  caressed  by  the  one, 
loved  and  trusted  by  all.  Thus,  while  the  genial  flow  of  a  gen 
erous  and  sympathizing  spirit  attracted  him  to  all  classes  in  life, 
his  lofty  and  unbending  integrity,  manly  purpose  and  unswerv 
ing  honor,  assured  to  him  the  respect  and  unstinted  confidence 
of  all  coming  within  his  sphere.  Distrust  and  suspicion  were 
at  once  disarmed  in  his  presence.  Wherever  else  they  might  be 
found,  there  was  no  such  atmosphere  around  him. 

"  In  forensic  warfare,  whether  a  friend  or  foe,  all  will  bear 
witness  alike  to  the  true  nobility  of  his  nature.  Bold,  ardent, 
daring,  and  at  times  almost  merciless  when  he  joined  in  battle, 
yet  there  was  no  venom  in  any  shaft  that  sped  from  his  bow; 
and  when  the  fight  was  done,  his  ready  hand  was  equally 
extended,  on  whichever  side  victory  might  declare  itself.  He  was 
an  efficient  debater ;  more  prone  to,  and  perhaps  more  skilful  in, 
attack  than  defence. 

"  The  rich  and  fertile  resources  of  a  well-stored  mind  proved 
that  he  was  habitually  a  student ;  and  their  skilful  and  sagacious 
use  evinced  that  nothing  rusted  in  his  intellectual  armor,  but  by 
thought  and  meditation  was  kept  polished  and  on  edge.  Indeed, 
with  him,  the  faculties  of  observation  and  meditation  seemed 
more  happily  combined  than  it  has  been  my  lot  to  witness  with 
other  men.  And  then,  nature,  in  its  bounties,  had  added  that 
great  Creative  Power  which  is  the  unerring  mark,  as  it  is  the 
first  instinct,  of  genius.  His  mind,  in  debate,  seemed  almost  to 
overflow  in  the  rapidity  of  its  suggestions;  and  yet  there  was 
realized  in  him  that  rare  faculty  of  excellence  which  the  ancients 
ascribed  to  the  Grecian  painter,  Timanthes,  of  whom  it  was 
said :  '  Intelligitur  plus  semper,  quam  pingitur.' 


LIFE    OF  JAMES    MURRAY   MASON.  I2I 


"  As  a  Senator,  you  will  all  bear  witness  that,  whatever  dif 
ferences  arose  amongst  us  in  the  rivalries  and  contentions  of 
political  life,  whatever  part  he  bore  in  them,  was  always  distin 
guished  by  candor,  loyalty,  and  good  faith.  In  the  organization 
of  this  body,  he  held  for  many  years,  and  until  death  closed  for 
ever  the  scenes  of  this  world,  the  Chair  of  that  Committee  which 
stands  as  the  law  adviser  of  the  Senate,  but  the  duties  of  which 
are  frequently  complicated  with  political  questions,  involving 
the  success  or  defeat  of  political  parties. 

"  Who  can  forget  how  confidently  and  freely  a  minority  was 
ever  ready  to  commit  all  such  questions  to  that  committee,  and 
how  well  that  confidence  was  justified  by  its  able,  upright,  and 
impartial  decisions?  The  scales  were  held  even,  by  a  firm  and 
resolute  hand,  however  bitterness,  prejudice,  or  distrust  might 
seek  to  disturb  the  balance. 

"  Born,  nurtured,  and  reared  in  one  of  the  most  gallant  of 
the  '  Old  Thirteen/  he  loved  and  venerated  her  fame  with 
instincts  that  were  truly  filial;  and  as  a  child  would  defend  a 
parent  from  insult  or  wrong;  you  have  marked  his  eye  kindle 
and  flash  defiance,  whenever  called  to  vindicate  the  fame  or 
honor  of  his  State.  His  devotion  and  his  first  duty  were  to  South 
Carolina;  yet  on  the  broader  theatre  of  a  common  country, 
embracing  all  the  States,  his  views  were  liberal,  catholic,  and  fair, 
giving  to  each  section  its  just  and  full  share  in  whatever  benefits 
or  advantages  flowed  from  a  common  Government.  There  his 
public  service  was  directed  with  a  single  eye  to  the  public  good. 

"  I  have  thus  attempted,  Mr.  President,  feebly  to  portray  the 
Senator  and  the  Statesman  as  he  stood  confessed  before  the 
country.  But  it  was  in  the  social  and  domestic  circle — in  paths 
not  opened  to  the  common  view — that  the  richest  gifts  of  nature 
to  man,  the  latent  virtues  of  the  heart,  shone  with  a  lustre  all 
their  own.  There  was  not  an  impulse  there  that  was  not  gen 
erous,  genial  and  confiding.  He  sympathized  with  his  race,  and 
his  whole  race.  If  it  was  his  fortune  at  some  time  '  debellare 
superbos,'  that  more  grateful  emotion  was  ever  his,  '  parcere 
metis.' 

"  But  I  should  not  detain  you  longer  with  this  poor  memo 
rial  of  the  gallant  dead.  He  sleeps  beneath  the  soil  of  his  own 


I22  LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 

loved  Carolina,  amidst  those  who  loved  and  honored  him  in 
life,  and  who  received  his  last  sigh  in  death." 

Again  the  reader  is  referred  to  an  extract  from  one  of  the 
Virginia  newspapers  for  the  verdict  of  his  contemporaries 
regarding  the  manner  in  which  Mr.  Mason  discharged  the 
duties  entrusted  to  him  by  his  constituents. 

From  the  Washington  correspondence  of  The  Richmond 
Enquirer: 

"  WASHINGTON,  December  7th,  1856. 

"  The  debate  in  the  Senate  on  the  Message,  during  the  last 
week,  has  furnished  to  the  country  the  estimate  placed  on  it 
by  the  Democratic  party.  Foremost  among  the  moving  minds 
of  that  august  body,  representing  the  conservative  element  of 
government,  was  Mr.  Mason.  It  certainly  gives  a  man  a  better 
opinion  of  his  country  and  confirms  his  confidence  in  the  con 
stitutional  vitality  of  the  Federation,  to  listen  to  this  Senator. 
The  dignity  of  simplicity,  the  earnest  force  of  conscious  rectitude, 
the  finish  of  the  high-toned  gentleman,  the  glow  and  ardor  of 
true  patriotism  and  genuine  love  of  country,  combine  to  make 
Mr.  Mason  one  of  the  ablest  defenders  of  the  Constitution  in 
the  Senate.  The  range  which  the  debate  took  indicated  very 
clearly  the  smouldering  feeling  and  burning  indignation  of  the 
Democratic  speakers.  The  opposition  attempted  in  vain  to 
drown  their  fire.  The  record  fairly  reported  shows  to  the 
country  on  which  side  in  this  discussion  the  truth  is  to  be 
found.  To  accumulate  opposing  facts,  is  not  the  worst  manner 
of  resisting  wild  assumptions  and  baseless  theories.  The  head 
ing  of  this  debate  might  well  be :  '  Fact  versus  Fiction,'  or  '  The 
Constitution  against  Fanaticism/  " 

Still  higher  evidence  of  the  approval  of  his  constituents  and 
the  confidence  reposed  in  him  by  his  State  was  afforded  by  his 
re-election  to  the  Senate  for  another  term  of  six  years,  beginning 
on  the  fourth  day  of  March,  1857.  On  this  same  day  Mr.  Buch 
anan  was  inaugurated  President  of  the  United  States,  with  the 
Honorable  J.  C.  Breckenridge  as  Vice-President.  One  of  the  first 
acts  of  the  new  Vice-President  was  to  appoint  Mr.  Mason  Regent 
of  the  Smithsonian  Institute  for  the  ensuing  term  of  six  years, 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


and  thus  to  retain  him  in  the  position  he  had  already  held  dur 
ing  the  preceding  eight  years,  from  the  time  of  his  first  appoint 
ment  in  1849. 

In  the  summer  of  1857,  Mr.  Mason  was  invited  to  attend  the 
ceremonies  connected  with  the  unveiling  of  the  statue  of  Gen 
eral  Joseph  Warren,  on  Bunker  Hill,  near  Boston.  The  invita 
tion  came  under  gratifying  circumstances,  and  was  the  more 
agreeable  from  the  fact  that  he  had  never  before  visited  arty 
of  the  New  England  States,  although  he  had  formed,  in  Wash 
ington,  many  pleasant  acquaintances  among  their  people.  The 
visit  proved  in  all  respects  exceedingly  agreeable  and  interesting, 
and  it  was  ever  afterwards  spoken  of  among  his  cherished  remi 
niscences  of  happier  days. 

The  following  clipping  from  one  of  the  Boston  papers  shows 
the  like  favorable  impression  that  he  made  upon  the  Boston 
people  : 

SENATOR   MASON,   OF   VIRGINIA. 

"  This  gentleman,  who  spent  the  last  week  in  Boston^  seems 
to  have  created  a  very  favorable  impression  among  the  Northern 
people.  On  Saturday,  in  company  with  Mayor  Rice,  he  visited 
the  public  schools  of  the  city,  and  in  the  afternoon  inspected  the 
factories  at  Lowell.  The  Post  says  :  '  His  genial  and  affable 
manners,  his  generous  estimate  of  what  he  saw  and  heard,  and 
his  gratification  at  the  frank  and  cordial  civilities  offered  to  him 
on  all  hands,  by  the  public  authorities  and  individuals,  were 
circumstances  to  host  and  guest  which  imparted  unalloyed  grati 
fication  to  the  parties  interested.' 

"  The  speech  of  the  honorable  gentleman  at  Bunker  Hill 
was  appropriate,  eloquent  and  national,  and  has  received  the 
warmest  commendation.  In  his  occasional  brief  addresses  on 
various  occasions  during  his  sojourn  —  at  Deer  Island,  at  the 
Revere  House,  and  at  private  tables  where  he  had  been  called 
upon  to  acknowledge  compliments  to  himself  and  to  his  State  — 
he  has  exhibited  a  gracefulness  of  thought  and  a  flowing,  collo 
quial,  feeling  diction,  which  have  rendered  his  voice  the  most 
charming  part  of  the  numerous  festive  courtesies  extended  to 
him. 

"  He  will  leave  many  newly  formed  acquaintances  in  Boston 


I24  LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MA80N. 


who  will  cherish  his  visit  as  among  the  most  pleasing  records 
of  their  memory ;  and  we  are  sure  he  will  return  to  his  own  home 
with  convictions  in  favor  of  men  and  facts  here  which  will  give 
additional  ardor  to  his  love  for  the  Union,  and  increased  strength 
to  that  fraternal  feeling  which  is  the  only  link  that  can  render 
our  nationality  indissoluble." 

In  the  same  newspaper  has  been  found  the  following  extract 
from  the  brief  address  he  made,  when  called  upon  after  the 
oration  of  the  day  had  been  concluded: 

"  Mr.  Mason  said  he  had  been  honored  by  a  generous  in 
vitation  to  witness  the  great  and  imposing  spectacle  which  he 
had  beheld,  and  he  thought  he  came  as  a  witness  only.  He 
had  not  thought  he  should  be  called  upon  to  become  an  actor 
in  the  scene.  He  was  now,  for  the  first  time,  present  on  Bunker 
Hill,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  descendants  and  successors  of 
that  gallant  and  devoted  band  who  laid  down  their  lives  on  this 
soil  that  we  might  live  as  freemen.  '  They  have  left  you,  my 
countrymen/  he  said,  '  a  heritage  such  as  has  not  been  before 
known  to  the  world  since  the  most  palmy  days  of  Greece  and 
Rome,  the  heritage  of  an  immortal  name,  and  more  than  that, 
the  heritage  of  their  great  example/ 

"  Who  were  they?  The  country  people  met  in  a  hurry.  And 
why?  To  meet  the  veterans  of  Old  England  on  the  soil  of  an 
English  colony,  that  they  might  evince  to  the  world  their  spirit 
of  English  resistance  to  tyranny  from  any  quarter.  And  that 
gallant  man  whom  you  have  all  in  honoring  honored  yourselves, 
that  gallant  man  who  was  the  most  distinguished  victim  upon 
this  distinguished  field,  this  field  of  Bunker  Hill,  could  he  have 
returned  from  it,  although  he  could  not  have  said,  as  his  Spartan 
predecessor  at  Thermopylae,  that  they  had  laid  down  their  lives 
in  obedience  to  Sparta's  laws,  for  there  were  no  laws  then,  as 
British  rule  had  ended  and  American  had  not  begun,  he  might 
have  said  to  Massachusetts :  '  Tell  it  to  your  sons  in  Massachu 
setts,  and  let  it  be  handed  down  from  generation  to  generation, 
that  here  upon  Bunker  Hill  was  laid  the  corner-stone  of 
American  independence  and  cemented  with  our  blood/ 

"  The  audience  has  been  well  and  truthfully  told  by  the 
orator  of  the  day,  that  at  Bunker  Hill,  82  years  ago,  the  rule  of 
the  British  Empire  ceased  upon  this  continent.  Battles  were 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


fought,  and  bitter  privations  were  suffered  afterward,  but  the 
British  rule  ended  on  this  Hill  82  years  ago.  If  that  great  and 
gallant  Warren  could  have  returned  from  the  battle-field  and 
told  his  descendants  to  hand  down  the  memory  of  that  day  from 
generation  to  generation,  he  would  have  found  his  request  per 
formed. 

"  Four  generations  have  passed  away  and  we  are  here  in 
the  fifth  now.  I  shall  tell  it  in  old  Virginia  when  I  return  to  her 
blessed  hills,  that  I  found  the  spirit  of  Massachusetts  as  buoy 
ant,  as  patriotic,  as  completely  filled  with  the  emanations  that 
should  govern  patriotism  when  I  visited  Bunker  Hill,  as  it  was 
when  that  battle  was  fought.  I  am  authorized  to  say  so;  else 
why  this  inspiring  assemblage ;  why  that  interminable  procession 
of  which  I  formed,  by  your  kind  invitation,  a  very  humble  part ; 
why  those  streamers  from  every  house  and  from  every  window ; 
and  why  is  all  the  beauty  of  your  beautiful  city  assembled  waving 
their  handkerchiefs  and  streaming  their  banners  of  welcome  to 
the  commemoration  of  this  day?  I  shall  feel  myself  authorized 
to  say  to  the  people  of  Virginia  that  the  spirit  of  Bunker  Hill  yet 
remains  at  Bunker  Hill. 

"  And  now,  my  countrymen,  something  was  said  by  the 
very  eloquent  and  honored  gentleman  who  represents  Connec 
ticut  in  deprecation  of  that  dishonored  day  which  should  witness 
this  great  Confederation  broken  into  fragments ;  I  sympathize 
with  him.  I  am  here  to  say  to  you  people  of  Massachusetts,  that 
our  Government  is  a  government  whose  only  sanction  is  in  the 
honor  and  the  good  faith  of  the  States  of  this  Union,  and  to 
proclaim  that  so  long  as  there  are  honor  and  good  faith  in  the 
States  and  in  the  people  of  the  States,  the  Union  will  be  per 
petuated.  I  invoke  you  here  on  Bunker  Hill,  coming  from  my 
own  honored  State  in  the  far  South,  I  invoke  of  you  all  that  you 
shall  require  of  those  who  represent  you,  that  they  administer 
the  Government  as  it  was  founded  by  our  fathers  under  the 
Constitution,  and  not  otherwise.  I  would  ask  the  spirit  of  the 
patriot  who  has  departed  from  us,  if  he  can  look  down  upon 
that  earth  which  he  once  honored,  to  inspire  you  all  with  that 
feeling  which  would  require  that  the  Government  should  be 
administered  under  the  Constitution  in  honor  and  in  good  faith. 

"  Mr.  President,  I  thank  you  again,  and  the  Association  of 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


which  you  are  the  worthy  head,  for  having  given  me  the  oppor 
tunity  of  witnessing  this  great  spectacle  on  Bunker  Hill,  and 
enabling  me  to  take  back  to  my  people  the  assurance  that  the 
spirit  of  Bunker  Hill  yet  lives  in  Massachusetts." 

An  article  in  The  Galaxy  (Vol.  15,  January  to  June, 
1873),  by  Mr.  Gideon  Wells,  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  from  1861 
to  1869,  confirms  this  account  of  the  hospitality  and  considera 
tion  accorded  to  Mr.  Mason  while  in  Boston  ;  although  it  gives 
a  far  less  flattering  report  of  both  guests  and  hosts.  Speaking 
of  the  "  Trent  Affair,"  and  of  the  resolution  offered  by  Mr. 
Colfax  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  to  the  effect  that  J.  M. 
Mason  should  be  confined  as  hostage  for  Colonel  Michael 
Corcoran  and  should  be  treated  as  a  convicted  felon,  Mr.  Wells 
further  says  of  Mr.  Mason  :  "  Professing  a  deep  regard  for 
State  Rights,  and,  when  he  entered  the  Senate,  profound  venera 
tion  for  the  Federal  Constitution,  he,  nevertheless,  introduced 
a  bill  for  the  capture  and  rendition  of  fugitive  slaves,  a  measure 
that  was  more  arbitrary  and  centralizing  than  any  previously 
proposed  by  the  ultra-consolidationists  of  Massachusetts.  A 
visit  he  made  to  Boston,  after  his  success  in  imposing  upon  the 
people  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  where  he  was  received  with 
sycophantic  adulation,  convinced  him  the  Yankees  were  defi 
cient  in  manly  spirit  and  needed  Virginians  to  govern  and  incul 
cate  in  them  self-respect." 

Mr.  Mason  seems  to  have  impressed  those  who  saw  and 
heard  him  as  being  very  unlike  the  idea  Mr.  Wells  would  give  of 
him.  Again,  Mr.  Wells  apparently  ignored  the  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  made  in  the  case  "  Priggs  vs. 
Pennsylvania,  '  That  the  Pennsylvania  Statute,  forbidding  the 
carrying  of  any  negro  out  of  the  State  in  order  to  enslave  him, 
was  unconstitutional,  since  it  conflicted  with  the  National 
Fugitive  Slave  Act  of  1793.'  ':  The  bill  he  referred  to,  and  of 
which  Mr.  Mason  was  the  author  in  1850,  was,  as  the  title 
shows,  "  An  Act  to  amend  and  supplementary  to  an  act  entitled 
'  An  Act  respecting  Fugitives  from  Labour  and  Justice, 
approved  February  I2th,  1793.'  " 

A  letter  to  the  editor  of  The  South,  published  in  Washing 
ton,  D.  C,  written  in  the  summer  of  1857,  is  interesting.  It  is 
dated, 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


Ill 


"  WINCHESTER,  VA.,  July  22d,  1857. 

"  DEAR  SIR  : — In  your  paper  of  Monday  last,  in  an  article 
headed  '  Walker's  Usurpation/  I  observed  the  following  para 
graph  : 

"  '  But  we  are  told  that  Hunter  and  Mason,  and  other  distin 
guished  Southern  Senators,  in  the  debate  on  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill,  expressed  the  same  opinion,  that  Kansas  must 
be  a  free  State,  etc/ 

"  I  can  not  undertake  to  say  what  opinions  may  have  been 
expressed  by  my  honored  colleague  or  by  other  Senators  from 
the  South,  in  reference  to  the  probable  condition  of  Kansas; 
though  from  a  general  knowledge  of  their  views  in  regard  to 
that  territory,  I  should  not  doubt  that  any  opinions  so  expressed-, 
would  have  reference  to  circumstances  necessarily  qualifying 
them.  To  avoid  misconstruction,  however,  I  think  it  proper  to 
say  that  I  never  expressed  the  opinion  ascribed  to  me ;  because 
I  never  entertained  it.  At  the  time  the  law  passed,  organizing  the 
Territorial  Government,  there  were  few  with  whom  I  conversed 
who  did  not  believe  that  the  future  State  would  take  its  place 
with  those  recognizing  and  cherishing  the  condition  of  African 
Slavery. 

"  There  was  at  that  time,  certainly,  every  reason  to  believe 
why  this  should  be  so,  and  none  why  it  should  not. 

"  The  State  of  Missouri,  bordering  its  eastern  frontier,  was 
a  slaveholding  State,  holding,  at  that  time,  nearly  an  hundred 
thousand  slaves,  and  these  were  chiefly  held  in  the  border  coun 
ties.  The  State  of  Arkansas,  adjacent  to  the  Territory  on  the 
south,  was  likewise  a  slaveholding  State. 

"  The  soil  and  climate  of  Kansas  were  well  adapted  to 
those  valuable  products,  chiefly  hemp  and  tobacco,  which  gave 
value  to  slave  labor  in  Missouri.  The  proximity  of  its  popula 
tion,  with  the  attractions  of  new,  fertile,  and  cheap  land,  I  believe 
would  lead  the  slaveholders  in  Missouri  to  diffuse  themselves 
speedily  over  Kansas,  and  the  prohibitory  line  of  36  degrees  and 
30  minutes  being  obliterated,  there  was  no  reason  why  they 
should  not.  I  had  no  fear  of  fair  competition  in  such  appro 
priation  of  the  new  Territory  from  any  quarter.  Unfair  compe 
tition  I  did  not  look  to.  What  may  yet  be  the  result  as  to  the 
condition  of  Kansas,  notwithstanding  the  extraordinary  and 


I2$  LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


unscrupulous  efforts  of  Northern  Abolitionists  to  force  a  popula 
tion  there,  I  can  not  undertake  to  say.  Nor  will  I  allude,  in 
this  place,  to  the  new  and  unexpected  aspect  now  exhibited  of 
affairs  in  that  Territory,  with  so  much  propriety  reprehended  in 
the  columns  of  The  South. 

"  Whatever  may  be  the  information  of  others,  I  certainly 
am  not  sufficiently  informed  of  the  existing  state  of  things  in 
Kansas,  to  form  a  clear  opinion  one  way  or  the  other;  yet  I 
will  venture  to  say  this  much,  that  if  African  Slavery  be  ulti 
mately  excluded  from  Kansas,  it  will  be  effected  by  numerical 
force  of  organized  majorities,  operating  against  the  usual  laws 
which  govern  emigration,  and  will  present  a  new  and  most 
instructive  lesson  to  the  Southern  States. 

"  Very  respectfully  I  am  yours,  &c.,  &c., 

"  T-  M.  MASON." 

In  close  connection  with  this  letter,  come  the  extracts  from 
his  speech  in  the  Senate,  made  on  March  1 5th,  1858,  when  the 
bill  for  the  admission  of  Kansas  into  the  Union  was  under  con 
sideration.  He  then  said: 

"  In  the  remarks  which  I  am  to  submit  before  the  Senate, 
I  desire  to  review,  as  briefly  as  I  may,  the  history  of  the  events 
and  causes  which  have  brought  the  question  of  African  bondage 
into  discussion  before  the  American  Congress,  in  connection 
with  the  expansion  of  the  country  in  the  addition  of  new  States. 

"  The  question  of  slavery,  as  it  has  existed  upon  this  con 
tinent  for  more  than  two  hundred  years,  was,  before  our  colonial 
independence,  a  subject  of  no  contention  whatever  between  the 
colonies — none  that  I  have  been  able  to  trace.  It  was  found 
after  the  Declaration  of  Independence  (when  the  colonies,  before 
that  time  perfectly  independent  of  each  other,  came  together  to 
form  a  common  government,  in  a  spirit  of  fraternity  that  I  wish 
could  actuate  States  and  statesmen  now),  that  the  existence  of 
African  bondage  was,  to  a  large  extent,  confined  to  the  South 
ern  States ;  but  still  it  existed  in  all  the  States.  The  subject  of 
this  form  of  servitude  became  a  question  of  discussion  in  the 
Federal  Convention  upon  the  inquiry  whether  those  subject  to 
it  should  be  treated,  in  the  formation  of  the  government,  as  an 
element  of  political  power.  It  constituted  a  part  of  their  popula- 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON.  I2g 


tion ;  it  was  their  property,  conceded  on  all  hands ;  and  it  became 
immediately  a  sine  qua  non  to  the  formation  of  any  common  gov 
ernment,  on  the  part  of  the  Southern  colonies,  that  their  African 
slaves  should  constitute  an  element  of  political  power  in  the 
colonies  where  they  were  found.  It  was  a  subject  of  great  delib 
eration,  as  all  Senators  know  who  have  looked  back  into  the 
history  of  the  country. 

"  Many  most  disturbing  questions  arose  in  that  convention 
— questions  naturally  springing  out  of  the  dissimilarity  of  inter 
ests  and  the  dissimilarity  in  the  pursuits  of  labor — questions 
between  the  planting  States  and  the  commercial  and  navigating 
States,  and  other  questions,  that  arose  upon  the  demand  of  the 
smaller  States  to  stand  as  equals  in  the  Confederacy,  by  an 
equality  of  representation  in  one  branch  of  the  National  Coun 
cils  ;  but  there  lay  at  the  bottom  of  all,  as  was  conceded  by  the 
patriots  and  statesmen  of  that  day,  this  question  of  domestic 
servitude  in  the  population  of  the  Southern  States,  as  the  most 
difficult  to  adjust.  Senators  will  find,  in  looking  back  to  the 
proceedings  of  the  convention,  that  one  of  its  greatest  minds  and 
most  illustrious  members — I  mean  the  late  James  Madison — 
when  there  seemed  to  be  an  almost  irreconcilable  rupture 
between  the  large  and  the  small  States,  on  the  question  of  equal 
representation,  told  them,  all  that  could  be  overcome;  should 
they  go  back  and  settle  the  political  relations  of  African  bonds 
men  in  the  Confederacy,  they  would  find  the  rest  of  more  easy 
adjustment.  It  was  done,  and  resulted  in  the  stipulation  of  the 
second  section  and  first  article  of  the  Constitution,  by  which 
three-fifths  of  the  slaves  were  to  be  computed  in  fixing  decen 
nially  the  ratio  of  representation,  thus  constituting  the  slave 
population  an  element  of  political  power. 

"  Now,  sir,  statesmen  may  look  at  this  subject  as  they 
please,  but  they  will  be  brought,  of  necessity,  back  to  this  very 
question  of  representation  of  the  slaves  as  the  true  point  of 
division  between  the  different  sections  of  the  country.  Sir,  if 
that  was  not  fixed  by  the  Constitution  as  an  element  of  political 
power  in  the  South,  the  sickly  sentiment  of  the  North,  now  so 
sedulously  nursed  by  their  politicians,  against  African  bondage, 
would  find  little  sympathy  at  their  hands.  Let  us  meet  the 
question,  then,  as  men  and  as  statesmen,  and,  I  trust,  also  as 
patriots. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


"  When  did  it  first  arise  since  the  Confederation  —  I  mean 
the  question  of  political  power  in  the  Confederacy,  resulting 
from  this  slave  representation?  It  was  first  agitated  in  the 
attempt  made  in  1820,  upon  a  question  exactly  such  as  agitates 
our  councils  now  —  the  admission  of  a  new  State  into  the  Con 
federacy.  What  was  attempted  then?  To  make  it  a  condition 
of  admission  that  the  State  should  abolish  slavery  within  her 
limits;  and,  if  I  recollect  aright  the  history  of  that  day,  a  dis 
tinguished  Senator  on  this  floor,  then  representing  the  State  of 
New  York  (Rufus  King),  frankly  avowed  that  the  purpose  of  the 
condition  was  to  impair  the  political  power  of  the  Southern 
States.  He  honestly  avowed  it,  without  subterfuge  or  evasion; 
it  was  then  frankly  avowed,  that  the  condition  sought  to  be 
imposed  on  Missouri  was  to  prevent  the  expansion  of  political 
power  in  the  South,  by  the  constitutional  right  of  slave  repre 
sentation. 

"  What  was  the  result?  The  State  of  Missouri,  then  con 
stituting  a  part  of  that  large  country  derived  by  us  from  France 
as  the  Territory  of  Louisiana,  was  admitted  upon  condition  —  a 
condition  unknown  to  the  Constitution.  The  State  of  Missouri 
was  admitted  upon  condition  that  a  parallel  latitude  should 
be  drawn  across  the  whole  territory  of  Louisiana;  and  whilst 
slavery  should  be  excluded  north  of  it,  there  was  no  guarantee 
that  it  should  be  admitted  south  of  it.  The  prohibition  was, 
that  north  of  the  parallel  of  36  degrees  and  30  minutes  this  invol 
untary  servitude,  as  it  was  termed,  should  be  forever  excluded. 
And  this  unconstitutional  restriction  became  handed  down,  in 
the  traditionary  history  of  the  times,  as  the  '  Missouri  Com 
promise/ 

"  Mr.  President,  I  have  yet  to  see  the  Southern  statesman, 
looking  back  to  the  history  of  that  day,  and  to  the  consequences 
which  followed,  who  does  not  deplore  in  his  heart  that  a  final 
stand  on  the  part  of  the  Southern  States,  based  on  the  securities 
of  the  Constitution,  was  not  made  there  and  then,  and  no  step 
taken  backwards.  But  the  law  passed;  Missouri  was  admitted 
upon  condition  that  involuntary  servitude,  except  for  crime, 
should  be  forever  prohibited  north  of  the  line  prescribed;  and 
that  passed,  as  I  have  said,  in  the  traditionary  history  of  the 
day,  as  a  compromise. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


"  Well,  we  have  believed,  on  our  side  ever  since,  that  com 
promise  or  no  compromise,  it  had  no  warrant  in  constitutional 
law.  Time  ran  by,  and  it  was  acquiesced  in.  There  was  no 
express  agreement,  but  a  sort  of  tacit  understanding,  for  the 
peace  and  repose  of  the  country,  that  if,  on  one  side  they  would 
fairly  commit  themselves  to  that  line,  we  would  assent  that 
slavery  should  not  extend  north  of  it  if  they  would  assent  that 
it  should  be  extended  south  of  it.  How  were  we  met?  This  line 
honorable  Senators  from  the  North,  and  those  whom  they  rep 
resent,  now  speak  of  as  a  line  founded  in  sacred  compact,  that 
was  intended  to  give  repose  and  peace  to  the  country,  and  did 
give  it  ;  and  yet,  when  in  after  years  further  territory  was  acquired 
west  of  the  Territory  of  Louisiana,  and  the  proposition  was 
made  to  carry  out  the  '  compromise  '  by  extending  the  line,  it 
was  met  by  a  decided  refusal.  Here,  in  1848,  when  we  were 
organizing  the  territory  of  Oregon,  it  was  insisted  that  this  inter 
dict  should  be  placed  on  that  Territory,  far  north  as  it  was,  and 
the  proposition  was  made  —  not  from  me;  I  had  the  honor  then 
of  a  seat  upon  this  floor,  but  no  such  proposition  ever  came 
from  me  ;  but  a  proposition  was  made  from  Southern  men,  again, 
if  they  could,  to  secure  the  repose  and  peace  of  the  country  by 
extending  that  line  to  the  Pacific  ;  and  according  to  my  recollec 
tion,  almost  every  vote  from  the  Northern  States  was  against 
it. 

"  So  far  to  the  contrary  were  they,  indeed,  from  adhering 
to  any  compromise,  that  on  the  very  first  proposition  to  organ 
ize  a  territorial  government  in  one  of  the  new  Territories,  public 
men,  representing  the  interests  of  the  non-slaveholding  States, 
exhumed  from  the  dust  of  a  half  century  the  ordinance  of  1787, 
and  presented  it  to  the  country  as  a  chart  of  republican  freedom 
from  our  fathers,  containing  within  it,  as  they  alleged,  a  repudia 
tion  of  the  condition  of  slavery,  and  recommended  it  for  a  like 
interdict  in  all  the  new  Territories,  giving  birth  to  what  was 
called,  from  the  gentleman  who  first  presented  it,  the  '  Wilmot 
Proviso/  The  ordinance  of  1787,  or  this  clause  in  the  ordi 
nance,  has  been  resorted  to  from  that  day  to  this  as  evidence 
that,  even  before  the  foundation  of  the  present  Government,  our 
fathers  looked  to  a  power  in  the  United  States  to  affect,  by  eman 
cipation  or  otherwise,  the  condition  of  African  bondage  on  the 
continent. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


"  Now,  Mr.  President,  the  people  of  that  day  have  all 
passed  from  among  us,  but  they  have  left  some  memorials 
behind;  and  I  have  one  here  from  the  same  venerated  man  to 
whom  I  have  before  alluded,  showing  in  what  policy  that  clause 
in  the  ordinance  of  1787  was  founded.  It  was  not  intended  in 
any  manner  to  affect  the  condition  of  African  bondage,  as  it  then 
existed  upon  the  continent.  It  was  aimed  as  a  blow  against 
the  foreign  African  slave  trade,  and  nothing  more. 

"  Mr.  President,  years  after  the  pseudo-compromise,  made 
on  the  occasion  of  admitting  the  State  of  Missouri,  this  sixth 
article  of  the  ordinance  of  1787  was  exhumed,  perverted,  and 
successfully  applied  without  warrant  of  constitutional  law  by 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  under  the  name  of  the 
'  Wilmot  Proviso/  to  the  Territory  of  Oregon  ;  thus  showing  a 
determination  on  the  part  of  Congress,  whatever  result  might 
follow,  to  carry  out  that  policy,  in  prohibiting  the  expansion  of 
slavery  on  the  continent.  We  all  know  the  deep  sensation  pro 
duced  at  the  South  by  the  adoption  of  this  proviso;  the  inter 
dict  was  denounced  as  unconstitutional  ;  and  although  applied  to 
a  Territory  far  north  of  the  Missouri  line,  it  was  looked  upon  at 
the  South  as  the  manifestation  of  a  fixed  policy  to  prevent  the 
further  extension  of  a  slave  population,  which  if  persevered  in 
could  only  end  in  dissolution. 

"  In  1848,  after  the  peace  with  Mexico,  we  acquired  a  large 
territory  from  her,  embracing  California.  It  became  necessary 
to  provide  Governments  for  the  population  actually  there,  not  in 
California  alone,  but  in  New  Mexico;  and  instantly  upon  the 
proposition  to  organize  Territorial  Governments  for  these  peo 
ple,  then  living  without  a  Government,  this  demand  of  interdic 
tion  was  at  once  set  up  in  both  Houses  of  Congress.  It  was 
successfully  resisted,  so  far  as  to  prevent  its  being  done,  but  at 
the  cost  of  leaving  these  people,  whom  we  had  acquired  under 
the  faith  of  treaty,  without  a  Government  for  a  period  of  some 
two  years. 

"  I  want  to  trace  the  history  frankly,  and  I  hope  truthfully, 
that  we  may  the  better  understand  the  exact  position  of  the  ques 
tion  now  presented  on  the  admission  of  Kansas.  Under  the 
auspices  of  a  very  able  and  successful  statesman  of  that  day  from 
Kentucky,  the  late  Mr.  Clay,  a  new  scheme  of  adjustment  was 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MA80N. 


suggested  to  the  American  people,  by  a  series  of  what  was  called 
'  Compromise  measures.'  I  will  not  go  over  them  here  further 
than  to  show  the  result  to  have  been  the  violent  admission  of 
an  additional  non-slaveholding  State,  with  an  equivocal  post 
ponement  of  the  question  of  future  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the 
new  Territories.  I  was  one  of  those  who  were  opposed  to  this 
new  (so  styled)  compromise.  I  never  knew  a  compromise  made 
between  a  majority  and  a  minority,  unless  on  a  basis  by  which 
the  majority  establishes  a  position  for  further  aggression  at  a 
future  day;  and  I  think  the  history  of  all  the  compromises  on 
the  question  of  slavery,  so  far  as  they  have  progressed,  warrants 
that  conclusion.  It  was  done.  California  was  admitted  into 
the  Union  as  a  free  State;  not  objected  to  by  Southern  men 
because  it  was  a  free  State,  but  objected  to  because  of  the 
machinery  that  was  put  in  practice  to  produce  that  very  effect. 

"  Now,  Mr.  President,  let  us  come  back  to  the  Kansas  ques 
tion.  A  law  was  passed  creating  territorial  governments  in 
Kansas  and  Nebraska,  according  to  their  appropriate  boun 
daries.  The  question  of  slavery  was  left  open  to  be  decided  by 
the  people  to  be  affected  by  it,  as  I  have  said,  in  consequence,  not 
of  the  spirit  only,  but  the  letter  of  the  laws  of  1850. 

"  What  was  the  next  step?  Hardly  was  the  ink  dry  by 
which  the  bill  became  a  law,  when  there  was  fulminated  from  the 
Halls  of  Legislation  here  a  manifesto  to  all  the  abolition  societies 
of  the  North,  telling  them  that  the  Territory^  was  thrown  open 
to  population  and  inviting  and  encouraging  them,  under  every 
stimulant  that  could  arouse  their  passions  or  excite  their  hopes, 
to  throw  their  people  into  it  with  the  utmost  rapidity.  I  do  not 
claim  to  be  wiser  than  others,  but  yet  have  some  knowledge  of 
humanity  and  of  my  fellow-men;  and  I  say  that  the  state  of 
things  that  has  existed  in  Kansas  ever  since;  events  which 
Senators  delight  in  depicting  as  the  efforts  of  great  and  noble- 
minded  freemen  to  vindicate  their  rights  ;  scenes  of  blood,  rapine, 
and  murder,  disgraceful  to  the  age,  of  fraud  and  violence  in  every 
form  of  licensed  depravity,  were  but  the  legitimate  consequences 
of  throwing  (by  artificial  means  altogether)  a  population  utterly 
irresponsible  into  a  common  Territory,  under  instructions,  if 
not  under  contract,  to  carry  out  the  political  views  of  those  who 
sent  them. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  The  emigrant  aid  societies  formed  a  new  feature  in  the 
laws  governing  emigration  in  our  country  —  societies  that  were 
got  up  with  large  capital  for  the  purpose  of  throwing  a  popula 
tion  into  the  Territory  of  Kansas  at  once  which  should  pre 
occupy  it,  in  order  that  politicians  might  effect  what  the  laws  had 
prohibited,  in  regard  to  the  expansion  of  slavery. 

"  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  we  had  any  law,  or  could  pass 
any  law,  prohibiting  these  societies  ;  but  do  mean  to  say,  before 
the  American  people,  and  before  posterity,  that  those  who  were 
instrumental  in  getting  up  such  societies,  and  in  carrying 
through  their  objects,  are  responsible  for  the  bloodshed  and 
rapine,  and  murder,  and  the  utter  destitution  of  every  moral 
principle  which  have  disgraced  that  Territory  ever  since. 

"  Slaveholders  from  the  adjacent  and  contiguous  States, 
and  from  a  distance,  went  there,  as  they  had  a  right  to  do,  with 
their  slaves,  and  mingled  with  this  population.  The  Territory  at 
once  became  a  scene  of  contention  and  strife,  because  they  found 
it  pre-occupied  by  men  who  had  been  sent  there  under  contract 
for  the  very  purpose  of  excluding  them.  Civil  war  almost  ensued 
—  civil  strife  certainly  did.  It  was  necessary  to.  bring  in  the  strong 
arm  of  Federal  power  through  the  military  force,  in  order  to 
repress  it.  Soldiers  were  quartered  there  for  more  than  two 
years  to  keep  peace  amongst  the  people,  and  to  make  them 
obedient  to  the  laws.  What,  then,  did  we  find  on  the  part  of  the 
emigrant  aid  societies  in  the  New  England  States?  Pen  and 
pulpit  were  employed  alike  to  fan  the  flame  and  to  supply  the 
munitions  for  civil  war  in  the  Territory  of  Kansas  ;  sermons  were 
preached  ;  the  popular  mind  was  stirred  up  from  its  foundations 
to  induce  them  to  contribute  money  and  fire-arms  to  be  used  in 
Kansas  against  their  fellow-countrymen. 

"  If  that  is  the  sort  of  government  which  these  peace  and 
order-loving  people  prefer,  be  it  so.  Our  duty  only  is  to  see  that 
the  laws  are  enforced  ;  that  the  laws  are  obeyed  ;  that  the  institu 
tions  of  the  country  are  preserved  unimpaired,  and  not  made  the 
sport  either  of  reckless  fanaticism  or  the  calmer  calculations  of 
reckless  aspirants. 

"  I  think  the  President  at  the  head  of  the  last  administration, 
as  well  as  the  present,  have  done  no  more  than  their  duty  in 
seeing  that  the  laws  were  duly  enforced  by  the  full  use  of  the 
military  power. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  I  will  not  trace  the  condition  of  slavery,  as  belonging  to 
the  African,  back  to  the  Bible,  because,  although  I  recognise  that 
as  the  law  which  to  a  great  extent  governs  the  relations  between 
man  and  man,  yet  it  is  not  a  law  which  is  to  be  enforced  by  any 
human  tribunal.  I  will  not  undertake  to  say  that  the  African  got 
his  condition  of  slavery  jure  divino,  although  it  has  been  so 
ascribed.  It  is  enough  for  me  that  such  is  the  fact.  I  know  of 
no  race  of  men  now  upon  the  earth  whose  original  normal  con 
dition  was  that  of  slavery  but  the  African.  You  find  him  pre 
cisely  in  the  same  form  of  slavery  in  every  land  where  he  has 
gone,  and  at  every  age  of  his  existence — at  home  a  slave,  abroad 
a  slave ;  and  when  that  slavery  of  the  African  is  brought  within 
the  influences  of  civilization,  we  know,  upon  the  experience  of 
our  continent  at  least,  that  it  has  elevated  him  very  far  beyond 
the  uttermost  conceptions  of  his  ancestors  in  the  scale  of  being. 
The  African  upon  this  continent,  in  the  bondage  to  which  he  is 
subjected  here,  compared  with  the  African  in  his  own  country 
upon  the  continent  of  Africa,  might  be  compared  to  the  differ 
ence  between  a  high  degree  of  civilization  and  the  lowest  condi 
tion  of  the  savage. 

"  I  will  not  undertake  to  say,  or  even  to  suggest,  what  great 
ends  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  world  may  have  designed,  and  is 
now  executing  in  the  transfer  of  a  portion  of  the  African  Race 
to  this  continent ;  but  I  have  seen  what  feeble  results  have  been 
obtained  from  the  attempt  to  carry  him  back  to  his  own  con 
tinent.  There  is  a  philanthropic  society,  now  in  existence, 
formed  some  thirty  or  forty  years  ago,  originating,  I  think,  with 
some  statesman  of  Virginia,  intended  to  import  the  African  back 
to  his  own  country.  I  know  that  the  colony  which  that  society 
has  established  has  been  maintained  as  a  very  feeble  colony  only 
by  the  strong  arm  of  civilized  power  to  this  day. 

"  I  know  that  wherever  the  African,  even  after  he  has  been 
civilized  in  bondage,  has  been  left  to  himself,  he  has  lapsed  into 
barbarism  and  savageism.  I  can  not,  therefore,  but  entertain 
a  hope  that  there  is  some  great  end  to  be  attained  by  the  Deity 
who  rules  over  all  races,  in  the  subjection  of  the  African  to  bond 
age  upon  this  continent,  because  I  know  that  whilst  in  bondage 
he  improves  in  civilization,  and  when  he  is  freed  from  bondage 
he  sinks  in  the  scale  of  humanity. 


136 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   HURRA?   MASON. 


"  Mr.  President,  if  the  States  and  the  people  of  the  States 
would  only  look  at  the  things  as  they  are,  they  see  that  we  have 
a  continent  here  peculiarly  fitted  for  that  priceless  form  of  gov 
ernment  which  we  have  adopted,  and  a  government  equally 
fitted  for  the  continent.  There  was  an  impression,  I  know, 
actuating  the  minds  of  many  of  our  early  statesmen,  that  our 
forms  of  government  were  not  susceptible  of  expansion,  but  that, 
in  course  of  time  by  its  very  expansion,  the  Government  would 
break  to  pieces  of  its  own  weight.  So  far  as  I  can  read  the  great 
mission  of  popular  government  upon  this  continent,  the  very 
reverse  is  to  be  the  result.  If  there  be  a  government  on  earth 
that  is  susceptible  of  indefinite  expansion,  it  is  the  Government 
of  these  States.  What  are  they?  A  confederation  of  equal 
sovereigns,  each  member  of  the  confederacy  a  separate  organized 
political  community;  and  if  one  or  more  should  fall  from  the 
confederacy,  at  the  very  instant  of  the  severance  such  State 
would  be  a  perfect  whole,  and  in  the  immediate  exercise  of  every 
function  that  pertains  to  government — teres  atque  rotundus — an 
executive,  a  legislative,  a  judiciary  department,  organized  with 
officers  capable  of  exercising  every  function  of  independent 
power;  hardly  requiring  any  additional  legislation  but  what 
might  be  necessary  to  make  provision  for  foreign  intercourse.  If 
the  American  mind  could  only  be  brought  to  look  on  this  Gov 
ernment  in  its  true  character,  and  remit  to  the  States  what  be 
longs  to  them — the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  their  own  affairs 
within  their  own  limits — not  interfering  with  them,  but  adhering 
to  the  behests  of  the  Constitution,  and  administering  only  those 
great  Federal  powers  which  were  conferred  upon  the  common 
government  for  the  common  good  of  the  whole,  in  the  admin 
istration  of  which,  appropriately  done,  there  would  be  no  inter 
ference  or  collision  with  State  authorities;  what  would  be  the 
result?  State  after  State  might  come  into  the  Union ;  they  might 
expand  as  they  have  done,  from  thirteen  to  thirty-one,  and  to 
sixty-one,  and  to  one  hundred  and  one;  and  they  would  all  re 
volve  as  harmoniously  around  their  common  orbit,  the  Federal 
Government,  as  did  the  original  thirteen;  susceptible  of  expan 
sion  to  any  extent,  and  stronger  as  they  expanded.  And  as  if  to 
anticipate  such  expansion  in  the  advancement  of  the  arts  of 
civilized  life,  the  telegraphs  and  railroads  of  modern  construe- 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MA80N. 


tion  lend  their  powerful  aid  to  bind  them  together  by  agencies 
that  annihilate  time  and  space. 

"What  then  is  proposed?  To  get  a  political  party  into 
power  by  crushing  out  of  existence  one  of  the  greatest  agencies 
of  civilization  the  world  has  ever  known — destroying  not  only 
the  constitutional,  but  the  domestic  harmony,  that  fraternal  re 
gard,  that  should  ever  actuate  citizens  of  a  common  country. 
Violence  and  discord,  detection  and  calumny,  are  badly  calcu 
lated  to  promote  good  will  or  to  retain  communities  in  friendly 
relations.  If  the  great  American  mind  could  only  be  made  to 
realize  what  would  be  the  condition  of  things  if  their  public 
agents  were  kept  within  the  limits  of  constitutional  control, 
they  would  see,  as  I  sometimes  venture  (I  hope  without  Utopian 
vision)  to  contemplate,  this  Government  extended  over  a  con 
federation  of  States,  the  number  of  which  shall  be  limited  only 
by  the  boundless  expanse  of  a  continent  stretching  from  sea  to 
sea ;  State  after  State  entering  the  Union ;  and  each  received  with 
that  cordial  welcome  which  should  signalize  the  access  of  a  new 
confederate  of  common  lineage,  ranging  side  by  side  under  a 
common  destiny.  To  what  may  we  not  aspire  if  this  great  and 
prosperous  confederacy  can  be  preserved?  But  if  it  must  be 
otherwise,  let  the  responsibility  rest  where  impartial  history  shall 
assign  it." 

True  to  his  convictions  and  resolute  in  his  purpose  to  resist 
all  and  every  usurpation  by  Congress  of  power  not  given  to  it 
by  the  Constitution,  Mr.  Mason  opposed  strenuously  the  build 
ing  of  the  Pacific  Railroad.  In  January,  1859,  ne  said  in  the 
Senate : 

"  I  can  not  vote  for  the  bill  because  I  can  not  see  that,  under 
the  charter  of  our  power — the  Constitution — we  have  any 
authority  whatever  to  touch  the  subject  in  any  form.  Mr.  Presi 
dent,  for  some  reason^  I  will  not  undertake  to  say  what,  a  large 
majority  of  the  Senate  look  upon  the  scheme  of  building  this 
magnificent  road  as  one  not  only  entitled  to  the  greater  share  of 
their  attention  in  their  public  duties,  but  they  assume  that  it 
attracts  the  attention  of  the  whole  country.  I  do  not  know  how 
that  may  be.  Senators  on  the  other  side  of  the  chamber,  and 
some  on  ours,  have  undertaken  to  say,  and  they  may  be  right, 
that  although  there  is  a  large  majority  of  Senators  here  who  are 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


prepared  to  vote  for  a  railroad,  yet  the  strange  phenomenon  is 
presented  that  they  can  not  get  a  bill  which  will  conciliate  a 
majority.  Now  what  does  that  mean?  The  history  of  the 
measure  has  been  written  during  this  session.  Why  do  they  not 
agree?  They  do  not  agree  because  they  can  not  arrange  among 
themselves  upon  the  Atlantic  terminus  of  the  road.  Well,  what 
does  that  mean?  It  means  that  that  large  interest  which  they 
claim  to  represent,  and,  I  daresay,  do  represent,  does  not  regard 
the  road  itself,  and  the  advantages  to  result  from  the  construc 
tion  of  the  road,  but  regards  the  sectional  advantages.  It  is  not 
the  road  they  go  for,  but  it  is  the  improvement  of  the  country 
which  the  road  will  pervade.  That  is  the  reason  they  can  not 
agree. 

"Sir,  their  whole  conduct  here  has  demonstrated  it.  Pro 
pose  a  Northern  terminus,  and  the  center  and  the  South  vote 
against  it.  Take  a  middle  terminus,  and  both  the  North  and 
South  vote  against  it.  Take  a  Southern  terminus,  and  the  other 
two  vote  against  it.  All  agreeing,  they  say,  that  the  road  ought 
to  be  made  ;  all  agreeing,  as  they  say,  that  it  is  a  subject  of  great 
national  importance  to  make  the  road,  and  it  being  a  matter  of 
no  importance  where  the  road  begins  or  where  it  ends,  provided 
it  begins  on  the  Atlantic  and  ends  on  the  Pacific;  yet  it  is  im 
possible  for  them  to  conciliate  a  majority,  because  if  it  is  a 
Northern  road  the  other  two  are  against  it,  and  if  it  is  a  South 
ern  road  the  intermediate  section  and  the  North  are  against  it. 

"  Mr.  President,  I  do  not  know  any  form  in  which  this  bill 
can  be  put  that  will  authorize  me  to  vote  for  it.  I  am  prepared 
to  say  here,  at  once,  that  if  you  were  to  introduce  a  bill  to  com 
mence  this  road  on  the  Potomac  River,  and  carry  it  through  the 
whole  breadth  of  Virginia  and  the  tier  of  the  Southern  States, 
and  thence  by  the  Gila,  or  by  any  other  route,  to  the  Pacific, 
whether  it  was  to  be  constructed  by  Federal  money  or  by  Federal 
organization,  I  would  vote  against  it;  and  I  should  forfeit, 
deservedly  forfeit,  the  confidence  of  my  constituency  if  I  did  not 
do  so.  So  there  is  no  form  in  which  any  bill  can  be  presented 
which  will  conciliate  my  vote. 

"  Other  Senators  who  regard  the  working  of  this  Federal 
machine  in  a  light  very  different  from  that  in  which  I  regard  it, 
may  consider  that  the  time  has  been  wasted.  I  am  rather  dis- 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


posed  to  think  that  if  time  has  not  been  economized,  constitu 
tional  right  has,  and  we  gain  something  even  by  the  waste  of 
time.  I  submit  to  the  Senate,  and  I  submit  to  the  country,  that 
we  have  gained  this ;  we  have  gained  information  that  will  go 
before  the  American  people  to  demonstrate  that  this  great 
Pacific  Railroad,  so  worthy  of  the  great  resources  of  this  nation, 
as  we  are  told,  but,  as  I  think,  so  fatal  to  the  obligations  of  the 
constitutional  compact,  has  received  its  death-blow  at  the  hands 
of  its  friends.  I  think  they  will  find,  if  they  take  the  vote  to-day, 
that  this  will  be  the  day  of  its  interment,  I  hope  never  to  have  a 
resurrection/' 

Again  on  February  ist  of  the  same  year  his  voice  was  heard 
in  earnest  protest  against  "  A  bill  donating  public  lands  to  the 
several  States  and  Territories  which  may  provide  colleges  for 
the  benefit  of  Agriculture  and  the  Mechanical  Arts."  He  then 
said: 

"  The  very  decided  vote  by  which  this  bill  has  been  made  to 
supersede  the  annual  appropriation  bills,  which  are  usually  con 
sidered  the  most  important  bills  at  the  close  of  the  session,  I 
presume  indicates  that  it  is  the  sense  of  the  Senate  that  the  bill 
shall  pass  in  some  form.  What  I  have  to  say,  therefore,  can  not 
be  so  appropriately  addressed  to  the  Senators  present,  to  in 
fluence,  if  I  could  expect  to  influence  their  judgment,  as  to  in 
form  those  outside  of  the  Senate,  and  more  especially  those 
whom  I  have  the  honor  to  represent  here,  of  another  instance 
of  the  practical  working  of  this  Federal  Government. 

"  Sir,  to  my  conception,  it  is  one  of  the  most  extraordinary 
engines  of  mischief  under  the  guise  of  gratuities  and  donations, 
that  I  could  conceive  would  originate  in  the  Senate.  It  is  using 
the  public  lands  as  a  means  of  controlling  the  policy  of  the 
State  Legislatures.  It  is  misusing  the  property  of  the  country 
in  such  mode  as  to  bring  the  appropriate  functions  of  the  State 
entirely  within  the  scope  of  the  bill,  under  the  discretion  of  Con 
gress  by  a  controlling  power ;  and  it  is  doing  it  in  the  worst  and 
most  insidious  form — by  bribery,  direct  bribery,  and  bribery  of 
the  worst  kind;  for  it  is  an  unconstitutional  robbing  of  the 
Treasury  for  the  purpose  of  bribing  the  States.  That  is  exactly 
what  is  to  be  found  in  the  substance  of  this  bill,  as  I  look  upon 
the  Constitution. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


11  Sir,  where  do  you  get  the  power?  If  you  have  the  right  to 
use  the  public  property,  or  the  public  money  either,  to  establish 
agricultural  colleges,  can  not  you  establish  a  school  system  in 
each  State  for  purposes  of  education?  Would  it  not  be  in  the 
power  of  a  majority  in  Congress  to  fasten  upon  the  Southern 
States  that  peculiar  system  of  free  schools  in  the  New  England 
States  which,  I  believe,  would  tend,  I  will  not  say  to  demoralize, 
but  to  destroy  that  peculiar  character  which  I  am  happy  to 
believe  belongs  to  the  great  mass  of  the  Southern  people.  Ay, 
those  New  England  free  schools,  upon  which  they  pride  them 
selves,  and  that  system  of  social  organization  in  reference  to 
those  free  schools,  might  just  as  well  be  ingrafted  on  the  policy 
of  all  the  States  by  means  of  this  same  bribing  process  by  which 
they  here  propose  to  establish  agricultural  colleges,  or  any  other 
system,  I  care  not  what. 

"  I  do  not  know  what  States  may  be  induced,  if  the  bill 
should  pass,  to  become  the  eleemosynary  recipients  of  the  bounty 
of  the  Government  thus  given  to  them;  but  I  know  whatever 
States  do  it,  will  place  themselves  in  that  relation  to  the  Federal 
Government  which  will  inevitably  lead  their  people  to  believe 
that  the  Federal  Government  is  not  only  the  source  of  office  and 
honour,  but  that  it  is  the  source  of  alms;  for  public  charity  is 
dealt  out  to  the  States  as  States,  and  the  assent  of  the  States  is 
asked  by  this  bill  to  become  the  recipient  of  the  alms  of  the 
Federal  Government. 

"  Sir,  the  bill  is  fraught  with  mischief.  Its  unconstitu- 
tionality,  which  I  do  not  mean  to  press  upon  gentlemen  at  all, 
but  to  which  I  desire  to  call  the  attention  of  my  constituents,  is 
bad  enough.  Its  utter  inexpediency,  its  tendency  to  mischief, 
its  inordinate  character  as  a  precedent  in  bringing  within  the 
Federal  Government*  within  that  great  vortex  of  the  Govern 
ment  which  does  hold  the  purse  of  the  nation,  almost  the  entire 
purse  of  the  nation,  I  say  as  a  precedent  for  similar  exercises 
of  power,  there  could  not  be  projected,  in  my  judgment,  a 
measure  more  fraught  with  mischief.  About  the  details  of  the 
bill,  I  know  very  little  and  care  a  great  deal  less.  It  is  the 
principle  ;  not  the  principle  alone  of  giving  away  that  which  you 
have  no  right  to  dispose  of  in  that  form,  but  the  manner  and 
purpose  for  which  it  is  done,  holding  out  a  bribe  to  the  States 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


to  conform  their  agricultural  policy  to  the  superior  wisdom  of 
Congress." 

History  records  the  triumph  of  the  Abolitionists  in  exclud 
ing  the  Southern  people  from  the  new  State  of  Kansas.  It  also 
records  the  attempt  made,  in  1859,  to  incite  an  insurrection 
among  the  slaves  in  Virginia  and  to  induce  them  to  carry  death 
and  destruction  into  the  homes  in  which  they  had  always  lived 
peacefully  and  happily,  and  in  which  they  were  better  fed,  better 
clothed  and  better  cared  for  in  sickness  and  old  age  than  has 
been,  or  is  now  the  case  anywhere  in  the  world,  with  the  poorer 
class  of  working  people,  or  in  many  of  the  factories  either  in  this 
country  or  in  Europe,  England  included. 

This  outrage,  generally  known  as  the  "  John  Brown  Raid," 
occurred  on  Sunday  night,  October  i6th,  1859.  And  on  the  first 
day  of  the  next  session  of  Congress  (December  5th,  1859),  Mr. 
Mason  offered  a  resolution  in  the  Senate  that,  "  A  select  com 
mittee  be  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  late  invasion  and  seizure 
of  the  public  property  at  Harper's  Ferry."  In  supporting  this 
resolution  he  said :  "  What  I  design  and  hope  to  ascertain  by 
this  investigation  is,  from  what  source  the  funds  and  the  counsels 
were  obtained  that  led  to  or  induced  that  invasion." 

Few  historians  have  made  more  than  passing  allusions  to 
this  raid;  and  John  Brown  has  been  continually  described  as  a 
hero,  and  a  martyr  in  the  cause  of  freedom.  A  brief  statement 
of  the  facts  of  the  case  is  given  to  enable  the  reader  to  form  an 
opinion  regarding  the  true  character  of  the  "  raid,"  and  to 
determine  whether  it  might  not  be  justly  attributed  to  the  in 
fluence  of  the  Abolitionists  of  the  Republican  party  in  the 
Northern  States. 

Two  reports  were  presented  to  the  Senate  by  the  "  Special 
Committee,"  one  of  them  was  signed  by  J.  M.  Mason,  chairman, 
Jefferson  Davis  and  G.  N.  Fitch ;  the  other  by  J.  Collamer  and 
J.  R.  Doolittle.  They  do  not,  however,  differ  as  to  the  events  at 
Harper's  Ferry.  Mr.  Mason's  report  goes  more  into  the  detail 
and  includes  the  testimony  of  those  examined  by  the  Committee. 
The  following  narrative  is  in  accordance  with  both  these  reports : 

Mr.  Collamer's  report  says :  "  On  the  night  of  the  i6th 
day  of  October,  1859,  John  Brown,  together  with  sixteen  white 
men  and  five  negroes  as  conspirators,  took  armed  possession  of 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


the  United  States  Armory  at  Harper's  Ferry,  in  Virginia,  killed 
four  of  the  inhabitants,  and  were  dislodged  by  armed  force  which 
they  resisted,  and  in  the  action  seven  of  the  white  conspirators 
were  killed,  and  three  of  the  negroes.  John  Brown  was  wounded 
and  taken  prisoner,  and  he,  together  with  four  others  of  the  white 
conspirators  and  two  of  the  negroes,  were  tried,  convicted,  and 
executed,  and  five  escaped. 

"  This  took  place  in  pursuance  of  a  conspiracy  commenced 
in  Kansas  by  John  Brown  and  most  of  these  conspirators  in  the 
last  part  of  1857,  or  tne  beginning  of  1858.  They  were  young 
men  and  entirely  under  the  influence  of  Brown,  and  had  been,  as 
well  as  Brown,  deeply  engaged  in  the  conflicts  in  Kansas  in  1855, 
1856,  and  1857. 

"  From  Kansas  they  passed  into  Iowa,  and  from  thence  they 
were  led  by  Brown  to  Chatham,  in  Canada,  West.  There  they, 
with  a  number  of  negroes,  formed  a  secret  organization,  with 
written  articles  of  association,  drawn  up  by  Brown,  having  for  its 
object  the  raising  of  slave  insurrection  in  the  slaveholding 
States,  and  subverting  the  Government  thereof. 

"  They  had  two  hundred  Sharp's  carbines  and  two  hundred 
revolver  pistols  and  about  one  thousand  pikes,  together  with  a 
quantity  of  clothing  and  ammunition.  The  carbines  and  revol 
vers  had  been  procured  by  contributions  in  Massachusetts  in 
1856,  and  forwarded  to  Iowa  to  be  sent  into  Kansas  for  the  aid 
and  in  the  defense  of  the  Free-State  people  in  the  struggle  then 
existing  there,  and  they  had  been  intrusted  to  John  Brown  for 
that  purpose,  together  with  the  ammunition.  The  clothing  which 
had  been  contributed  for  the  suffering  people  of  Kansas,  had 
been  intrusted  to  him  there  for  that  purpose. 

"  In  1857  these  troubles  in  Kansas  in  a  great  degree  sub 
sided.  The  associations  and  committees,  who  had  made  contri 
butions,  ceased  operations,  and  these  arms  and  munitions  in  the 
hands  of  Brown  came  to  be  almost  overlooked  and  disregarded 
until  the  summer  of  1858,  when  a  suggestion  came  to  the  persons 
having  control  of  them,  at  Boston,  that  John  Brown  was  about  to 
make  some  improper  use  of  them,  and  thereupon  he  was  par 
ticularly  charged  to  make  no  use  of  them  but  in  Kansas,  and  for 
the  defense  of  the  Free-State  people  there,  the  purpose  for  which 
they  had  been  furnished.  It  seems  that  this,  together  with  being 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MA80N. 


unable  to  procure  money,  and  an  apprehension  of  being  exposed, 
prevented  him  from  executing  the  purpose  of  his  conspiracy  for 
that  year. 

"  In  1859,  he  procured  to  be  completed  in  Connecticut  one 
thousand  pikes,  for  which  he  had  contracted  and  partially  paid 
in  1856  or  1857,  for  like  service  in  Kansas,  and  then  in  1859,  ne 
procured  those  pikes,  and  also  those  carbines  and  revolvers,  and 
the  ammunition  and  clothing,  to  be  privately  conveyed  and 
secreted  at  or  near  Harper's  Ferry,  without  the  knowledge  or 
consent  of  those  who  had  contributed  them  for  use  in  Kansas, 
and  contrary  to  the  order  so  given  him  by  those  in  control." 

In  Mr.  Mason's  report  it  is  said :  "  The  committee  find, 
from  the  testimony,  that  this  so-called  invasion  originated  with 
a  man  named  John  Brown,  who  conducted  it  in  person.  It 
appears  that  Brown  had  been  for  some  previous  years  involved  in 
the  late  difficulties  in  the  Territory  of  Kansas.  He  went  there  at 
an  early  day  after  the  settlement  of  that  Territory  began,  and 
either  took  with  him  or  was  joined  by  several  sons,  and,  perhaps, 
sons-in-law,  and  as  shown  by  the  proofs,  was  extensively  con 
nected  with  many  of  the  lawless  military  expeditions  belonging 
to  the  history  of  those  times. 

"  It  would  appear  from  the  testimony  of  more  than  one  of 
the  witnesses,  that  before  leaving  the  Territory,  he  fully  admitted 
that  he  had  not  gone  there  with  any  view  of  permanent  settle 
ment,  but  that,  finding  all  the  elements  of  strife  and  intestine  war 
there  in  full  operation,  created  by  the  division  of  sentiment 
between  those  constituting  what  were  called  the  Free-State  and 
Slave-State  parties,  his  purpose  was,  by  participating  in  it,  to 
keep  the  public  mind  inflamed  on  the  subject  of  slavery  in  the 
country,  with  a  view  to  effect  such  organizations  as  might  enable 
him  to  bring  about  servile  insurrections  in  the  Slave  States. 

"  To  carry  these  plans  into  execution,  it  appears  that,  in  the 
winter  of  1857-58,  he  collected  a  number  of  young  men  in  the 
Territory  of  Kansas,  most  of  whom  afterward  appeared  with  him 
at  Harper's  Ferry,  and  placed  them  under  military  instruction 
at  a  place  called  Springdale,  in  the  State  of  Iowa,  their  instructor 
being  one  of  the  party  thus  collected,  and  who,  it  was  said,  had 
some  military  training. 

"  These  men  were  maintained  by  Brown ;  and  in  the  spring 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


of  1858  he  took  them  with  him  to  the  town  of  Chatham,  in 
Canada,  where  he  claimed  to  have  summoned  a  convention  for 
the  purpose  of  organizing  a  provisional  government,  as  pre 
liminary  to  his  descent  upon  some  one  of  the  Slave  States.  The 
proceedings  of  this  convention,  with  the  form  of  the  provisional 
government  adopted  there,  was  taken  amongst  the  papers  found 
with  Brown's  effects  after  his  capture,  and  were  before  the 
committee,  and  will  be  found  in  the  appendix  to  this  report. 

"  As  to  the  attack  itself  at  Harper's  Ferry,  the  committee 
find  that  Brown  first  appeared  in  that  neighborhood  early  in 
July,  1859. 

"  The  whole  number  assembled  with  Brown  at  the  time  of 
the  invasion  were  twenty-one  men,  making  with  himself  in  all 
twenty-two.  On  Sunday  night,  the  i6th  of  October,  1859,  be 
tween  ii  and  12  o'clock  at  night,  Brown,  attended  by  probably 
eighteen  of  his  company,  crossed  the  bridge  connecting  the 
village  of  Harper's  Ferry  with  the  Maryland  shore,  and,  on 
reaching  the  Virginia  side,  proceeded  immediately  to  take  pos 
session  of  the  buildings  of  the  Armory  and  Arsenal  of  the  United 
States.  These  men  were  armed,  each  with  a  Sharp's  carbine  and 
with  revolving  pistols.  The  inhabitants  of  the  village  asleep, 
the  presence  of  this  party  was  not  known  until  they  appeared 
and  demanded  admittance  at  the  gate  leading  to  the  public 
works,  which  was  locked.  The  watchman  in  charge  states  that 
on  his  refusal  to  admit  them,  the  gate  was  opened  by  violence 
and  the  party  entered,  made  him  prisoner,  and  established  them 
selves  immediately  in  a  strong  brick  building  used  as  an  engine- 
house  with  a  room  for  the  watchman  adjoining  it.  They  brought 
with  them  a  wagon  with  one  horse,  containing  arms  and  some 
prepared  torches. 

"  The  invasion  thus  silently  commenced,  was  as  silently  con 
ducted,  none  of  the  inhabitants  having  been  aroused.  Armed 
parties  were  then  stationed  at  corners  of  the  streets.  Their  next 
movement  was  to  take  possession,  by  detached  parties  of  three 
or  four,  of  the  Arsenal  of  the  United  States,  where  the  public 
arms  were  chiefly  deposited,  a  building  not  far  from  the  engine- 
house  ;  and  by  another  party,  of  the  workshops  and  other  build 
ings  of  the  Armory,  about  half  a  mile  off,  on  the  Shenandoah 
River,  called  '  Hall's  Rifle  Works.' 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  An  armed  party  was  sent  into  the  adjoining  country,  with 
a  view  to  the  seizure  of  two  or  three  of  the  principal  inhabitants, 
with  such  of  their  slaves  as  might  be  found,  and  to  bring  them  to 
Harper's  Ferry  (in  the  language  of  Brown)  as  hostages,  Cook, 
who,  had  become  well  acquainted  with  the  country  around 
Harper's  Ferry,  acting  as  their  guide.  They  thus  seized  Colonel 
Lewis  W.  Washington,  with  several  of  his  slaves  (negro  men) 
at  his  residence,  some  five  or  six  miles  distant;  and  in  like 
manner  a  gentleman  named  Allstadt,  who  lived  near  the  road 
leading  from  Colonel  Washington's  to  the  Ferry,  with  five  or 
six  of  his  slaves  (also  negro  men).  A  party  was  sent,  taking 
Washington's  wagon  and  horses,  and  five  or  six  of  the  captured 
slaves,  into  Maryland  to  bring  the  arms  deposited  at  Brown's 
house  there  to  a  point  nearer  the  Ferry.  On  their  way,  they 
seized  a  gentleman  named  Byrne,  who  lived  in  Maryland,  and 
whom  they  afterwards  sent  to  the  Ferry  and  placed  amongst  the 
other  prisoners  at  the  engine-house.  It  is  shown  that  their 
design  was  to  take,  at  the  same  time,  as  many  of  the  slaves  of 
Byrne  as  might  be  found,  but  in  this  they  did  not  succeed. 

"  When  daylight  came,  as  the  inhabitants  left  their  houses, 
consisting  chiefly  of  workmen  and  others  employed  in  the  public 
works,  on  their  way  to  their  usual  occupations,  and  unconscious 
of  what  had  occurred  during  the  night,  they  were  seized  in  the 
streets  by  Brown's  men  and  carried  as  prisoners  to  the  engine- 
house  until,  with  those  previously  there,  they  amounted  to  some 
thirty  or  forty  in  number.  Pikes  were  put  in  the  hands  of  such 
of  the  slaves  as  they  had  taken,  and  they  were  kept  under  the 
eyes  of  their  captors  as  sentinels,  near  the  buildings  they 
occupied.  But  their  movements  being  conducted  at  night,  it  was 
not  until  the  morning  was  well  advanced  that  the  presence  and 
character  of  the  party  was  generally  known  in  the  village. 

"  The  nearest  towns  to  Harper's  Ferry  were  Charlestown, 
distant  some  ten  miles,  and  Martinsburg,  about  twenty.  As  soon 
as  information  could  reach  those  points,  the  citizens  assembled, 
hurriedly  enrolled  themselves  into  military  bands,  and  with  such 
arms  as  they  could  find,  proceeded  to  the  Ferry.  Before  their 
arrival,  however,  it  would  seem  that  some  four  or  five  of  the 
marauders,  who  were  stationed  at  '  Hall's  Rifle  Works,'  were 


146 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


driven  out  by  the  citizens  of  the  village,  and  either  killed  or 
captured. 

"  During  the  day  it  appears  that  all  of  Brown's  party,  who 
were  not  with  him  in  the  engine-house,  were  either  killed  or 
captured,  except  those  who  were  on  the  Maryland  side  engaged 
in  removing  the  arms,  as  before  stated.  Before,  however,  they 
were  thus  captured  or  destroyed,  they  shot  and  killed  two  per 
sons,  citizens  of  Virginia,  in  the  streets.  One  of  them,  a  man 
named  Boerly,  who  lived  in  the  village,  was  killed  by  a  rifle  shot 
near  his  own  house.  He  had  taken  no  part  in  any  of  the  attacks, 
and  does  not  appear  even  to  have  been  armed.  The  other,,  Mr. 
George  W.  Turner,  was  a  gentleman  who  lived  in  the  country 
some  ten  miles  distant,  and  who,  it  appears,  had  gone  to  the 
village  upon  information  that  his  neighbor,  Mr.  Washington,  had 
been  seized  in  his  house  and  carried  off  during  the  night.  It 
would  seem  that,  for  his  safety,  he  had  taken  a  gun  offered  to 
him  by  some  one  in  the  village,  and  was  proceeding  along  the 
street  unattended,  with  it  in  his  hand,  when  he  also  was  killed  by 
a  rifle  ball. 

"  As  soon  as  intelligence  could  be  conveyed  to  Washington 
of  the  state  of  things  at  Harper's  Ferry,  the  marines  on  duty  at 
the  Navy  Yard  were  ordered  to  the  scene  of  action,  under  the 
command  of  Colonel  Robert  E.  Lee,  of  the  army. 

"  Colonel  Lee,  it  will  be  seen,  found  it  necessary  to  carry  the 
engine-house  by  storm,  the  party  within  refusing  to  surrender 
except  on  terms  properly  held  inadmissable.  In  this  affair  one 
marine  was  killed,  and  another  slightly  wounded. 

"  There  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix,*  a  copy  of  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  convention  held  at  Chatham,  in  Canada,  before 
referred  to,  of  the  provisional  form  of  government  there  pre 
tended  to  have  been  instituted,  the  object  of  which  clearly  was 
to  subvert  the  Government  of  one  or  more  of  the  States,  and  of 
course  to  that  extent  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  The 
character  of  the  military  organization  is  shown  by  the  commis 
sions  issued  to  certain  of  the  armed  party  as  captains,  lieuten 
ants,  etc. 

"  It  clearly  appears  that  the  scheme  of  Brown  was  to  take 

*Published  with  the  report  of  Committee,  and  containing  testimony  of 
witnesses,  and  other  papers  that  accompanied  the  report  of  the  Committee. 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASOft. 


147 


with  him  comparatively  but  few  men,  but  those  had  been  care 
fully  trained  by  military  instruction  previously,  and  were  to  act 
as  officers.  For  his  military  force  he  relied,  very  clearly,  on 
inciting  insurrection  amongst  the  slaves,  who,  he  supposed, 
would  flock  to  him  as  soon  as  it  became  known  that  he  had 
entered  the  State  and  had  been  able  to  retain  his  position — an 
expectation  to  no  extent  realized,  though  it  was  owing  alone  to 
the  loyalty  and  well-affected  disposition  of  the  slaves  that  he  did 
not  succeed  in  inciting  a  servile  war,  with  its  necessary  attend 
ants  of  rapine  and  murder  of  all  sexes,  ages,  and  conditions. 
It  is  very  certain  from  the  proofs  before  the  committee,  that  not 
one  of  the  captured  slaves,  although  arms  were  placed  in  their 
hands,  attempted  to  use  them;  but  on  the  contrary,  as  soon  as 
their  safety  would  admit,  in  the  absence  of  their  captors,  their 
arms  were  thrown  away  and  they  hastened  back  to  their  homes. 
"  It  is  shown  that  Brown  brought  with  him  for  this  expedi 
tion  arms  sufficient  to  have  placed  an  effective  weapon  in  the 
hands  of  no  less  than  1,500  men;  besides  which,  had  he  suc 
ceeded  in  obtaining  the  aid  he  looked  to  from  the  slaves,  he  had 
entirely  under  his  control  all  the  arms  of  the  United  States 
deposited  in  the  Arsenal  at  Harper's  Ferry.  After  his  capture, 
besides  the  arms  he  brought  in  the  wagon  to  the  Ferry,  there 
were  found  on  the  Maryland  side,  where  he  had  left  them,  200 
Sharp's  rifled  carbines,  and  200  revolver  pistols,  packed  in  the 
boxes  of  the  manufacturers,  with  900  or  1,000  pikes,  carefully 
and  strongly  made,  the  blade  of  steel  being  securely  riveted  to 
a  handle  about  five  feet  in  length;  many  thousand  percussion 
caps  in  boxes,  and  ample  stores  of  fixed  ammunition,  besides  a 
large  supply  of  powder  in  kegs,  and  a  chest  that  contained  hospi 
tal  and  other  military  stores,  besides  a  quantity  of  extra  clothing 
for  troops." 

The  Richmond  Enquirer  of  October  3Oth,  1859,  gives  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Mason  to  the  editor  of  the  Constitution  which  says  : 

"  It  is  right  and  due  to  truth  that  the  material  facts  attend 
ing  the  late  incendiary  attack  on  the  town  of  Harper's  Ferry 
should  be  correctly  understood.  There  was  no  insurrection  in  any 
form  whatsoever  on  the  part  of  any  of  the  inhabitants  or  residents 
of  that  town  or  its  vicinity.  There  is  little  doubt  that  such  in- 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


surrection  was  expected  by  the  leader  of  the  armed  miscreants 
who  came  from  the  adjoining  States,  and  under  cover  of  night, 
into  the  town,  an  expectation  in  which  they  were  wofully  dis 
appointed,  as  fully  admitted  by  themselves.  The  fact  is  un 
doubted  that  not  a  man,  black  or  white,  joined  them  after  they 
came  into  Virginia,  or  gave  them  aid  or  assistance  in  any  form." 

It  is  certain  that  the  only  emotion  evinced  by  the  negroes 
was  alarm  and  terror.  Not  a  slave  escaped  or  attempted  to 
escape  during  the  tumult;  of  those  carried  by  Cooke  across 
the  river,  all  escaped  from  him  and  returned  home  except  one 
who  was  drowned  whilst  crossing  the  river  homeward  bound. 

Again  Mr.  Mason  said  in  the  Senate,  a  few  months  later  : 
"  I  take  pride  in  repeating  that  the  State  of  Virginia  was  saved 
from  insurrection  among  her  slaves  only  by  the  loyalty  of  her 
slaves.  That  those  fields  do  not  now  present  a  scene  of  incen 
diarism  and  blood  is  owing  only  to  the  loyalty  of  the  slaves  upon 
the  soil  of  Virginia." 

The  following  letter  needs  no  explanation  nor  comment, 
further  than  to  say  Mr.  Mason  was  connected,  by  marriage,  with 
Mr.  Dallas.  They  had  always  belonged  to  the  same  school  of 
thought  on  all  important  questions  of  public  interest,  and  their 
personal  relations  had  been  those  of  confidential  friends.  Mr. 
Dallas  retained  the  position  of  United  States  Minister  in  Eng 
land  until  the  inauguration  of  President  Lincoln,  when  he  re 
turned  to  his  home  in  Philadelphia.  All  communication  with 
Mr.  Mason  then  ended,  and  was  never  renewed  : 

"  SELMA,  NEAR  WINCHESTER,  VA.,  Nov.  2d,  1858. 

"  The  Honorable  James  Buchanan, 

"  President  of  the  United  States. 

"DEAR  SIR:  On  Thursday  of  last  week  Mr.  Faulkner 
called  on  me  at  my  residence,  and  said,  in  course  of  conversa 
tion,  that  he  had  been  for  a  day  or  two  previously  in  Washing 
ton,  that  whilst  there  (in  a  conversation  with  you  which  admitted 
of  it),  he  mentioned  my  name  to  you  in  connection  with  the 
mission  in  London,  upon  the  hypothesis  assumed  in  the  conver 
sation,  that  Mr.  Dallas  was  to  be  recalled. 

"  Mr.  Faulkner  further  said,  that  after  expressing  a  doubt 
on  your  part,  whether  the  mission  would  be  acceptable  to  me 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 

(which  he  was  unable  to  solve),  he  was  authorized  by  you  to 
communicate  to  me  what  had  passed,  and  to  which  you  were 
good  enough  to  add,  that  if  acceptable  it  would  be  offered  to  me. 

"  I  replied  to  Mr.  Faulkner  that  I  had  not  thought  of  going 
abroad,  and  thus  had  never  considered  the  subject  connected 
with  such  a  change  of  position — but  that  in  reference  to  the 
mission  in  question,  my  relations  to  Mr.  Dallas  were  such,  that 
I  could  consider  no  proposition  affecting  myself  which  looked  to 
his  being  superseded — and  requested  Mr.  Faulkner,  if  he  thought 
it  proper  to  communicate  the  result  of  our  interview  to  you,  that 
such  should  be  given  as  my  reply. 

"  To  preclude  any  possible  misconstruction,  and  whilst 
thanking  you  for  the  consideration  which  led  you  to  acquiesce 
in  Mr.  Faulkner's  suggestion  of  my  name,  I  wish  to  supply  in 
this  form,  to  what  Mr.  Faulkner  may  write  to  you,  that  as  well 
because  of  my  relations  to  Mr.  Dallas,  as  a  belief  in  his  pecul 
iar  fitness  for  that  important  post.  I  could,  under  no  circumstances, 
consent  to  become  his  successor. 

"  That  this  note  may  not  reach  you  in  a  promiscuous  mail, 
I  shall  ask  my  friend  Mr.  Dickens  (Secretary  of  the  Senate),  to 
hand  it  to  you,  though  he  is  of  course  ignorant  of  its  contents. 

"  With  great  respect, 

"  I  am,  sir,  very  cordially  and  truly  yours, 

"  T.  M.  MASON." 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Disintegration  of  Democratic  Party  in  1860 — Extract  from  Speech  Made  in 
Senate — Mr.  Seward's  Speech  in  Boston — Letter  to  Richmond  Enquirer — 
Conference  of  States  Proposed  by  Virginia — Extracts  from  President 
Buchanan's  Message  and  from  Mr.  Sickles'  Speech— Mr.  Mason's  Re 
marks  on  Mr.  Powell's  Resolutions — Remarks  on  Withdrawal  of  Six 
Senators — Letter  to  His  Daughter— Letter  to  the  People  of  Virginia — 
Remarks  on  Peace  Conference— Letters  from  Senators  Chandler  and 
Bingham — Petitions  to  Congress  from  the  People  of  Northern  States — 
Remarks  on  Resolution  to  Expel  Senator  Wigfall,  of  Texas. 

It  is  difficult  to  appreciate  rightly,  at  this  day,  the  excitement 
existing  in  all  parts  of  the  country  during  the  years  1859  and 
1860.  An  excitement  steadily  increasing  with  the  nearer 
approach  of  the  Presidential  election. 

There  were  very  few  who  failed  to  recognize  the  peculiar 
importance  of  this  election  in  its  effect  upon  the  South — but 
there  were  differences  of  opinion  regarding  the  measures  best 
adopted  to  secure  her  safety.  There  was,  without  exception 
entire  loyalty  to  the  Union  under  the  Constitution;  and  there  were 
many  who  clung  to  the  hope  of  preserving  it  (the  Union),  by 
means  of  further  compromise.  There  were  others  who  believed 
that  the  honor  as  well  as  the  interests  of  the  Southern  States 
forbade  compromise,  and  required  firm  resistance  to  the  policy 
adopted  by  the  Abolitionists,  and  who  saw  that  the  ascendency 
to  power  of  this  sectional  party  involved  the  virtual  subjugation 
of  the  South. 

.  Mr.  Davis  has  given,  in  the  "  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Con 
federate  Government,"  a  very  clear  and  concise  account  of  the 
four  conventions  held  in  the  spring  of  1860.  It  is  here  quoted 
as  being  authentic  history,  coming,  as  it  does,  from  the  pen  of 
one  who  was,  necessarily,  fully  informed  of  each  event  as  it 
occurred.  The  division  made  in  the  Democratic  party  is  thus 
explained : 

"  On  April  23d,  1860,  the  Democratic  party  held  a  conven 
tion  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  for  the  purpose  of  nominat 
ing  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  It  was  composed  as  usual  of 
delegates  from  all  the  States;  but  an  unfortunate  disagreement 
with  regard  to  the  declaration  of  principles  to  be  set  forth 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


rendered  a  nomination  impracticable.  Both  divisions  of  the 
convention  adjourned,  and  met  again  in  Baltimore  in  June. 
Then,  having  finally  failed  to  come  to  an  agreement,  they 
separated  and  made  their  nominations  apart.  Mr.  Douglas,  of 
Illinois,  was  nominated  by  the  friends  of  the  '  popular  sover 
eignty/  with  Mr.  Herschel  V.  Johnson,  of  Georgia,  for  Vice- 
President. 

"  The  convention  representing  the  conservative,  or  State- 
Rights  wing  of  the  Democratic  party,  unanimously  made  choice, 
on  the  first  ballot,  of  John  C.  Breckenridge,  of  Kentucky,  for 
President,  and  General  Joseph  Lane,  of  Oregon,  Vice-President. 
The  resolutions  of  each  of  these  two  conventions  denounced  the 
action  and  policy  of  the  Abolition  party,  as  subversive  of  the 
Constitution,  and  revolutionary  in  their  tendency. 

"  Another  Convention  was  held  in  Baltimore  about  the  same 
period  by  those  who  still  adhered  to  the  old  Whig  party,  rein 
forced  by  the  remains  of  the  '  American  '  organization,  and  per 
haps  some  others.  This  Convention  also  consisted  of  delegates 
from  all  the  States,  and,  repudiating  all  geographical  and  sec 
tional  issues,  and  declaring  it  to  be  '  both  the  part  of  patriotism 
and  of  duty  to  recognize  no  political  principle  other  than  the 
Constitution  of  the  country,  the  Union  of  the  States,  and  the 
enforcement  of  the  laws,  pledged  itself  and  its  supporters  '  to 
maintain,  protect,  and  defend,  separately  and  unitedly,  those 
great  principles  of  public  liberty  and  national  safety  against  all 
enemies  at  home  and  abroad/ 

"  Its  nominees  were  Messrs.  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  and 
Edward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts. 

"  The  Republican  party  had  held  its  convention  on  May 
i6th,  in  Chicago.  It  was  a  purely  sectional  body.  There  were 
a  few  delegates  present  representing  insignificant  minorities  in 
the  border  States,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  Kentucky,  and 
Missouri;  but  not  one  from  any  State  south  of  the  celebrated 
line  of  thirty-six  degrees  thirty  minutes.  It  had  been  the  in 
variable  usage  with  nominating  conventions  of  all  parties  to 
select  candidates  for  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presidency,  one 
from  the  North  and  the  other  from  the  South,  but  this  assembly 
nominated  Mr.  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  for  the  first  office,  and  for 
the  second,  Mr.  Hamlin,  of  Maine, — both  Northerners." 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


Two  days  after  this  convention  met,  viz.,  on  the  i8th  of  May, 
Mr.  Mason  took  quite  an  active  part  in  a  debate  in  the  Senate  upon 
the  resolutions  submitted,  a  short  time  before,  by  Mr.  Davis,  of 
Mississippi,  affirming  the  equality  of  the  States,  the  right  of  the 
citizens  of  each  State  to  remove  to  the  Territories  with  their 
property,  and  denying  the  right  of  Congress  or  a  Territorial 
Legislature  to  discriminate  either  in  relation  to  persons  or  prop 
erty  in  the  Territories,  and  asserting  the  duty  of  affording  pro 
tection  when  experience  shall  prove  that  the  judicial  and  ex 
ecutive  authority  do  not  possess  means  to  insure  adequate  pro 
tection  to  constitutional  rights  in  a  Territory.  Brief  extracts 
from  what  he  (Mr.  Mason)  then  said  may  be  interesting  in  this 
connection  and  may  serve  to  give  the  student  of  history  fuller 
information  in  regard  to  the  questions  then  agitating  the  country. 

Mr.  Mason  said :  "  Mr.  President,  I  have  not  felt  at  liberty 
to  refrain  from  expressing  the  opinions  which  control  my  judg 
ment  on  the  resolutions  before  the  Senate,  because  they  involve 
questions  not  only  deeply  interesting,  but,  as  I  consider,  of  vital 
importance  to  my  State,  and  to  the  section  from  which  I  come. 

"  They  involve  the  relations  that  subsist  under  the  Consti 
tution,  between  the  Territories  of  the  United  States  and  the 
States  themselves ;  questions  not  merely  of  abstract  interest,  but 
questions  necessary  to  be  settled  in  order  to  define  and  ascertain 
those  rights,  and  bring  them  into  practical  fruition.  The  hon 
orable  Senator  from  Illinois  (Mr.  Douglas),  to  whom  I  listened 
with  great  interest  and  respect  during  the  last  two  days  of  the 
session,  has  presented  his  views,  not  only  elaborately,  but  with 
great  strength  and  power,  upon  this  very  question  of  the 
relations  between  the  Territories  and  the  States.  Views  from 
which  I  differ  totally — views  which,  if  correct  and  carried  into 
effect,  must  rend  asunder  existing  party  alliances  and  bring  the 
Southern  States  to  separate  organization.  They  involve,  of 
necessity,  a  discussion  upon,  a  minute  inquiry  into,  and  a 
thorough  understanding  of,  the  relations  which  the  occupants 
of  a  Territory  bear  to  the  States  of  the  Union;  because  a  Ter 
ritory,  I  believe  all  admit,  is  a  common  property,  belonging  just 
as  much  to  one  State  as  to  any  other;  in  which  all  have  equal 
rights,  and  in  which  the  Constitution  requires  that  the  rights 
of  all  shall  be  equally  respected.  Nor  is  it  abstract,  because  the 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


very  question  has  arisen  before  the  country,  and  is  now  depend 
ing  in  the  legislation  upon  your  table. 

"  A  doctrine  has  grown  up,  or  rather  has  assumed  shape 
and  character,  ascribing  to  the  people  in  a  Territory  some 
inherent  power  in  them  as  a  political  community,  independent 
of  Congress  and  the  Government  of  the  United  States — sov 
ereignty  ;  what  has  been  termed  by  one  of  the  ablest  vindicators 
of  this  doctrine,  the  honorable  Senator  from  Illinois,  in  a  very 
elaborate  thesis  that  he  wrote  upon  this  subject  after  the  decision 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  "  Popular  Sovereignty  in  the  Territories." 
That  is  the  designation  he  has  given  to  it  in  his  pamphlet,  which 
I  have  here,  reprinted  from  Harper's  Magazine.  Why,  sir,  it  is  a 
solecism  in  mind,  if  not  in  language?  What  is  sovereignty? 
Everybody  understands  that  who  has  advanced  beyond  the 
horn-book  of  the  publicists.  There  is  no  difficulty  in  defining 
it  and  comprehending  it.  Sovereignty  is  supreme  power,  let  it 
be  lodged  where  it  may,  suprema  lex.  The  will  of  the  sovereign  is 
the  law  of  the  subject.  Where  does  it  exist  in  our  country? 
In  the  Government  of  the  United  States?  No.  No  man  who 
respects  his  judgment,  either  as  a  jurist  or  a  statesman,  will 
affirm  it.  It  is  here  in  the  country  beyond  all  question.  It 
does  not  reside  in  the  Federal  Government.  It  does  not  reside 
in  the  people  of  the  United  States ;  but  yet  it  is  here  potent,  and 
its  voice  is  felt  every  day  in  the  government  of  the  country.  Sov 
ereignty  in  this  country  resides  in  the  people  of  the  several 
States  as  separate  and  distinct  political  communities,  nowhere 
else.  The  sovereignty  of  my  honored  State  of  Virginia  is  pure 
and  simple,  as  is  that  of  the  contiguous  State  of  Kentucky ;  but 
the  sovereignty  of  Virginia  is  one  thing,  and  the  sovereignty  of 
Kentucky  is  another  thing,  entirely  distinct.  The  Government 
formed  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  the  act  of 
these  sovereigns  acting  separately,  each  for  itself,  entering  into 
a  common  government  by  compact;  and  thus  it  has  been  said, 
and  well  said,  by  honorable  Senators  who  have  preceded  me, 
the  honorable  Senator  from  Texas  (Mr.  Wigfall),  and  the  hon 
orable  Senator  from  Mississippi  (Mr.  Davis),  that  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  is  nothing  but  the  agency  of  the  States. 
It  is  through  the  Government  of  the  United  States  that  these 
sovereigns  speak  their  will.  The  law  of  the  Constitution  has 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


no  binding  obligation  on  earth  upon  any  citizen  of  this  country  ; 
but  as  it  is  the  will  of  the  separate  sovereigns,  to  whom  those 
citizens  are  subject.  The  Government  then  is  but  an  agency,  it 
has  no  sovereign  power  whatever.  When  it  passes  a  law,  that 
law  is  supreme,  there  is  no  doubt  about  that,  every  act  of  the  Fed 
eral  Government  is  a  supreme  act;  and  why?  Because  the  sov 
ereigns  who  created  the  agency  made  it  so,  and  for  no  other 
reason.  The  Constitution  on  its  face  declares  that  laws  made 
pursuant  to  the  Constitution  shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the 
land.  The  will  promulgated  through  the  law  is  not  that  of  the 
Government  ;  it  is  the  will  of  those  who  made  the  Government  ; 
the  sovereign  States. 

"  My  earnest  anxiety  is,  that  the  Government  which  has 
been  transmitted  to  us  by  our  fathers  shall  be  preserved.  I  am 
attached  to  it,  as  you  all  are,  doubtless,  not  only  because  it 
came  as  an  inheritance  from  an  honored  line  of  ancestors,  but 
because  of  its  intrinsic  merit,  its  excellence  in  itself.  It  seems 
almost  to  have  been  the  work  of  an  inspiration  of  the  day. 
You  might  bring  any  body  of  men  together  now,  I  care  not 
who,  endowed  with  every  moral  and  intellectual  faculty,  with 
the  highest  obligations  of  honor,  loyalty,  and  patriotism  upon 
them,  and  obliterate  the  Constitution  from  your  Statute  books, 
and  they  never  could  replace  it,  never. 

"  Mr.  President,  the  Union  can  be  preserved,  and  it  is  the 
duty  of  all  good  men  to  do  it,  —  a  duty,  not  of  patriotism 
alone,  but  of  probity.  I  declare  to-day  —  the  judgment  of  Sena 
tors  will  confirm  it  —  this  Union  once  dissolved,  it  is  gone  forever  ; 
alliance  between  these  States  is  gone  forever  ;  there  is  no  human 
power  that  can  restore  it.  What  is  to  destroy  it?  I  say  it  with 
entire  respect  to  all  around  me,  there  is  nothing  that  can  destroy 
it,  if  it  is  administered  by  the  functionaries  of  the  Government, 
loyally,  honestly,  and  honorably;  in  other  words,  if  they  and 
their  constituents  will  keep  the  bargain  which  their  fathers 
made." 

An  extract  from  a  speech  made  by  Mr.  Seward,  the  acknowl 
edged  leader  of  his  party,  gives  information  regarding  the  pur 
poses  of  the  Republican  party.  The  speech  was  made  in  Boston 
on  August  27th,  1860,  and  the  extract  is  copied  from  the 
Richmond  Enquirer  of  September  nth,  of  the  same  year.  Mr. 
Seward  then  said  : 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 

"  What  a  comment  upon  the  wisdom  of  a  man  is  given  in 
this  single  fact,  that  fifteen  years  only  after  the  death  of  John 
Ouincy  Adams,  the  people  who  hurled  him  from  power  and 
from  place,  are  calling  to  the  head  of  the  nation,  to  the  very 
seat  from  which  he  was  expelled,  Abraham  Lincoln  (enthusiastic 
applause),  whose  claim  to  that  seat  is  that  he  confesses  the  obli 
gation  of  that  higher  law  (applause)  which  the  sage  of  Quincy 
proclaimed,  that  he  avows  himself  for  weal  or  woe,  for  life  or 
death,  a  soldier  on  the  side  of  freedom  in  the  irrepressible  con 
flict  between  freedom  and  slavery  (prolonged  applause).  This, 
gentlemen,  is  my  simple  confession.  I  desire,  now,  only  to  say 
that  you  have  arrived  at  the  last  stage  of  this  conflict,  before  you 
reach  the  triumph  which  is  to  inaugurate  this  great  policy  into 
the  Government  of  the  United  States.  But  let  not  your  thoughts 
and  expectations  be  confined  to  the  present  hour.  I  tell  you, 
fellow-citizens,  that  with  this  victory  comes  the  end  of  the  power 
of  slavery  in  the  United  States." 

The  "  victory  "  here  anticipated  came  within  the  next  three 
months,  when  Lincoln  was  elected  President;  and  when  it  was 
known  that  Mr.  Seward's  influence  and  policy  would  prevail 
in  the  next  administration. 

Mr.  Mason's  opinions  regarding  the  existing  conditions  of 
the  country  are  expressed  in  two  letters  written  soon  after  the 
election : 

"  SELMA,  FREDERICK  COUNTY,  VA., 

"  November  23d,  1860. 
ff  Nathaniel  Tyler,  Esq.,  Editor  of  The  Richmond  Enquirer : 

"DEAR  SIR: — I  received  by  the  last  mail  only  your  letter 
of  the  1 5th  inst.,  and  at  once  reply. 

"  You  ask  for  my  opinions  on  the  condition  of  the  country, 
and  more  especially  in  regard  to  the  expediency  of  the  call  of  a 
convention  of  the  people  of  Virginia,  to  consider  what  it  may 
become  us  to  do,  in  the  crisis  which  is  upon  us,  and  with  a  view 
to  their  publication. 

"  Whilst  disinclined  at  all  times  to  volunteer  my  opinions, 
I  have  not  the  slightest  indisposition  to  express  them,  when 
they  are  asked.  Should  you  think  them  worthy  of  publication, 
the  act  is  yours. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  I  have  observed  with  great  satisfaction,  that  the  Governor 
has  called  the  Legislature  to  meet  at  an  early  day,  and,  deeply 
impressed  with  the  disordered  condition  of  the  country,  from 
causes  far  beyond  the  reach  of  legislation,  have  taken  it  for 
granted  their  first  act  will  be  to  order  elections  for  a  general 
convention  of  the  State. 

"  The  questions  now  forced  upon  the  country  are  vital  in 
their  solution  to  the  peace,  the  honor,  and  the  safety  of  the 
Southern  States.  Virginia,  whether  in  territory,  in  population, 
or  in  position,  certainly  takes  no  inferior  rank  in  the  South; 
and  it  is  of  the  last  importance  to  her,  as  it  is  to  them,  that  the 
matured  sense  of  her  people  should  be  expressed  in  deliberation 
on  these  grave  questions;  and,  if  necessary,  carried  into  exe 
cution,  in  the  solemn  forms  of  her  sovereign  authority. 

"  All  that  has  happened,  and  much  that  is  yet  to  come,  was 
foreseen  and  predicted  by  those  not  claiming  to  be  wise  beyond 
their  generation,  as  the  legitimate  and  inevitable  fruits  of  the 
ascendency  of  the  Abolition  party  in  the  North.  How  could  it 
be  otherwise?  The  election  just  over  has  established  in  the 
seats  of  Federal  authority,  and  by  overwhelming  majorities  in 
the  non-slaveholding  States,  a  great  political  power,  whose 
open  and  avowed  mission  is  to  break  up  and  destroy  interests  in 
property  and  in  society  in  all  the  slaveholding  States,  which, 
when  effected,  must  reduce  their  lands  to  deserts,  and  throw 
their  people  as  outcasts  upon  the  world.  The  public  voice 
ordaining  this  atrocious  wrong  comes  from  a  people  who  have 
no  part  or  lot  in  the  great  interest  so  recklessly  assailed,  for 
it  will  stand  as  a  recorded  fact  that  not  a  single  electoral  vote 
will  be  cast  in  support  of  this  power  in  any  State  where  this  inter 
est  pertains. 

"  Who  does  not  see  and  feel,  then,  that  when  the  States  of 
the  South  are  subjected  to  this  dominion  they  will  be  brought, 
against  their  will,  under  a  government  to  which  they  are  not 
parties,  and  over  which  they  hold  not  the  slightest  check?  This 
is  not  the  form  of  government  which  our  ancestors  gave  us,  nor 
is  it  a  government  which  our  people  will  endure.  The  people 
of  the  North,  in  thus  acting,  have  separated  themselves  from  the 
people  of  the  South,  and  the  government  they  thus  inaugurate 
will  be  to  us  the  government  of  a  foreign  power.  We  shall 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


'157 


stand  to  such  power  as  Italy  to  Austria,  and  Poland  to  Russia. 
It  will  be  one  people  governed  by  another  people.  Who  can 
wonder,  then,  at  the  startling  events  which  have  crowded  before 
us  since  the  Anti-Federal  act  of  this  Northern  election? 

"  What  was  seen  yesterday  but  in  dim  distance  is  the 
reality  of  to-day.  And  that  which  is  looked  to  but  as  a  proba 
bility  to-day  becomes  the  stern  fact  of  to-morrow.  Our  people 
at  the  South  are  intelligent,  brave  and  sensitive.  When  a  hos 
tile  army  is  raised  against  them,  they  do  not  wait  for  the  blow, 
but  rush  at  once  to  disable  the  adversary.  And  this  is  what  they 
are  now  doing. 

"  Let  us  review  the  events,  and  then  we  may  the  better 
understand  what  may  devolve  on  Virginia,  in  the  political  exi 
gencies  of  the  times. 

"  The  election  of  the  President  is  made,  and  nothing  remains 
but  formally  to  cast,  and  then  to  count,  the  electoral  vote. 
There  are  those  who  believe,  and  I  am  one  of  them,  that  no 
safety  remains  to  the  Southern  States  and  their  people  but  such 
as  shall  be  vindicated  by  a  stern  purpose  of  self-protection.  The 
event  that  fixes  this  belief  is  not  the  election  of  the  man;  it  is 
the  accession  of  the  power  of  which  he  is  the  minister.  They 
determine  the  political  intentions  of  that  power,  not  by  its  party 
platform  (gross  and  insulting  though  it  be),  nor  by  the  threats 
and  taunts  of  its  insolent  lieutenants,  or  its  demoralized  press. 
They  determine  it  by  the  spirit  of  the  Northern  mind,  evinced 
by  an  obstinate  tenacity  of  purpose,  through  every  vicissitude 
of  political  fortune.  By  the  Statutes  of  the  Northern  States, 
passed  as  well  in  violation  of  all  honorable  faith  as  of  the  highest 
constitutional  obligation,  paralyzing  the  laws  of  Congress,  made 
in  pursuance  of  the  Constitution,  to  protect  the  property  of  the 
Southern  people.  By  the  encouragement  given  at  the  North 
to  conspiracies  and  conspirators  within  their  borders,  against 
the  lives  and  the  property  of  the  people  of  the  South,  and  their 
refusal  or  failure  to  pass  laws  for  the  punishment  of  such  offend 
ers,  or  the  prevention  of  the  like  in  future.  By  the  open  recom 
mendation  of  their  Senators  and  Representatives  of  publications 
issued  at  the  North,  for  circulation  at  the  South,  designed  by  false 
and  calumnious  charges  to  foment  divisions  amongst  our  people, 
and  to  excite  the  servile  class  to  insurrection  and  rapine.  By 


OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


the  sanction  given  to  such  inhuman  and  cruel  conduct  by  con 
stituents  at  the  North,  in  returning  such  representatives  back 
to  the  Federal  councils.  And,  if  more  were  wanting,  by  that 
fixed  and  settled  policy,  made  the  corner-stone  of  the  incoming 
administration  (to  which  there  is  no  party  exception  at  the 
North),  which  refuses  to  the  people  at  the  South  a  common 
right  with  the  people  at  the  North  in  the  common  Territories 
of  the  Confederacy. 

"  Such  are  some  of  the  reasons  which,  I  believe,  have  satis 
fied  those  of  whom  I  speak,  which  have  certainly  convinced  me, 
that  the  Southern  people  must  now  look  to  their  own  State 
authorities,  and  to  them  only,  for  their  safety  in  the  future. 
Whether  in  the  form  of  other  and  higher  securities  in  the  present 
Confederacy,  or  in  a  new  Confederacy,  the  injured  States  must 
determine  in  convention. 

"  Indeed,  in  the  progress  of  events  so  far,  the  field  of  delib 
eration  may  be  narrowed.  One  State  has  already  made  her 
election  to  abandon  the  Confederation.  I  think,  as  to  South 
Carolina,  we  may  safely  assume  that  as  a  fact,  with  which 
the  future  has  nothing  more  to  do  than  to  establish  it  in  history. 
As  to  three  other  States,  and  most  probably  four,  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe  they  are  prepared  also  to  secede  as  soon  as  the 
acts  of  separation  can  be  reduced  to  form.  What  may  be  the 
sense  of  other  States  in  this  great  crisis  (for  great  it  certainly 
is),  as  to  the  proper  measures  to  be  adopted  for  their  own  safety, 
I  will  not  venture  to  anticipate.  But  the  secession  of  one  State 
is  a  disruption  of  the  Union. 

"  Whether  in  the  opinion  of  other  States  she  has  determined 
wisely  or  unwisely,  the  State  is  to  be  the  arbiter  of  her  own  act  ; 
her  destiny  is  in  her  own  keeping  ;  under  submission  alone  to  the 
Supreme  Ruler  of  the  universe.  To  reason  otherwise,  is  to  treat 
a  State  of  the  Confederacy,  not  as  one  of  the  Confederates,  but 
as  an  integral  part  of  a  consolidated  Empire.  Fortunately  for  the 
occasion  and  its  consequences,  this  is  not  an  open  question  in 
Virginia.  Our  honored  State  has  ever  maintained  that  our 
Federal  system  was  a  confederation  of  sovereign  powers,  not  a 
consolidation  of  States  into  one  people,  and,  as  a  consequence, 
whenever  a  State  considered  the  compact  broken,  and  in  a  man 
ner  to  endanger  her  safety,  such  State  stood  remitted,  as  in  sov- 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


ereign  right,  to  determine  for  herself,  and  under  no  respon 
sibility,  save  to  the  opinion  of  the  civilized  world,  both  the  mode 
and  measure  of  redress. 

"  The  disruption  of  the  Federal  Union,  thus  imminent,  or, 
I  should  say,  actual,  is  a  great  event;  and  in  considering, 
therefore,  how  it  may  become  the  Convention  of  Virginia  to 
act,  we  must  look  to  that  event  as  a  material,  if  not  controlling, 
element  in  its  deliberations.  In  the  first  place,  it  may,  and  most 
probably  will,  force  upon  the  Federal  Government  the  settlement 
between  it  and  the  several  States,  of  the  question  of  the  right 
of  secession.  If  that  right  is  denied,  a  new  and  paramount 
issue  will  be  made  between  the  States  and  Federal  power,  which 
will  be  presented  by  the  Virginia  Convention  in  limine. 

11  One  thing  is  very  clear :  Virginia  will  not  be  passive  (nor 
will  any  other  Southern  State),  should  any  attempt  be  made,  by 
force,  to  reduce  such  seceding  State  or  States  to  subjection. 

"  In  the  next  place,  it  is  to  my  mind  equally  clear,  should 
one  of  the  States  separate  from  the  Union  on  this  slavery  ques 
tion,  the  disruption  will  necessarily  carry  with  it  the  like  sepa 
ration  of  all  those  slave-holding  States  whose  destiny  it  is  to  con 
tinue  such;  unless  under  a  returning  sense  of  right  and  justice 
in  the  Northern  mind,  all  may  remain,  on  such  securities  for  the 
future  as  will  establish  this  great  social  interest  in  the  exclusive 
charge  of  those  to  whom  it  pertains. 

"  I  have  ventured  thus,  though  with  unfeigned  diffidence, 
to  look  forward  to  what  Virginia  may  be  called  on  to  consider 
and  determine,  in  regard  to  the  great  issues  forced  upon  her 
counsels  by  events  in  progress.  The  magnitude  of  the  occasion 
may  be  well  estimated  by  the  magnitude  of  those  events.  State 
follows  State  into  convention,  to  deliberate  on  the  necessity  of 
breaking  up  a  Government  which  they  believe  has  levied  war 
against  the  essential  interests  and  dearest  rights  of  their  people. 
The  Southern  States,  happen  what  may,  have  never  been  the 
aggressors  in  this  strange,  unnatural  contest. 

"  In  what  they  have  done,  or  what  may  yet  remain  for  them 
to  do,  they  are  prepared  to  meet  all  the  consequences.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  or  hesitancy,  therefore,  in  my  mind,  as  to  the 
course  of  Virginia.  A  convention  is  the  only  authority  com- 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


patent  to  the  occasion,  and  it  should  be  assembled  at  the  earliest 
day  practicable. 

"  In  conclusion,  I  will  only  add,  that  the  crisis  which  for 
unborn  posterity  will  fix  the  destiny  of  the  South,  is  upon  us, 
and  must  be  fearlessly  met ;  certainly  with  calm  and  prudent 
discretion,  and  all  sobriety  of  judgment;  but  with  an  obdurate 
purpose  to  establish  the  just  rights  of  our  people,  and  to  yield 
nothing  that  pertains  to  Virginia,  as  a  free  and  sovereign  State. 
"  Very  respectfully  yours, 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

This  letter  to  his  sister-in-law  is  interesting-.  It  is,  how 
ever,  evident  that  it  was  written  without  any  thought  of  publi 
cation  : 

"  SELMA,  November  29,   1860. 

"  Dear  Sister  Anne:  Ida's  hand  is  just  now  in,  from 
writing  for  me  more  than  one  political  letter  this  evening ;  and  as 
you  seem  to  want  one,  you  shall  be  indulged.  As  the  hour  is 
late,  however,  I  can  give  you  little  more  than  my  conclusions; 
for  the  reasons,  I  refer  you  to  the  two  printed  papers  enclosed, 
signed  '  Henry/  being  my  latest  communications  to  the  Richmond 
papers. 

"  First,  then,  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  is  a  fixed  fact. 
As  certain  as  the  sun  rises,  South  Carolina  goes  out  as  soon  as 
the  Act  of  Separation  can  be  reduced  to  form,  after  the  I7th  of 
December,  when  the  convention  meets — and  she  is  right.  The 
incidental  meeting  of  her  Legislature  on  the  sixth  of  this  month, 
to  elect  Electors,  alone  gave  her  the  initiative.  I  have  no 
doubt  her  example  will  be  followed  by  State  after  State  as  fast 
as  they  can  assemble  in  convention,  and  by  Virginia  with  like 
speed. 

"The  people  at  the  North  really  seem  to  be  blind  and  deaf 
to  the  exigency  which  is  upon  us,  and  them.  The  secession 
of  one  State  for  all  purposes  of  dissolution,  is  as  effectual  as  the 
secession  of  a  dozen,  because  it  breaks  the  Union,  and  involves 
all  the  issues  incidental  to  a  dissolution. 

"  There  are  those  in  the  South  who  think  (and  I  am  one 
of  them)  that  we  have  no  choice  but  to  accept  the  '  irrepressible 
conflict '  tendered  us  by  the  late  election.  It  is  a  social  war, 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON.  I()I 


declared  by  the  North,  a  war  by  one  form  of  society  against 
another  distinct  form  of  society.  Whether  it  be  conducted  in 
arms,  the  North,  which  tenders  the  issue,  will  decide.  Of  one 
thing  be  certain :  there  will  be  an  undivided  South;  in  a  social  war 
they  will  realize,  and  must  have,  a  common  destiny. 

"  Show  this  to  Sam,  and  tell  him  he  may  show  it  to  any 
he  may  think  it  will  interest.  I  go  to  Washington  on  Saturday. 
Mrs.  Mason  will  doubtless  answer  your  letter  to  her  in  good 
time — ad  interim.  I  send  this  as  a  sedative,  and  hope  you  will 
have  a  good  nap  upon  it.  With  us,  hereabouts,  we  have  passed 
the  period  of  excitement  and  are  in  the  chronic  stage,  which  you 
know  carries  with  it  repose.  But  in  war  or  peace,  I  am,  my 
dear  sister  Anne, 

"  Most  affectionately  your  brother, 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

Conventions  were  in  session  in  several  of  the  Southern 
States  before  the  meeting  of  Congress  on  December  3d.  All 
the  States  were,  however,  there  represented,  as  usual,  except 
South  Carolina,  whose  Senators  had  tendered  their  resignation 
to  the  Governor  immediately  after  the  election  of  President  Lin 
coln.  The  people  throughout  the  country  were  in  a  state  of 
anxious  suspense,  and  in  the  South,  all  former  distinctions  of 
party  were  lost  in  the  one  vital  issue  then  presented. 

A  special  session  of  the  Virginia  Legislature  was  called 
early  in  December,  and  the  first  act  of  that  Legislature  was  to 
summon  the  people  of  the  State  to  meet  in  convention  on  Feb 
ruary  1 3th.  In  the  meantime,  viz.,  on  January  iQth,  the  last 
great  effort  was  made  by  Virginia  to  avert  the  war  that  all  now 
saw  was  almost  inevitable.  Her  Legislature  on  that  day 
adopted  a  preamble  and  resolutions  deprecating  disunion,  and 
inviting  all  such  States  as  were  willing  to  unite  in  an  earnest 
endeavor  to  avert  it  by  an  adjustment  of  the  then  existing  contro 
versies,  to  appoint  commissioners  to  meet  in  Washington  on 
February  4th  to  consider  and,  if  possible,  agree  upon  some 
suitable  adjustment.  Five  of  the  most  distinguished  citizens  of 
the  State  were  appointed  to  represent  her  in  the  proposed  con 
ference.  Ex-President  Tyler  was  sent  to  Washington  to  convey 
to  the  President  of  the  United  States  official  information  regard- 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


ing  this  action  of  Virginia,  and  to  ask  the  forbearance  of  the 
Federal  Government.  At  the  same  time  a  commissioner  was 
sent  to  all  the  other  Southern  States  to  carry  Virginia's  propo 
sition  to  them.  It  was  promptly  acceded  to  by  the  "  Border 
States  "  in  general,  and  others  followed,  so  that  twenty-one 
States  were  eventually  represented  in  the  "  Peace  Congress  " 
which  met  in  Washington  ;  fourteen  of  these  were  Northern,  or 
"  non-slaveholding,"  and  seven  were  slaveholding  States. 

Extracts  from  the  Congressional  Globe  will  here  furnish  an 
outline  of  the  history  of  the  events  that  crowded  so  closely 
together  during  that  one  short  session  of  Congress.  Quotations 
from  the  President's  message  and  from  a  speech  made  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  by  Mr.  Sickles,  of  New  York,  give  the 
testimony  of  two  Northern  men  regarding  the  existing  condition 
of  public  affairs  and  the  cause  of  the  secession  of  the  Southern 
States.  Extracts  from  the  occasional  speeches  made  by  Mr. 
Mason  in  the  Senate  define  the  position  he  held  and  the  counsels 
he  gave  regarding  the  political  problems  of  that  day. 

Extract  from  President  Buchanan's  message,  December  3d, 
1860: 

"  Why  is  it,  then,  that  discontent  so  extensively  prevails,  and 
the  Union  of  the  States,  which  is  the  source  of  all  these  blessings, 
is  threatened  with  destruction?  The  long  continued  arid  intem 
perate  interference  of  the  Northern  people  with  the  question  of 
slavery  in  the  Southern  States  has  at  length  produced  its  natural 
effects.  The  different  sections  of  the  Union  are  now  arrayed 
against  each  other,  and  the  time  has  arrived,  so  much  dreaded  by 
the  father  of  his  country,  when  hostile  geographical  parties  have 
been  formed.  I  have  long  foreseen  and  often  warned  my  country 
men  of  the  now  impending  danger.  This  does  not  proceed  solely 
from  the  claim  on  the  part  of  Congress  or  the  Territorial  Legis 
latures  to  exclude  slavery  from  the  Territories,  or  from  the 
efforts  of  different  States  to  prevent  the  execution  of  the  fugitive 
slave  law.  All  or  any  of  these  evils  might  have  been  endured  by 
the  South  without  danger  to  the  Union  —  as  others  have  been  — 
in  the  hope  that  time  and  reflection  might  apply  the  remedy. 
The  immediate  peril  arises,  not  so  much  from  these  causes,  as 
from  the  fact  that  the  incessant  and  violent  agitation  of  the  slave 
question  throughout  the  North  for  the  last  quarter  of  a  century 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


163 


has,  at  last,  produced  its  malign  influence  on  the  slaves,  and 
inspired  them  with  vague  notions  of  freedom.  Hence  a  sense  of 
security  no  longer  exists  around  the  family  altar.  The  feeling  of 
peace  at  home  has  given  place  to  apprehensions  of  servile  insur 
rection.*  Many  a  matron  throughout  the  South  retires  at  night 
in  dread  of  what  may  befall  herself  and  her  children  before  the 
morning.  Should  this  apprehension  of  domestic  danger,  whether 
real  or  imaginary,  extend  and  intensify  itself  until  it  shall  pervade 
the  masses  of  the  Southern  people,  then  disunion  is  inevitable. 
Self-preservation  is  the  first  law  of  nature,  and  has  been  im 
planted  in  the  heart  of  man  by  his  Creator  for  the  wisest  purpose  ; 
and  no  political  union,  however  fraught  with  blessings  and 
benefits  in  all  other  respects,  can  long  continue,  if  the  necessary 
consequence  be  to  render  the  homes  and  firesides  of  nearly  half 
the  parties  to  it  habitually  and  hopelessly  insecure.  Sooner  or 
later  the  bonds  of  such  a  union  must  be  severed. 

"  It  is  my  conviction  that  this  fatal  period  has  not  yet 
arrived,  and  my  prayer  to  God  is  that  he  would  preserve  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union  throughout  all  generations. 

"  But  let  us  take  warning  in  time,  and  remove  the  cause  of 
danger.  It  can  not  be  denied  that  for  five  and  twenty  years  the 
agitation  at  the  North  against  slavery  at  the  South  has  been 
incessant.  In  1835  pictorial  handbills  and  inflammatory  appeals 
were  circulated  extensively  throughout  the  South,  of  a  character 
to  excite  the  passions  of  the  slaves;  and,  in  the  language  of 
General  Jackson,  '  to  stimulate  them  to  insurrection  and  produce 
all  the  horrors  of  civil  war/  This  agitation  has  ever  since  been 
continued  by  the  public  press,  by  the  proceedings  of  State  and 
county  conventions,  and  by  abolition  sermons  and  lectures.  The 
time  of  Congress  has  been  occupied  in  violent  speeches  on  this 
never-ending  subject;  and  appeals  in  pamphlet  and  other  forms, 
indorsed  by  distinguished  names,  have  been  sent  forth  from  this 
central  point,  and  spread  broadcast  over  the  Union. 

"  How  easy  would  it  be  for  the  American  people  to  settle  the 
slavery  question  forever,  and  to  restore  peace  and  harmony  to 
this  distracted  land.  They,  and  they  alone,  can  do  it.  All  that 

*  The  truth  of  history  requires  that  it  should  be  said  here  that  no  fear 
of  the  negroes  was  felt  in  the  South,  either  before  or  during  the  war;  and 
no  case  was  known  in  which  they  did  harm  to  the  women  and  children  who 
were  left,  in  many  instances,  entirely  dependent  upon  their  servants.  " 


164 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


is  necessary  to  accomplish  the  object,  and  all  for  which  the  Slave 
States  have  ever  contended,  is  to  be  let  alone,  and  permitted  to 
manage  their  domestic  institutions  their  own  way.  As  sovereign 
States  they,  and  they  alone,  are  responsible  before  God  and  the 
world  for  the  slavery  existing  among  them.  For  this,  the  people 
of  the  North  are  no  more  responsible,  and  have  no  more  right  to 
interfere,  than  with  similar  institutions  in  Russia  or  in  Brazil. 

"  It  may  be  asked,  then,  are  the  people  of  the  States  with 
out  redress  against  the  tyranny  and  oppression  of  the  Federal 
Government?  By  no  means.  The  right  of  resistance  on  the  part 
of  the  governed  against  the  oppression  of  their  Governments 
can  not  be  denied.  It  exists  independently  of  all'  constitutions, 
and  has  been  exercised  at  all  periods  of  the  world's  history.  It 
is  embodied  in  strong  and  express  language  in  our  own  Declara 
tion  of  Independence. 

"  Secession  is  neither  more  nor  less  than  revolution.  It  may 
or  it  may  not  be  a  justifiable  revolution,  but  still  it  is  revolution. 
Has  the  Constitution  delegated  to  Congress  the  power  to  coerce 
a  State  into  submission  which  is  attempting  to  withdraw  or  has 
actually  withdrawn  from  the  Confederacy?  If  answered  in  the 
affirmative,  it  must  be  on  the  principle  that  the  power  has  been 
conferred  upon  Congress  to  declare  and  make  war  against  a 
State. 

"  After  much  serious  reflection,  I  have  arrived  at  the  con 
clusion  that  no  such  power  has  been  delegated  to  Congress  or 
to  any  other  department  of  the  Federal  Government.  It  is  mani 
fest,  upon  an  inspection  of  the  Constitution,  that  this  is  not 
among  the  specific  and  enumerated  powers  granted  to  Congress ; 
and  it  is  equally  apparent  that  its  exercise  is  not  '  necessary  and 
proper  for  carrying  into  execution  '  any  one  of  these  powers.  So 
far  from  this  power  having  been  delegated  to  Congress,  it  was 
expressly  refused  by  the  Convention  which  framed  the  Consti 
tution. 

"  Without  descending  to  particulars,  it  may  be  safely 
asserted,  that  the  power  to  make  war  against  a  State  is  at  vari 
ance  with  the  whole  spirit  and  intent  of  the  Constitution.  Sup 
pose  such  a  war  should  result  in  the  conquest  of  a  State,  how 
are  we  to  govern  it  afterwards?  " 

Of  similar  import  is  this  extract  from  a  speech  made  in  the 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   UASON. 


House  of  Representatives,  December  loth,  1860,  by  Mr.  Sickles, 
of  New  York : 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  one  of  the  great  dangers  of  the  day  is  that 
the  country  has  not  understood,  does  not  understand,  the  extent 
of  the  peril  in  which  she  is  placed.  Illusions  have  usurped  the 
place  of  reason  in  the  popular  mind.  The  country  has  been 
fatally  deceived,  and  some  of  these  delusions  possess  us  even 
now.  One  of  them  is,  that  this  Union  can  be  preserved  by  force. 
I,  for  one,  have  never  for  a  moment  entertained  such  a  thought. 
It  is  not  the  opinion  of  the  people  whom  I  represent ;  and  I  must 
say  to  you,  in  all  solemnity,  that  while  the  City  of  New  York  will 
cling  to  the  Union  to  the  last,  yet  when  the  call  for  force  comes — 
let  it  come  whence  it  may — no  man  will  ever  pass  the  boundaries 
of  the  City  of  New  York  for  the  purpose  of  waging  war  against 
any  State  of  this  Union,  which,  through  its  constituted  author 
ities,  and  sustained  by  the  voice  of  its  people,  solemnly  declares 
that  its  rights,  its  interests,  and  its  honor  demand  that  it  should 
seek  safety  in  a  separate  existence. 

"  What  is  the  real  cause  of  our  present  trouble?  It  is  a  dis 
regard  of  the  obligations  of  our  Constitution.  Obey  this  Con 
stitution  that  we  have,  follow  it,  cherish  it,  cleave  to  it  as  an 
article  of  faith,  and  you  will  have  peace  again.  If  that  had  been 
done  always  this  crisis  would  never  have  come  upon  us.  Again. 
I  say  that  one  of  the  great  evils  of  the  times  is  the  obdurate 
refusal  to  recognize  the  binding  force  of  the  constitutional  pro 
visions.  The  people  have  been  taught  this  by  reckless  leaders 
now  in  power  in  most  of  the  States,  and  soon  to  claim  the  power 
of  the  Federal  Government;  and,  I  repeat,  that  it  is  upon  them 
that  the  responsibility  rests  in  this  emergency.  They  have 
striven,  in  speeches  and  essays  elaborately  prepared  by  the  mid 
night  lamp,  to  alienate  the  North  and  the  South.  These  insidious 
appeals  are  often  written  or  revised  by  those  who  believe  that 
private  opinion  is  superior  to  constitutional  obligations — the 
higher  law  put  forth  here  and  sent  from  this  Capital  in  untold 
millions,  to  undermine  the  foundations  of  fraternal  good  faith. 
Thus,  sir,  by  teaching  untruth  to  the  people,  they  have  been 
made  to  believe  that  their  consciences  were  not  bound  by  the 
Constitution  or  the  law  of  the  land.  In  the  name  of  heaven,  how 
idle  it  is  to  talk,  in  the  face  of  such  public  opinion,  of  amending  a 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


Constitution,  when  none  of  those  who  follow  the  leaders  I  refer 
to  care  whether  it  is  obeyed  or  not.  What  a  mockery  it  would 
be  to  go  before  the  Legislature  of  a  State  which  has  a  personal 
liberty  bill  on  its  statute  books,  and  ask  them  for  an  amendment 
to  the  Constitution.  When  men  will  keep  such  laws  in  force 
after  they  have  taken  a  solemn  oath,  before  High  Heaven,  to 
support  the  Constitution,  could  you  believe  any  pledge  they  can 
make?  The  work  must  begin  deeper  than  that.  The  same 
teachers  who  have  led  the  minds  of  the  people  to  this  unbelief, 
the  same  teachers  who  have  enticed  the  people  up  to  the  work  of 
demolishing  the  existing  Constitution,  must  again  revive  in  their 
hearts  the  conscience  that  will  preserve  and  obey  a  Constitution. 
Mr.  Speaker,  why  may  not  the  President-elect  speak  to  the 
nation,  and  especially  to  his  supporters  in  the  aggressive  States? 
He  is  secure  in  his  election.  The  electoral  colleges  have  met. 
There  is  no  fear  now  as  was  suggested  some  time  ago,  that  he 
might  lose  his  office  by  opening  his  lips.  I  believe  that  among 
the  chief  causes  which  have  produced  the  present  state  of  affairs, 
has  been  the  desire  for  power  on  the  part  of  a  new  party,  and  the 
belief  that  they  could  most  successfully  obtain  it  by  an  appeal  to 
the  prejudices  of  the  North  against  slavery.  It  is  power  that 
they  want.  It  is  power  that  they  have  secured.  It  is  power  that 
they  wish  to  keep.  Patriotism  will  sway  many  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
supporters  ;  but  the  thirst  for  power  will  control  more.  Now,  to 
illustrate  what  I  think  with  reference  to  the  controlling  motives 
which  are  producing  this  state  of  things,  I  believe  that  if  Mr. 
Lincoln  would  cause  it  to  be  made  known  to  all  the  applicants 
for  office  under  his  administration,  that  he  will  not  entertain  the 
application  of  any  man  who  is  in  favor  of  the  so-called  personal 
liberty  bills,  or  opposed  to  the  faithful  execution,  of  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law  —  if  he  will  do  that,  plainly  and  in  good  faith,  through 
his  representative  men,  you  will  not  hear  the  word  '  slavery  '  for 
the  next  four  years  from  the  Republican  party  North,  East,  or 
West." 

On  December  loth,  1860,  Mr.  Powell  (Kentucky),  offered 
the  following  resolution  : 

"  Resolved,  That  so  much  of  the  President's  message  as  re 
ferred  to  the  agitated  and  distracted  state  of  the  country,  and  the 
grievances  between  the  slaveholding  and  non-slaveholding  States, 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


167 


be  referred  to  a  special  committee  of  thirteen  members,  and  that 
said  committee  be  instructed  to  inquire  into  the  present  condition 
of  the  country,  and  report  by  bill  or  otherwise." 

In  reference  to  this  resolution,  Mr.  Mason  said :  "  I  am  not 
at  liberty  to  vote  against  it,  and  I  trouble  the  Senate  with  a  very 
few  remarks  only  lest  my  vote  in  favor  of  it  should  be  miscon 
strued  elsewhere.  There  is  a  possibility  that  a  vote  in  the 
affirmative  may  in  some  parts  of  the  country,  in  the  popular 
judgment,  ascribe  to  the  Senator  so  voting  an  idea  that  there  is 
to  be  found  in  Congress  any  remedy  for  the  present  condition 
of  the  country.  Sir,  in  my  own  State  I  know  that  the  people  are 
not  looking  to  Congress  for  any  legislation  competent  even  to 
mitigate  or  palliate,  far  less  to  prevent  those  dangers.  My  State 
and  a  great  many  others  of  this  Confederacy  are  going  into  con 
vention  with  a  view  to  take  up  the  subject  for  themselves,  and  as 
separate,  sovereign  communities,  to  determine  what  is  best  for 
their  safety.  I  know  that  the  public  mind  in  Virginia  is  in  no 
sense,  in  no  manner,  directed  to  Congress  with  any  idea  that  it 
is  competent  to  them  to  afford  relief.  The  States  are  taking  the 
subject  into  their  own  hands.  I  should  regret  extremely  if  the 
passage  of  this  resolution  should  lead  the  citizens  of  other  States, 
the  non-slaveholding  States,  to  look  to  Congress  for  any  hope 
of  an  adjustment  of  these  differences.  It  would  mislead  them. 
I  should  certainly  hope  that  those  States  North  and  East  and 
West  would  do  as  we  are  doing  in  the  South,  resolve  themselves 
into  their  separate  political  communities  and  there  determine 
whether  anything  and  what  can  be  done  to  save  the  Union.  If 
they  look  to  us  with  any  such  hope,  they  are  misled,  in  my 
opinion.  I  should  regret  extremely,  therefore,  if  an  affirmative 
vote  on  my  part,  which  will  be  given  for  the  resolution  more  from 
what  is  due  to  parliamentary  form  than  from  any  other  reason, 
should  lead  them  in  any  quarter  to  expect  that  it  is  competent 
to  us,  that  we  have  the  power  to  avert  the  perils  that  are  im 
pending.  I  should  expect  much  from  the  Northern  and  Eastern 
States,  if  they  were  to  go  into  State  convention,  look  at  the  evil 
as  it  exists,  and  apply  a  remedy  if  it  be  within  their  power.  What 
is  the  evil?  Gentlemen  have  well  said,  it  is  not  the  failure  to 
execute  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law;  it  is  not  the  passage  of  these 
liberty  bills,  as  they  are  called,  in  the  various  States ;  it  is  a  social 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


war  —  so  far  not  a  war  of  arms  —  a  war  of  sentiment,  of  opinion  ; 
a  war  by  one  form  of  society  against  another  form  of  society. 

"  I  possibly  may  have  a  misinformed  judgment,  but  I  rely 
upon  it  until  corrected;  and  my  judgment  is  satisfied  that,  for 
some  reason  the  population  in  the  States  having  no  slaves,  feel 
ing  their  great  numerical  majority,  and  having  nursed  this  senti 
ment,  this  mere  opinion  about  social  forms  existing  elsewhere, 
have,  in  some  manner,  unfortunately,  brought  themselves  to  a 
determination  to  extinguish  it.    I  do  not  mean  by  any  immediate 
blow,  by  any  present  law  ;  but  it  is  their  purpose,  having  obtained 
possession  of  the  Federal  power,  to  use  that  power  in  every 
form  to  bring  that  social  condition  to  a  close.     If  the  people 
would  go  into  convention  in  all  those  States,  as  we  are  driven 
into  convention,  take  up  the  subject,  probe  it,  analyze  it,  look 
back  to  history  and  see  what  it  is,  they  would  have  it  in  their 
power  to  apply  a  remedy.    The  remedy  rests  in  their  hands,  not 
in  Congress.     I  fear,  too,  sir;  that  in  what  fell  from  the  honor 
able  Senator  from  New  York,  we  are  admonished  of  the  sort  of 
legislation  that  is  looked  to  on  that  side  as  a  remedy  for  impend 
ing  dangers.     The  honorable  Senator  says  that  it  is  the  duty 
of  the  Executive  Head  of  the  Confederacy  to  execute  the  laws  ; 
that  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress,  if  he  has  not  sufficient  power 
now  under  the  law,  to  give  it  to  him  ;  that  he  knows  of  nothing 
that  can  resist  the  laws  unless  it  originates  in  insurrection  or 
rebellion,  which  is  to  be  put  down.    That  is  the  sort  of  legisla 
tion,  that  is  the  sort  of  remedy,  to  which  the  honorable  Senator 
looks.     That  means,  Mr.  President,  that  in  the  relation  which 
subsists  between  the  States  of  the  Union  and  the  Federal  power, 
State  existence  is  not  to  be  recognised;  and  that  if  a  State 
abandons  the  Union,  separates  from  it,  severs  all  political  con 
nection  with  it,  that  fact  is  not  to  be  recognised  by,  or  known  to, 
the  Federal  Government.     A  State  in  the  full  plenitude  of  her 
sovereignty,  entirely  resumed  by  her  fundamental  law,  absolves 
her  citizens  from  the  allegiance  they  formerly  held  to  the  Gov 
ernment  which  they  abandoned.    That  is  not  to  be  known;  but 
the  law  is  to  march  straight  forward,  like  the  car  of  Juggernaut, 
crushing  all  who  may  oppose.it.    That  I  understand  to  be  the 
doctrine  of  the  Senator  from  New  York;  his  construction  of 
Federal  power.     Well,  sir,  if  it  be  true,  I  am  not  one  of  those 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


169 


who  lend  my  aid  or  my  vote  to  any  legislation  contemplating 
such  a  state  of  things.  They  may  call  it  what  they  please ;  they 
may  call  it  putting  down  resistance  to  the  laws,  or  insurrection, 
or  rebellion,  or  treason,  in  a  citizen,  but  at  last  it  is  war — open, 
undisguised  war,  by  one  political  power  against  another  political 
power.  That  is  it ;  and  the  honorable  Senator,  seeking  to  evade 
— I  use  the  term  in  no  offensive  sense ;  but  the  honorable 
Senator,  seeking  to  characterize  it  in  some  terms  that  belong  to 
civil  jurisdiction,  calls  it  insurrection  or  rebellion.  The  meeting 
of  one  political  power  with  another  political  power  in  hostility, 
in  arms,  is  war,  and  can  come  to  nothing  else." 

On  December  2Oth,  Mr.  Clark  (New  Hampshire)  moved 
to  take  up  a  resolution  asking  the  President  for  information 
regarding  the  forts  in  South  Carolina.  Mr.  Hunter,  Mr.  Davis, 
Mr.  Mason,  and  others  opposed  the  resolution  on  the  ground 
that  it  was  not,  then,  necessary,  and  it  would  have  the  effect  of 
arousing  bitterness  of  feeling. 

In  the  course  of  the  debate,  Mr.  Mason  said :  "  I  have  never 
doubted  the  perfect  and  indefeasible  right  of  one  of  the  States  of 
the  Union  to  determine  for  herself  whether  her  honor  and  her 
safety  will  admit  of  her  longer  continuing  in  this  Confederacy. 
I  could  not  doubt  it  unless  I  denied  to  the  States  of  the  Con 
federacy  sovereignty,  perfect  sovereignty.  Nor  do  I  see,  as  a 
question  of  public  law,  how  any  doubt  can  be  entertained  on  that 
question,  unless  it  be  by  those  who  consider  these  States  as  an 
integral  part  of  a  consolidated  empire,  having  no  sovereignty. 
Nor  do*I  see  how  such  a  position  can  be  maintained,  unless  it 
be  by  those  who  consider  that  there  is  a  sovereignty  in  this 
Government — the  Government  created  by  the  Constitution.  If 
there  be  a  sovereignty  in  the  Government  created  by  the  Consti 
tution,  and  no  sovereignty  in  the  States  who  created  it,  then  the 
proposition  would  follow,  but  not  until  then,  that  the  people  of 
the  States  constituted  an  integral  part  of  a  common  empire." 

Mr.  Trumbell  (Illinois),  said :  "  The  Senators  on  the  other 
side  speak  of  declaring  war  against  a  State.  This  phrase, 
'  Coerce  a  State,'  is  a  phrase  calculated  to  mislead  the  public 
mind.  Of  course  we  can  not  declare  war  against  a  State. 
Nobody  proposes  to  coerce  a  State  or  convict  a  State  of  treason. 
You  can  not  arraign  a  State  for  trial ;  you  can  not  convict  or 


I70  LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


punish  it;  but  you  can  punish  individuals.  I  trust  the  public 
mind  is  not  to  be  misled  or  confused  by  this  idea  of  coercing 
States.  Men  who  violate  the  laws  of  the  country  are  amenable 
to  those  laws,  and  if  found  guilty  of  violating  the  provisions  of 
law  they  must  suffer  the  penalties  of  the  law.  The  Government 
has  power  to  coerce  and  punish  individuals  who  violate  its  laws." 

Mr.  Mason.  "  Will  the  Senator  allow  me  one  instant?  Ha 
says  there  is  no  purpose  to  make  war  on  a  State,  but  to  punish 
individuals.  I  understand  war  to  be  the  exercise  of  public  force 
by  the  authority  of  one  State  against  public  force  under  the 
authority  of  another  State.  Now  I  would  submit  to  the  Senator, 
when  he  talks  about  punishing  individuals  and  executing  the 
public  laws  by  the  public  force  of  the  Federal  Government,  and 
is  met  by  the  public  force  of  a  State  Government,  is  not  that 
war?  " 

Mr.  Trumbell.  "  I  suppose  that  I  should  have  the  right  to 
ask  another  question  of  the  Senator.  What  does  he  understand 
by  rebellion?" 

Mr.  Mason.  "  I  will  tell  the  Senator  with  great  pleasure. 
I  understand,  by  rebellion,  resistance  to  the  laws  by  the  citizens 
— a  portion  of  them — laws  emanating  from  a  common  govern 
ment  of  those  citizens,  and  the  citizens  being  but  an  integral 
part  of  one  government — an  empire,  a  republic,  or  anything  else. 
The  distinction,  I  hold,  is  this — I  shall  detain  the  Senator  but 
a  moment  in  putting  it,  and  I  ask  his  permission  to  do  it.  The 
State  governments  are  as  sovereign  at  this  day  as  they  were 
when  they  formed  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States ;  and 
being  so,  the  State  Governments  have  the  power  of  absolving 
their  citizens  from  the  obligations  to  the  Federal  compact  which 
the  State  entered  into;  and  when  the  State  absolves  its  citizens 
from  the  obligations  to  the  Federal  compact  which  the  State 
entered  into  and  formed,  they  become  as  completely  foreign  to 
this  Government  as  to  France  or  England." 

January  2ist,  of  the  eventful  year  of  1861,  witnessed  an  ever 
memorable  scene,  when  the  six  Senators  representing  the  States 
of  Florida,  Alabama,  and  Mississippi,  made  formal  announce 
ment  to  the  Senate  of  the  withdrawal  of  their  respective  States 
from  the  Federal  Union,  and  bid  adieu  to  the  other  Senators. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


A  little  later  on  the  same  day,  when  the  "  Crittenden  Com 
promise  Resolutions  "  were  under  discussion,  Mr.  Cameron,  of 
Pennsylvania,  in  the  course  of  his  remarks,  said :  "  Mr.  Presi 
dent,  it  seems  to  me  the  only  difference  between  myself  and  the 
very  distinguished  Senator  from  Virginia  (Mr.  Mason)  is,  that 
he  seeks  for  some  excuse  for  getting  out  of  this  Union,  while  I 
desire  to  preserve  it  by  any  sacrifice  of  feeling,  and  I  may  say,  of 
principle.  To  me,  this  Union  is  above  all  things  in  the  Govern 
ment.  It  seems  to  me  that,  for  some  reason  or  other,  he  wants 
to  go  out,  and  to  put  the  blame  on  somebody  else.  I,  on  the 
contrary,  am  willing  to  save  the  Union  which  his  fathers  and 
mine  cemented  with  their  blood  at  any  sacrifice  becoming  honor 
able  and  patriotic  men." 

In  reply  to  this,  as  well  as  to  what  had  been  said  by  other 
Northern  Senators,  Mr.  Mason  said :  "  The  honorable  Senator 
says  that  I  seem  to  be  seeking  an  excuse  to  get  out  of  this  Union. 
Ah,  Mr.  President,  that  day  has  passed.  If  I  felt  it  necessary  to 
find  an  excuse,  it  would  be  to  remain  in  the  Union;  no  excuse 
for  going  out  of  the  Union,  the  Senator  may  rely  upon  it.  I  con 
fess,  from  what  I  have  seen  here  around  me,  and  the  votes  that 
have  been  taken,  I  am  utterly  at  a  loss  to  know  what  excuse  I 
could  assign  to  my  people  for  remaining  in  this  Union.  An 
excuse  to  get  out  of  the  Union  is  not  necessary.  Sir,  what  a 
spectacle  have  we  seen  to-day !  Six  Senators,  representing  three 
States,  taking  a  formal  leave  of  the  Senate, bringing  here  officially 
to  the  notice  of  the  Senate  that  their  States  were  no  longer  mem 
bers  of  this  Union.  One  State,  their  predecessor,  has  had  no 
Senators  here  during  the  whole  session.  Another  State,  as  we 
learn  from  the  telegraphic  news,  has  already  dissolved  its  con 
nection  with  this  Union.  Five  of  them  gone !  Five  States  hold 
ing  a  homogeneous  interest  with  that  which  I  represent !  There 
is  sympathy,  intimate  sympathy,  necessary  sympathy,  between 
my  honored  State  and  those,  in  all  those  ties  which  bind  us 
together.  That  Senator  talks  to  me  of  my  wanting  an  excuse 
to  go  out  of  this  Union!  I  tell  the  Senator,  if  he  will  look  at 
it  with  the  consideration  and  calmness  that  becomes  his  position, 
he  would  ask  himself,  as  I  would  ask  myself,  can  I  find  an  excuse 
in  any  way  for  remaining  in  the  Union?  Can  I  assign  any  ex- 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


cuse  to  my  honored  State  for  remaining  in  this  Union — not  ask 
for  an  excuse  to  get  out  of  it? 

"  I  may  speak,  perhaps,  Mr.  President,  with  the  tempera 
ment  that  belongs  to  my  constitution,  and  with  some  appearance 
of  warmth  when  I  do  not  mean  it.  Earnestness,  I  mean.  I  mean 
not  a  word  of  unkindness  to  any  one  here.  I  know  if  there  be 
a  man  that  can  shut  up  his  intellect  and  close  his  ears  or  his  eyes 
to  the  facts  around  us,  I  am  not  one  of  them.  I  know  that  this 
Union  is  at  this  day  dissolved,  absolutely  dissolved.  The  separa 
tion  of  one  State  is  as  much  a  dissolution  of  the  Union  as  the 
separation  of  ten.  The  separation  of  five,  so  far  as  we  have  gone 
at  present — and  it  is  but  a  work  of  time  to  add  to  the  list — does 
no  more,  as  far  as  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  is  concerned, 
than  to  confirm  the  fact  that  the  Union  is  dissolved. 

"  Honorable  Senators  on  the  other  side  of  the  chamber  at 
least,  I  know,  say  the  Union  is  not  dissolved ;  that  the  act  of  these 
States  in  separating  themselves  from  it  is  a  void  act.  They  do 
not  recognize  it.  The  fact  that  the  names  of  their  Senators 
remain  here  upon  your  list,  and  are  called  every  day  to  vote,  is 
evidence  that  in  the  sense  of  Senators  on  that  side  at  least,  now 
in  a  majority,  they  do  not  recognize  the  fact  of  separation.  Their 
recognition,  or  their  refusal  to  recognize,  does  not  change  the 
fact  in  any  form  or  shape  whatever.  The  States  are  gone ;  the 
chairs  here  are  vacant,  never  again  to  be  filled  under  the  existing 
state  of  things.  What  is  the  remedy  ?  Force  ?  Coercion  ?  The  dis 
cipline  that  a  pedagogue  inflicts  upon  a  village  urchin  at  school. 
Honorable  Senators  entertain  that  idea  in  relation  to  a  sovereign 
State?  They  tell  us  we  have  but  enforced  the  laws;  that  the 
Constitution  is  imperative  upon  the  Executive  Head  of  enforc 
ing  the  laws ;  and  that  the  Constitution  is  imperative  upon  Con 
gress,  if  any  additional  legislation  is  required  to  give  it,  that  the 
laws  may  be  enforced.  Sir,  the  theory  of  the  Government  is 
against  it.  The  voice  of  humanity  at  this  civilized  age  is  against 
it.  You  can  not  enforce  your  laws  against  the  State  that  is  no 
longer  under  your  dominion  by  a  barbarous  war,  the  last  resort 
of  the  tyrant. 

"  The  theory  of  the  Government  is  unquestionably  this :  the 
laws  are  to  be  administered  through  the  courts;  and  resistance 
to  the  laws  is  not  known  to  the  Constitution,  unless  it  is  resist- 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


ance  to  the  law  as  expounded  and  administered  in  the  courts. 
Such  is  the  whole  tenor  of  our  legislation.  The  President  has  no 
power  on  earth  to  use  a  ship  or  a  soldier,  unless  he  is  first 
admonished  by  the  civil  tribunals  of  the  country  that  there  is  a 
resistance  which  the  civil  power  of  the  country  is  unequal  to 
overcome.  Are  you  to  change  that,  and  give  to  the  President 
the  power  of  making  war  by  what  you  call  enforcing  the  laws? 
Sir,  you  can  not  enforce  the  laws  against  any  one  of  these  seced 
ing  States  unless  you  change  the  law,  and  you  can  not  change 
the  law  unless  you  violate  the  Constitution.  You  can  not  work 
out  the  problem  in  any  other  way  on  earth  that  you  can  fix  it. 

"  Well,  sir,  what  remains  ?  I  am  one  of  those  who  have 
venerated  this  Government  for  the  good  that  it  did,  and  for  the 
hopes  of  the  future,  as  much  as  any  man  who  hears  me.  I  saw 
a  people  increasing  from  three  to  thirty  millions  in  a  period  of 
history  so  small  as  not  to  be  appreciated  in  the  history  of  nations. 
I  saw  them  increasing  in  strength,  in  all  the  resources  that  belong 
to  nations — in  intellect,  wealth,  power,  respectability,  and  knowl 
edge.  I  saw  that  it  was  the  fruit  of  that  Union  which  our  fathers 
devised,  and  if  there  be  any  man  in  this  broad  continent  who 
valued  this  Union  more  than  I  did,  I  have  yet  to  know  who  he  is. 
But  when  the  preservation  of  that  Union  is  required  of  us  at  the 
expense  of  our  domestic  safety  and  our  domestic  peace ;  when  it 
is  required  of  us  at  the  expense  of  our  self-respect;  when  it  is 
required  of  us  at  the  risk  of  destroying  the  very  foundations  of 
the  social  fabric  upon  which  the  Southern  States  repose,  I  say, 
let  the  Union  go,  with  whatever  regret,  with  whatever  concern 
there  may  be — no  remorse.  I  tell  the  honorable  Senator  from 
Pennsylvania,  for  whom  I  really  entertain  kind  personal  feelings, 
while  this  thing  lasts  I  want  no  excuse  for  leaving  the  Union. 
Would  to  God  he  would  give  me  an  excuse  for  remaining  in  it. 

"  Mr.  President,  there  is  but  one  thing  remaining  for  us,  that 
I  know  of.  The  Union  is  dissolved — gone.  It  is  no  longer  a 
Union  of  thirty-three  States,  as  it  was  when  this  Congress  com 
menced  its  session.  How  many  States  will  remain  here  in  the 
next  month  I  will  not  undertake  to  say ;  how  many  States  will 
remain  here  on  the  4th  of  March  next,  when  the  present  Con 
gress  expires,  I  will  not  undertake  to  say ;  but  I  will  undertake  to 
say  this :  that  we  shall  not  have,  by  many,  the  States  that  are  now 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


here.  Now,  sir;  we  are  in  a  minority  on  this  side,  certainly  as 
far  as  the  South  is  concerned.  There  are  officially  eight 
Senators  from  the  Southern  States  absent,  never  to  return. 
Others  are  to  follow  necessarily,  backed  by  their  States.  If  it  is 
proposed  to  pass  laws  to  coerce  those  States,  what  will  be  the 
result?  I  need  not  say  to  honorable  Senators  here,  who  them 
selves  are  brave  men,  men  conscious  of  their  manhood,  of  the 
honor  of  their  States,  and  prepared  to  meet  any  emergency  that 
may  present  itself,  that  this  idea  of  coercion  has  no  terrors  for 
them.  Much  as  they  would  deplore  it,  they  would  deplore  it 
from  the  consequences  that  must  follow,  and  not  from  any  per 
sonal  fear  to  themselves  or  to  those  connected  with  them.  They 
must  deplore  it  from  the  consequences  that  must  follow.  And 
what  are  those  consequences?  Why,  sir ;  you  make  a  war.  Call 
it  enforcing  the  laws,  if  you  please ;  call  it  whipping  a  child  who 
has  been  refractory ;  it  is  war ;  the  exercises  of  public  force  on  one 
side  against  public  force  on  the  other.  Well,  what  is  the  end  of 
war?  Peace.  What  has  been  the  consequence  of  war?  An 
unnecessary,  barbarous,  and  indecent  effusion  of  human  blood  as 
a  sacrifice  to  human  passions,  the  impoverishment  of  the 
societies  around  you ;  the  load  of  debt  that  is  to  be  accumulated ; 
and  more  than  all,  the  breaking  up  pf  all  those  foundations  upon 
which  concord,  or  I  should  rather  say  amity  and  good  will  and 
kindness,  should  have  rested  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  States 
of  North  America.  It  is  gone,  sir,  and  you  have  done  it.  You 
have  placed  it  out  of  the  power  of  the  Southern  States  to  con 
federate  with  you  any  longer.  You  have  not  only  declared  your 
selves  enemies,  but  you  have  made  them  feel  that  you  are  enemies. 
"  You  may  pursue  a  sentiment,  or  a  vague  idea,  that  you 
are  enforcing  the  laws  when  you  are  making  war ;  war  that  the 
civilized  world  will  acknowledge  as  such ;  war  to  be  governed  by 
all  the  rules  of  war;  and  your  idea  of  hanging  for  treason  is 
nonsense.  According  to  my  recollection  there  was  no  man  hung 
for  treason  during  the  Revolution.  Threats  were  abundant 
enough;  but  in  that  war,  made  by  dependent  colonies  upon  a 
strong  and  able  maternal  power,  all  their  threats  vanished  into 
thin  air.  It  was  war.  If  it  is  instituted  now,  it  will  be  followed 
by  a  peace.  That  peace  will  restore  what  treaties  call  amity; 
but  it  will  be  only  that  amity  that  is  spoken  of  on  the  cold  pages 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


115 


of  history.  We  shall  stand,  I  should  fear,  for  generations  in  a 
hostile  relation  to  each  other,  which  it  will  take  more  than  gen 
erations  to  remove  and  bring  about  actual  peace. 

"  I  say  to  honorable  Senators  on  the  other  side,  or  to  the 
section  which  they  represent,  that  peace  or  war  is  in  your  hands. 
The  issue  of  war  is  not ;  but  the  fact  of  peace  or  war  is  in  your 
hands,  or  those  whom  you  represent.  We  have  no  voice  in  it. 
If  war  comes  it  is  to  be  made  upon  us ;  we  are  to  accept  it,  not 
to  institute  it.  The  whole  responsibility  will  be  with  you,  and 
you  will  have  to  answer  to  the  generations  which  are  to  follow, 
for  all  the  consequences  of  that  war.  Why  have  a  war?  Realize 
existing  facts,  and  you  have  no  war.  Realize  the  existing  fact 
that  the  constituents  of  this  Government  are  sovereign  powers, 
and  that  those  sovereign  powers  are  not  mere  component  parts 
of  a  common  empire.  Remonstrate  with  them,  reason  with  them 
as  you  will,  about  the  exercise  of  their  sovereignty,  but  concede 
it.  When  those  States  who  have  left  us,  and  those  States  that 
are  to  follow,  shall  have  assumed  the  condition  of  independence, 
they  will  say  to  you — mark  my  word  for  it — we  are  ready  either 
for  war  or  negotiation.  Deride  it  if  you  please  ;  plume  yourselves 
upon  the  numerical  strength  which  you  possess;  talk  of  your 
eighteen  millions  against  eight  or  nine  millions ;  bring  the  bar 
baric  force  of  numbers  to  bear  upon  the  Southern  States,  and 
you  will  have  a  war  such  as  the  world  has  seldom,  if  ever  seen,  a 
war  that  must  terminate  in  a  peace  or  extermination.  But  what 
is  the  opposite?  Let  them  go,  regret  it,  remonstrate,  denounce 
it  if  you  will ;  but  let  them  go.  Then  the  good  sense  of  nations 
will  return,  when  passion  has  subsided,  and  a  union  may  be 
restored  or  reconstructed,  which  never  can  be  done  if  the  mad 
passions  of  the  day  prevail  which  seem  now  to  prevail  at  the 
North.  I  am  sorry  to  detain  the  Senate  thus  long;  but  I  con 
fess  that  I  felt  anxious  to  expose  to  the  constituents  of  the 
honorable  Senator  from  Pennsylvania,  as  well  as  to  my  own,  that 
in  the  present  posture  of  the  country,  I  and  those  with  whom  I 
stand  ask  no  excuse  for  leaving  this  Union;  but  we  shall  be 
deeply  grateful,  as  after  ages  will  be,  to  him,  if  he  will  give  us  an 
excuse  to  remain." 

The  letters  here  inserted  express,  even  more  fully  than  his 
speeches,  Mr.  Mason's  views  regarding  the  fallacy  of  all  hopes  of 


i76 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


preserving  the  Union  under  the  Constitution :  and  the  impor 
tance  of  prompt  action  on  the  part  of  Virginia.  The  dates  show 
they  were  written  a  few  days  after  the  speech  in  the  Senate  just 
given.  The  nomination  to  which  he  refers  was  that  of  delegate 
to  the  convention.  The  inquiry  about  the  ice-house  shows  his 
never-failing  thought  for  the  comfort  of  his  family. 

"WASHINGTON,  January  27th,  1861. 

"  My  Dear  Daughter:  I  received  night  before  last,  yours  of 
Monday,  and  the  next  morning  Mr.  Ambler  read  me  Anna's 
letter  with  an  account  of  the  nomination.  I  am  glad  they  let  me 
off,  because,  if  elected,  I  could  not  have  retained  my  seat  here, 
and  in  view  of  events  to  happen  before  the  4th  of  March,  I  had 
rather  be  at  my  post  here  than  resign  it  to  another.  Mr.  Hunter 
has  also,  and  for  like  reasons,  declined  the  convention.  We  are 
having  a  quiet  time  here  awaiting  events.  We  think  now  that 
peace  will  be  preserved  until  after  the  4th  of  March ;  after  that, 
we  rely  on  having  a  Southern  Confederacy  organized  and  strong 
enough  to  defy  assailants.  All  hope  of  adjustment  is  gone,  and 
the  Senators  and  Representatives  here  from  Virginia  have  so 
announced  in  a  public  letter  to  the  people  of  the  State,  sent  yes 
terday  to  Richmond  for  publication,  and  which  you  will  see  in 
a  few  days.  It  is  the  joint  production  of  Muscoe  Garnett  and 
myself. 

"  Is  our  ice-house  filled?    I  have  had  no  bill. 
"  Yours  most  affectionately, 

"  J.  M.  M." 

Very  many,  if  not  the  majority,  of  the  people  of  Virginia 
refused  to  believe  "  All  hope  of  adjustment  was  gone  "  and  still 
clung  to  the  expectation  of  an  amicable  settlement  of  all  diffi 
culties  by  the  Peace  Congress ;  it  was,  therefore,  important  they 
should  have  the  information  and  the  warning  now  given  in  this 
letter  which  was  addressed  to  the  people  of  Virginia,  and  said : 

"  We  deem  it  our  duty,  as  your  Representatives  at  Wash 
ington,  to  lay  before  you  such  information  as  we  may  possess  in 
the  present  alarming  condition  of  the  country. 

"  At  the  beginning  of  this  session,  now  more  than  half  over, 
committees  were  appointed  in  both  Houses  of  Congress,  to  con 
sider  the  state  of  the  Union.  Neither  committee  has  been  able 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY    MASJX. 


to  agree  upon  any  mode  of  settlement  of  the  pending  issues  be 
tween  the  North  and  the  South.  The  Republican  members  in 
both  committees  rejected  propositions  acknowledging  the  right 
of  property  in  slaves,  or  recommending  the  division  of  the 
Territories  between  the  slaveholding  and  the  non-slaveholding 
States  by  a  geographical  line. 

"  In  the  Senate,  the  propositions  commonly  known  as  Mr. 
Crittenden's  were  voted  against  by  every  Republican  Senator;  and 
the  House,  by  a  vote  of  ayes  and  noes,  refused  to  consider  cer 
tain  propositions  moved  by  Mr.  Etheridge,  which  were  even  less 
favorable  to  the  South  than  Mr.  Crittenden's. 

"A  resolution  giving  a  pledge  to  sustain  the  President  in  the 
use  of  force  against  the  seceding  States  was  adopted  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  by  a  large  majority ;  and  in  the  Senate 
every  Republican  voted  to  substitute  for  Mr.  Crittenden's  prop 
ositions,  resolutions  offered  by  Mr.  Clark,  of  New  Hampshire, 
declaring  no  new  concessions,  guarantees,  or  amendments  were 
necessary;  that  the  demands  of  the  South  were  unreasonable, 
and  that  the  remedy  for  the  present  danger  was  simply  to  enforce 
the  laws,  in  other  words,  coercion  and  war. 

"  In  this  state  of  facts,  our  duty  is  to  warn  you  that  it  is  vain 
to  hope  for  any  measure  of  conciliation  or  adjustment  from  Con 
gress  which  you  could  accept.  We  are  also  satisfied  that  the 
Republican  party  designs  by  civil  war  alone,  to  coerce  the  South 
ern  States,  under  the  pretext  of  enforcing  the  laws,  unless  it  shall 
become  speedily  apparent  that  the  seceding  States  are  so 
numerous,  determined,  and  united  as  to  make  such  an  attempt 
hopeless. 

"  We  are  confirmed  in  these  conclusions  by  our  general 
intercourse  here ;  by  the  speeches  of  the  Republican  leaders  here 
and  elsewhere ;  by  the  recent  refusals  of  the  Legislatures  of 
Vermont,  Ohio,  and  Pennsylvania  to  repeal  their  obnoxious 
personal  liberty  laws ;  by  the  action  of  the  Illinois  Legislature  on 
resolutions  approving  the  Crittenden  propositions,  and  by  the 
adoption  of  resolutions  in  the  New  York  and  Massachusetts 
Legislatures  (doubtless  to  be  followed  by  others)  offering  men 
and  money  for  the  war  of  coercion. 

"  We  have  thus  placed  before  you  the  facts  and  conclusions 
which  have  become  manifest  to  us  from  this  post  of  observation 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


where  you  have  placed  us.  There  is  nothing  to  be  hoped  from 
Congress ;  the  remedy  is  with  you  alone  when  you  assemble  in 
sovereign  convention. 

"  We  conclude  by  expressing  our  solemn  conviction  that 
prompt  and  decided  action  by  the  people  of  Virginia  in  con 
vention  will  afford  the  surest  means,  under  the  providence  of 
God,  of  averting  a  civil  war  and  preserving  the  hope  of  recon 
structing  a  Union  already  dissolved. 

"  Signed : 

"J.  M.  MASON, 
"  R.  M.  T.  HUNTER, 
"  D.  C.  DE  JARNETTE, 
"  M.  R.  H.  GARNETT, 
"  SHELTON  F.  LEAKE, 
"  E.  S.  MARTIN, 
"  H.  A.  EDMUNDSON, 
"  ROGER  A.  PRYOR, 
"  THOS.  S.  BOCOCK, 
"A.  G.  JENKINS. 
"  Washington  City,  January  26th,  1861." 

(Owing  to  the  detention  of  ex-Governor  Smith  at  his  home 
in  Virginia  by  sickness,  this  address  could  not  be  presented  to 
him  for  his  signature.  There  is  no  doubt  he  would  have  joined 
in  it,  if  present.) 

The  Peace  Congress  assembled  in  Washington  on  February 
4th,  less  than  ten  days  after  the  foregoing  "  warning/'  On  Feb 
ruary  27th,  the  measures  agreed  upon  by  this  body  were 
formally  communicated  to  both  Houses  of  Congress. 

This  "  Peace  Congress  "  was  composed  of  one  hundred  and 
thirty-three  commissioners  who  represented  the  States  of  Maine, 
New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Con 
necticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Mary 
land,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Kentucky,  Missouri, 
Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  and  Kansas.  They 
agreed  upon  certain  measures  embodied,  in  the  form  of  an  amend 
ment  to  the  Constitution,  which  they  submitted  to  Congress  with 
the  request  that  it  should  be  submitted  to  conventions  in  the 
States  as  Article  XIII  of  the  amendments  to  the  Constitution. 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


On  February  28th,  the  day  after  this  communication  was 
received  by  the  Senate,  Mr.  Mason  said :  "  The  message  of  the 
President  communicates  to  the  Senate  certain  resolutions 
adopted  by  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia,  now  in  session, 
expressive  of  the  sense  and  earnest  desire  of  that  State,  so  far 
as  that  sense  can  be  expressed  by  the  Legislative  body,  in  regard 
to  the  great  movement  which  has  already  separated  the  States 
of  this  Union.  They  were  communicated  officially  and  formally 
to  the  President  of  the  United  States  by  the  General  Assembly 
of  Virginia.  The  purpose  of  the  resolutions  is  twofold :  First, 
to  inform  the  President  that  Virginia  has  undertaken  the  office  of 
mediating  between  the  two  great  sections  of  the  country,  in  the 
hope  that  measures  might  be  devised  which, ,  if  they  could  not 
avert  that  which  had  already  happened — the  dissolution  of  the 
Union  of  the  States — might  be  the  means  of  healing  that  rupture, 
and  of  restoring  the  Union  under  guarantees  and  provisions  that 
might  be  satisfactory  to  both  sections.  The  next  object  of  the 
resolutions  was,  to  induce  the  President  of  the  United  States,  as 
the  Executive  Department  of  this  Government,  so  far  as  with 
him  lay,  to  refrain  from  any  act  which  might  bring  into  col 
lision  the  public  power  of  the  United  States  with  the  public 
power  of  the  States  that  have  seceded,  from  a  knowledge  that  if 
such  collision  once  ensued,  it  would  be  beyond  the  power  of  any 
mortal  man  to  avert  that  greatest  of  all  catastrophes  to  this 
country  and  to  mankind,  civil  war  between  the  people  of  this 
Union  and  the  people  of  those  other  States.  It  was  a  great 
mission  which  Virginia  has  thus  instituted,  in  the  hope  expressed 
in  the  resolutions :  that  this  existing  rupture  of  the  States  might 
be  healed,  and  that  every  effort  should  be  made  in  the  meantime 
to  avoid  that  greatest  catastrophe,  civil  war.  The  President,  in 
communicating  those  resolutions  to  Congress,  has  responded  to 
the  spirit  of  the  General  Assembly  and  has  expressed  the  earnest 
hope  that  the  objects  of  the  General  Assembly  may  be  attained 
by  Congress  refraining  from  any  act  which  would  tend  to  lead 
to  that  collision. 

"  Mr.  President,  it  is  known  that  Virginia  has  participated 
in  this  movement  as  one  of  the  States  affected,  and  the  great 
purpose  in  the  mission  that  she  has  instituted  now  in  Washing 
ton  is  to  induce  the  Federal  authorities  to  refrain  from  any  act 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY    MASOX. 


which  shall  complicate,  and  irretrievably  complicate,  the  exist 
ing  issues  between  the  North  and  the  South.  How  is  that  to  be 
done?  The  President  has  said  in  his  message  that  very  little 
power  rests  with  him;  that  he  considers  it  his  duty,  a  duty  in 
cumbent  upon  his  office,  to  provide  for  the  security  of  the  public 
property  so  far  as  it  may  be  within  his  power.  I  trust,  sir,  that 
this  great  object  of  Virginia  in  preserving  the  public  peace  be 
tween  the  opposing  sections,  for  the  time  being,  at  least,  may  be 
successful.  We  know  the  Senate  has  been  officially  informed 
that,  of  the  thirty-three  States  that  constituted  this  Union,  six 
have  separated  themselves  from  it  by  formal  acts  of  the  political 
community  in  each  State,  transacted  as  a  political  community ; 
that  is  a  fact  accomplished.  Those  States  declare  that  they  are 
no  longer  members  of  this  Confederacy.  None  can  doubt,  I  pre 
sume,  from  the  evidence  before  our  senses  almost,  that  other 
States  are  to  follow.  The  great  object  of  Virginia  in  the  mission 
instituted  by  these  resolutions  is  to  preserve  the  public  peace,  in 
the  hope,  as  expressed  in  the  resolutions,  that  if  it  be  the  pleasure 
of  other  States  to  send  commissioners  here,  to  meet  those  dele 
gated  by  Virginia,  they  may  devise  some  additional  amendment 
to  the  Constitution,  in  some  form  that  will  guaranty  the  rights  of 
the  minority  section,  which  will  be  found  acceptable  to  all  the 
Southern  States,  and  may  even  win  back  those  who  have  sepa 
rated  themselves  from  the  Union ;  or  if  that  can  not  be  done,  and, 
if,  in  the  providence  of  the  Almighty,  it  should  be  decreed  that 
the  existing  confederation  is  to  be  permanently  dissolved,  still, 
that  the  peace  of  this  great  continent  shall  be  preserved  notwith 
standing,  and  opportunity  allowed  for  that  great  fund  of  good 
sense  which  is  found  in  every  section  to  interpose  and  take  up 
the  subject  as  it  may  be  found  by  events,  and  see  if  the  existing 
Union  can  not  be  restored,  or  if  some  other  form  of  union  in  the 
nature  of  reconstruction,  can  not  be  devised,  which,  while  it 
would  insure  the  security  of  all,  majorities,  and  minorities,  would 
conduce  to  the  great  interests,  the  permanent  interests  of  the 
great  people  who  are  diffused  all  over  the  States.  That  is  the 
ulterior  end. 

"  Should  it  unfortunately  occur,  however,  either  from  im 
patience  in  the  States  that  have  separated,  or  from  any  undue  and 
over  zeal  in  any  department  of  the  Federal  Government,  that  the 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


two  sections  should  be  brought  into  collision,  there  is  an  end  to 
all  negotiation.  Men  never  negotiate  in  war.  There  must  be  a 
peace  first.  If  there  be  any  honorable  Senator  on  this  floor,  or 
any  citizen  of  any  one  of  the  States,  who,  under  existing  events, 
yet  indulges  the  belief  that  an  attempt  to  enforce  the  Federal 
laws  in  the  States  that  have  declared  themselves  beyond  the 
Federal  jurisdiction  is  not  an  act  which  leads  to  war,  and  to  war 
alone,  never  was  such  a  Senator  or  such  a  citizen  more  deluded. 
I  have  had  occasion  to  say  so  heretofore.  I  speak  it  now,  sir, 
certainly  not  in  anger ;  but  I  should  speak  it  in  sorrow,  if  I  could 
be  brought  to  contemplate  such  an  event. 

"  I  think  too,  Mr.  President,  that  we  have  evidences,  daily 
evidences,  from  that  section  of  the  country  which  has  separated 
itself  from  this  Union,  that,  while  the  authorities  there  have 
thought  it  necessary,  as  measures  of  precaution  to  possess  them 
selves  in  the  several  States,  of  the  forts,  arsenals,  navy  yards,  and 
military  materials  found  within  their  limits,  acknowledging  them 
to  be  part  of  the  public  property  all  the  time,  they  have  done 
so  with  no  intention  on  their  part  to  make  war ;  they  have  done 
so,  as  they  conceived,  only  as  measures  of  necessary,  prudent 
precaution,  in  the  event  that  any  war  should,  unhappily,  be  waged 
on  them.  And,  I  think,  honorable  Senators  on  the  other  side 
will  respond  to  the  declaration,  when  I  say  that  there  is  not 
one  of  those  States,  when  they  shall  be  restored  to  the  Union, 
if  they  shall  be  restored,  or  when  peace  shall  be  concluded,  if 
war  should  now  follow,  who  will  not  account  for  every  dollar  of 
the  public  property  that  they  have  taken.  I  believe  those  States 
are  actuated  at  this  moment  by  an  earnest  desire  to  refrain  from 
every  act  which  would  break  the  public  peace.  The  State  of 
Virginia  has  invoked  a  like  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  Govern 
ment.  I  hope  it  will  be  successful.  It  is  the  only  mode  now  left, 
under  the  direction  of  the  Supreme  Being,  by  which  the  people 
of  this  country  can  be  saved  from  a  civil  war,  and  be  restored  to 
Government  relations,  in  some  form,  under  auspices  that  may  yet 
lead  a  united  country  back  to  that  great  path  of  prosperity  and 
strength  and  honor  from  which  they  have  been  diverted  by  the 
present  (as  I  consider  it)  necessary  movement  on  the  part  of 
those  States. 

"  I  have  deemed  it  incumbent  upon  me,  Mr.  President,  as  this 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


mediation  originated  with  my  State,  to  respond  to  the  sentiments 
expressed  in  the  message,  in  an  earnest  desire  that  the  public 
peace  may  be  preserved  until  events  work  out,  in  their  own  way, 
the  great  revolution  which  is  impending,  or  rather  which  is  per 
fected  in  six  of  the  States  of  this  Union." 

In  striking  contrast  with  the  opinions  and  feelings  here  ex 
pressed  by  Mr.  Mason,  another  extract  is  taken  from  the  Con 
gressional  Globe  of  February  27th,  of  same  year,  which  will  be 
found  on  page  1247  of  Part  II,  Thirty-Sixth  Congress. 

Mr.  Powell  (Kentucky),  said :  "  I  move  to  postpone  the 
Army  bill  for  the  purpose  of  taking  up  the  resolutions  to  amend 
the  Constitution  proposed  by  my  colleague  (Mr.  Crittenden). 
For  several  weeks,  Senators  have  declined  to  make  an  effort  to 
call  up  the  propositions  of  my  colleague  for  the  reason  that  cer 
tain  peace  commissioners  were  in  session  in  this  Capital,  con 
vened  at  the  call  of  the  State  of  Virginia.  I  am  confident  now 
that  that  commission,  Peace  Congress,  or  Conference,  or  what 
ever  you  may  call  it,  will  not  accomplish  anything.  Indeed, 
certain  facts  have  fallen  under  my  notice,  that  cause  me  to  be 
lieve  that  it  has  been  the  fixed  purpose  of  certain  Republicans 
that  that  conference  should  not  accomplish  anything.  I  have 
thought  that  for  some  time  past.  A  friend  sent  me,  yesterday, 
The  Detroit  Free  Press,  containing  two  letters  from  the  distin 
guished  Senators  from  Michigan  to  their  Governor,  which,  I 
think,  clearly  and  fully  establish  the  fact  that  the  Republicans, 
a  portion  of  them  at  least,  instead  of  sending  commissioners  to 
that  conference  with  a  view  to  inaugurate  something  that  would 
compro'mise  the  difficulties  by  which  we  are  surrounded,  and 
save  the  country  from  ruin,  have  absolutely  been  engaged  in  the 
work  of  sending  delegates  there  to  prevent  that  commission  from 
doing  anything.  I  send  this  paper  to  the  desk  and  ask  the 
Secretary  to  read  these  letters." 

The  Secretary  read  as  follows : 

"WASHINGTON,  February  I5th,  1861. 

"  Dear  Sir:  When  Virginia  proposed  a  convention  in 
Washington,  in  reference  to  the  disturbed  condition  of  the 
country,  I  regarded  it  as  another  effort  to  debauch  the  public 
mind,  and  a  step  towards  obtaining  that  concession  which  the 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


slave  power  so  insolently  demands.  I  have  no  doubt  at  present 
but  that  was  the  design.  I  was  therefore  pleased  that  the  Legis 
lature  of  Michigan  was  not  disposed  to  put  herself  in  a  position 
to  be  controlled  by  such  influences.  The  convention  has  met 
here,  and  within  a  few  days  the  aspect  of  things  has  materially 
changed.  Every  Free  State,  I  think,  except  Michigan  and  Wis 
consin,  is  represented;  and  we  have  been  assured  by  friends  upon 
whom  we  can  rely,  that  if  those  States  should  send  delegations 
of  true,  unflinching  men,  there  would  probably  be  a  majority  in 
favor  of  the  Constitution  as  it  is,  who  would  frown  down  rebel 
lion  by  the  enforcement  of  the  laws. 

"  These  friends  have  urged  us  to  recommend  the  appoint 
ment  of  delegates  from  our  State ;  and,  in  compliance  with  their 
request,  Mr.  Chandler  and  myself  telegraphed  to  you  last  night. 
It  can  not  be  doubted  that  the  recommendations  of  this  con 
vention  will  have  very  considerable  influence  upon  the  public 
mind,  and  upon  the  action  of  Congress. 

"  I  have  a  great  disinclination  to  any  interference  with  what 
should  properly  be  submitted  to  the  wisdom  and  discretion  of 
the  Legislature,  in  which  I  place  great  reliance ;  but  I  hope  I 
shall  be  pardoned  for  suggesting  that  it  may  be  justifiable  and 
proper,  by  any  honorable  means,  to  avert  the  lasting  disgrace 
which  will  attach  to  a  free  people  who  by  the  peaceful  exercise 
of  the  ballot,  have  just  released  themselves  from  the  tyranny  of 
slavery,  if  they  should  now  succumb  to  treasonable  threats,  and 
again  submit  to  a  degrading  thraldom.  If  it  should  be  deemed 
proper  to  send  delegates,  I  think,  if  they  could  be  here  by  the 
2Oth,  it  would  be  in  time. 

"  I  have  the  honor,  with  much  respect,  to  be  truly  yours, 

"K.  S.   BINGHAM. 
"  To  His  Excellency,  Governor  Blair." 

"WASHINGTON,  February  nth,  1861. 

"  My  Dear  Governor:  Governor  Bingham  and  myself  tele 
graphed  you  on  Saturday,  at  the  request  of  Massachusetts  and 
New  York,  to  send  delegates  to  the  Peace  or  Compromise  Con 
gress.  They  admit  that  we  were  right  and  they  were  wrong; 
that  no  Republican  States  should  have  sent  delegates ;  but  they 
are  here  and  cannot  get  away.  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Rhode 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


Island  are  caving  in, and  there  is  danger  of  Illinois ;  and  now  they 
beg  us,  for  God's  sake  to  come  to  their  rescue,  and  save  the 
Republican  party  from  rupture.  I  hope  you  will  send  stiff 
backed  men  or  none.  The  whole  thing  was  gotten  up  against 
my  judgment  and  advice,  and  will  end  in  thin  smoke.  Still  I 
hope  as  a  matter  of  courtesy  to  some  of  our  erring  brethren, 
that  you  will  send  the  delegates. 

"  Truly  your  friend, 

"  Z.  CHANDLER. 
"  His  Excellency  Austin  Blair. 

"  P.  S. — Some  of  the  manufacturing  States  think  that  a  fight 
would  be  awful.  Without  a  little  blood-letting  this  Union  will 
not  be,  in  my  estimation,  worth  a  rush." 

It  should  be  here  noted  that  day  after  day  during  all  this 
session,  innumerable  petitions,  signed  by  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  the  citizens  of  the  Northern  States,  were  sent  to  their  Senators 
and  Representatives  in  Congress  urging  them  to  make  amend 
ments  to  the  Constitution  or  to  adopt  such  other  measures  as 
might  preserve  the  peace  of  the  country.  Hundreds  of  these 
petitions  specifically  asked  the  adoption  of  the  "  Crittenden  Com 
promise  Resolutions  " ;  others  simply  prayed  for  peace.  None 
of  them  appeared  to  receive  any  special  attention,  as  they  were  all 
announced  to  the  Senate  as  having  been  received  and  were  "  laid 
on  the  table."  They  should,  however,  be  remembered  and 
recorded  as  testimony  of  value  to  those  interested  in  fixing  the 
responsibility  of  war  upon  those  who  should  rightly  be  held  to 
account  for  it. 

No  vote  was  taken  on  either  the  Crittenden  Resolutions  or 
on  those  proposed  by  the  Peace  Congress  until  late  in  the  night 
of  the  third  of  March,  when  they  were  rejected  by  the  Republi 
cans. 

On  March  5th,  the  Senate  met,  in  special  session,  according 
to  the  usual  custom,  after  the  inauguration  of  a  new  President. 
Both  the  Senators  from  Virginia  continued  in  regular  attendance 
and,  so  far  as  it  was  possible,  continued  to  participate  in  the  trans 
action  of  the  public  business,  although  the  Republican  majority 
had  been. so  largely  increased  by  the  accession  to  their  side  of 
the  chamber  of  nearly  all  the  newly  elected  Senators,  as  well  as 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


by  the  withdrawal  of  those  from  the  seceding  States  that 
further  remonstrance  against  their  measures  was  evidently  hope 
less ;  still,  their  voic  s  were  frequently  heard  in  warnings  to  the 
country  of  the  impending  evils. 

On  March  8th,  1861,  Mr.  Foster  (Connecticut)  offered  the 
following  resolution :  "  Whereas,  Hon.  L.  T.  Wigfall,  now  a 
Senator  of  the  United  States  from  the  State  of  Texas,  has 
declared  in  debate  that  he  is  a  foreigner,  that  he  owes  no  alle 
giance  to  this  Government,  but  that  he  belongs  to  and  owes 
allegiance  to  another  and  foreign  government :  Therefore, 
Resolved,  That  the  said  L.  T.  Wigfall  be,  and  he  hereby  is,  ex 
pelled  from  this  body." 

On  March  nth,  this  resolution  being  before  the  Senate, 
Mr.  Mason  said : 

"  Mr.  President,  the  resolution,  which  I  have  examined  this 
morning,  in  its  preamble  recites  the  cause  of  the  expulsion.  It 
is  what  the  Senator  has  said  upon  this  floor.  The  language  of 
the  resolution  is,  that  he  has  declared  in  debate;  so  that  the 
cause  of  the  expulsion  is  what  the  Senator  has  said.  Now,  sir, 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  to  enable  the  Senate  to 
protect  itself,  has  given  to  the  Senate  the  power  to  expel  a  mem 
ber  provided  two-thirds  vote  for  the  resolution ;  but  the 
expulsion  of  the  member  is,  of  necessity,  punitive  in  its  char 
acter;  and  the  intention  of  the  resolution  offered  by  the  Senator 
from  Connecticut  is  punitive — punishing  for  what  the  Senator 
has  said  in  debate.  The  Senator,  to  be  sure,  in  the  argument 
he  delivered  in  support  of  the  resolution,  has  said  that  the  facts 
alleged  by  the  Senator  from  Texas  are  inconsistent  with  a  seat 
upon  this  floor — to  wit :  that  he  is  a  foreigner,  and  not  a  citizen 
of  the  United  States.  If  the  Senator  thinks  he  ought  not  to  be 
a  member  of  the  Senate  because  of  those  facts — that  he  is  not 
a  citizen,  and  does  not  owe  allegiance — the  Senator  knows  very 
well  that  the  mode,  and  the  only  parliamentary  and  just  mode, 
is  to  refer  it  to  a  committee  to  inquire  into  the  facts ;  and  if  it  is 
found  to  be  true,  in  the  judgment  of  the  Senate,  that  he  is  not  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  he  would  not  be  expelled,  but  his 
seat  would  be  declared  vacant  because  of  that  fact.  But  the 
purpose  of  the  resolution,  as  I  have  said,  is  punitive — to  punish 
the  Senator. 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


"  The  language  of  the  resolution  is,  that  the  Senator  has 
declared  in  debate,  first,  that  he  is  a  foreigner  ;  and,  next,  that  he 
owes  no  allegiance  to  this  Government.  Now,  sir,  if  it  be  a 
punishable  offence  to  allege  a  constitutional  truth  in  the  Senate, 
then  the  Senator's  resolution  may  be  well  founded.  I  aver  it 
here,  as  a  Senator  from  Virginia,  in  the  face  of  the  country,  that 
I  owe  and  recognize  no  allegiance  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States — none  whatever;  and  there  I  take  my  position 
alongside  of  the  Senator  from  Texas. 

"  Although  the  State  of  Virginia  is  a  constituent  of  this 
Government  as  one  of  the  Confederate  States,  and  I  am  her  rep 
resentative  here,  and  her  engagements  with  this  Government 
when  she  became  a  party  to  the  Constitution  remain  entirely 
unimpaired,  yet  I  am  utterly  unconscious  that  I  owe  any  alle 
giance  to  this  Government.  I  do  owe  allegiance,  in  the  accep 
tation  of  it  known  to  American  law,  to  the  State  of  Virginia,  and 
nowhere  else  on  earth.  Why,  what  is  this  Government?  Does 
the  Senator  from  Connecticut  rest  his  extraordinary  doctrines 
of  constitutional  law  which  he  has  presented  here  this  morn 
ing  on  the  idea  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  is 
his  sovereign?  If  he  does,  God  help  him.  Then,  so  far  as  the 
Senator  from  Texas  has  committed  an  offence  in  saying  that  he 
owes  no  allegiance  to  this  Government,  I  stand  at  his  side,  and 
I  should  be  unworthy  of  my  true  relation  to  my  sovereign  State 
if  I  did  not. 

"  Sir,  what  is  allegiance?  The  old  feudal  interpretation  of 
the  term  allegiance,  doubtless,  is  known  to  every  Senator,  and 
all  who  are  conversant  with  the  constitutional  history  of  Eng 
land,  from  whence  we  derive  chiefly  our  institutions.  Allegiance 
is  the  relation  between  subject  and  sovereign ;  in  the  old  feudal 
times,  the  relation  between  vassal  and  lord.  Allegiance  under 
our  American  institutions  is  the  allegiance  which  is  due  from 
the  citizen  to  the  sovereign  power;  and  I  know  of  no  sovereign 
power  anywhere  but  in  the  States  that  are  parties  to  this  Confed 
eracy  ;  and  I  take  it  for  granted,  with  all  submission  to  the  better 
opinion  of  the  honorable  Senator  from  Connecticut,  that  his 
State  is  his  sovereign;  and  if  he  acknowledges  allegiance  to  this 
Government  he  is  faithless  to  her.  Why,  sir,  we  have  a  law  in 
Virginia  prescribing  the  oath  to  citizens  of  Virginia,  and  that 


LIFK    OF   JAMES    MVKRAT    J/4S02V. 


l87 


oath  I  have  taken  the  trouble  to  transcribe,  for  the  purpose  of 
illustration.  The  oath  of  allegiance  in  Virginia,  to  be  taken  by 
all  those  who  are  admitted  in  any  way  to  a  participation  in  the 
political  power  of  the  State,  is  this  : 

4  I  declare  myself  a  citizen  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Vir 
ginia,  and  solemnly  swear  that  I  will  be  faithful  and  true  to  the 
said  Commonwealth,  and  will  support  the  constitution  thereof 
so  long  as  I  continue  to  be  a  citizen  of  the  same. 

"  'I  will  be  faithful  and  true  to  the  said  Commonwealth  ' — 
that  is  allegiance.  Am  I  told  by  the  Senator  that  we  have  a 
divided  allegiance ;  that  we  can  owe  allegiance  to  two  sovereigns? 
Am  I  to  be  told  by  the  Senator  that  when  I  come  here  as  a  rep 
resentative  from  a  sovereign  State,  I  put  off  my  allegiance,  and 
put  on  a  new  garb,  and  not  to  my  sovereign,  but  to  a  mere 
agency?  That  is  my  construction  of  constitutional  obligation 
and  constitutional  law.  That,  I  take  it  for  granted,  is  the  con 
struction  placed  upon  it  by  the  honorable  Senator  from  Texas ; 
and  he  is  to  be  expelled  because  he  differs  in  his  idea  of  consti 
tutional  obligation  with  the  Senator  from  Connecticut. 

"  Then  again :  The  honorable  Senator,  it  is  alleged,  said  that 
he  is  a  foreigner.  Well,  sir,  if  he  is  a  foreigner,  he  is  not  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  he  is  not  entitled  to  a  seat  on 
this  floor;  but  that  is  because  of  the  fact,  not  because  of  the 
allegation.  If  he  is  not  a  citizen,  the  Constitution  says  he 
shall  not  have  a  seat  on  this  floor,  but  if  he  is  mistaken  in 
the  fact,  he  is  under  no  constitutional  disqualification.  Now, 
the  honorable  Senator  from  Connecticut  heard  what  I  suppose 
we  all  heard  in  the  discursive  remarks  made  by  the  very  able 
Senator  from  Texas  the  other  day.  I  do  not  pretend  to  quote 
his  language,  but  I  think  I  know  the  substance  of  what  he  said. 
He  said,  in  his  belief  he  was  a  foreigner  to  this  Government; 
and  why?  Because,  in  his  belief,  the  State  of  Texas,  of  which 
he  was  a  citizen,  had  separated  itself  from  this  Union ;  but  he 
did  not  know  the  fact,  and  so  alleged.  He  does  not  know  the  fact 
now,  unless  he  got  the  information  last  night ;  for  last  night,  in 
conversation  with  him,  I  inquired  what  was  the  news  from  his 
State;  whether  he  had  yet  evidence  of  this  fact?  He  said,  "  No." 
I  presume  he  has  not  got  it  yet.  His  statement  was,  that,  in  his 
belief,  he  was  a  foreigner  to  this  Government ;  because,  in  his  be- 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


lief,  the  people  of  Texas  have  ratified,  by  their  popular  vote,  the 
act  of  their  convention  declaring  the  separation.  Why  does  he 
believe  it?  He  has  had  no  evidence  of  it.  He  believes  it  because 
of  his  knowledge  that  the  popular  sentiment  of  his  State  has  de 
termined  to  separate  itself  from  this  Government  ;  but  that  is  to 
be  evinced  by  the  popular  vote.  The  Senator  told  us,  although  he 
believed  himself  a  foreigner,  he  had  no  proof  of  it,  but  when  he 
had  proof  of  it,  he  would  exhibit  it  here  in  the  face  of  the  Senate, 
as  his  predecessors  in  separation  from  the  Government  had  done. 
He  would  exhibit  it  here  in  the  face  of  the  Senate,  that  his  State 
was  separated  from  this  Government,  and  therefore  he  was  no 
longer  constitutionally  a  Senator  ;  or,  as  he  expressed  it,  he  would 
exhibit  to  the  Senate,  when  he  got  it,  evidence  of  the  fact  that 
the  office  which  he  held  here  had  been  abolished  by  his  State. 
That  is  the  substance  of  it;  and  yet,  because  of  these  declara 
tions,  the  honorable  Senator  from  Connecticut  asks  for  his  ex 
pulsion. 

"  Now,  Mr.  President,  I  am  not  going  into  the  argument 
which  the  honorable  Senator  from  Connecticut  has  conducted 
with  the  ability  that  belongs  to  him,  about  the  right  of  separa 
tion.  The  honorable  Senator,  as  others  around  him  and  the 
new  President  have  done,  declares  that  an  act  of  separation  by 
a  State  is  a  mere  nullity,  and  that  the  State  holds  the  same  rela 
tion  to  the  Confederacy  after  the  act  of  separation  that  it  held 
before.  That  is  the  language  and  doctrine  of  the  honorable 
Senator.  We  deny  it.  My  State  denies  it.  Six  States  —  six,  so 
far  as  the  proof  has  gone  —  have  not  only  denied  it,  but  have 
acted  on  that  denial,  and  have  separated  ;  and  they  have  not  only 
separated,  but  they  have  confederated  anew  ;  they  have  formed 
a  new  government  ;  as  I  said  here  the.  other  day,  a  government 
perfect  in  all  its  parts,  and  a  government  prepared  to  sustain 
itsef  in  arms  if  this  Government  should  endeavor  to  subdue  it. 
If  Senators  still  persist  in  saying  as  matter  of  constitutional  law, 
that  these  States  have  not  separated,  that  their  act  is  null,  they 
are  holding  language  which  —  I  say  it  with  great  respect,  for  I 
feel  no  other  sentiment  towards  them  —  is  more  disrespectful  to 
the  Senate  tenfold  than  that  which  the  Senator  from  Connecticut 
says  deserves  punishment  of  expulsion  in  the  case  of  the  Senator 
from  Texas  ;  and  why?  Because,  by  their  language,  they  declare 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


189 


that  five  million  people,  and  six  or  seven  sovereign  States,  are 
in  a  state  of  insubordination  and  insurrection,  and  they  are 
taking  no  measure  to  quell  it. 

"  They  declare  here  that  the  acts  of  those  States  are  null ; 
and,  although  they  have  seized  what  they  call  the  public  property, 
although  they  have  possessed  themselves  of  the  forts  and  of  the 
public  arms,  yet  they  take  no  means  whatever,  and  recommend 
and  propose  none,  to  recover  it  or  to  subdue  them.  I  say,  then, 
that  honorable  Senators  holding  that  language  in  relation  to  the 
condition  of  the  country,  as  they  understand  it,  and  not  acting 
upon  it,  are  much  more  disrespectful  to  the  body  to  which  they 
belong  than  the  language  of  the  honorable  Senator  from  Texas, 
because,  with  him,  as  with  me,  it  is  a  question  of  constitutional 
construction,  and  nothing  more  in  the  world.  How  can  we  owe 
allegiance  to  this  Government?  How  can  I  owe  allegiance  to 
it?  If  I  do,  then  I  must  obey  the  orders  and  the  commands  of 
this  Government  in  preference  to  those  of  my  State.  I  must  put 
off  the  fealty  which  subsists  between  me  and  the  State  of  Vir 
ginia,  as  citizen  and  sovereign,  and  endue  myself  with  a  new 
livery,  not  to  a  sovereign,  but  a  mere  temporary  agency — I 
mean  by  '  temporary,'  one  that  is  entirely  dependent  upon 
the  will  and  pleasure  of  those  who  created  it.  Nor  is 
there,  in  my  judgment,  anything  in  support  of  this  argument  in 
the  fact  that  I  and  other  Senators  here  are  sworn  to  support  the 
Constitution.  I  am  sworn  to  support  the  Constitution.  I  am 
not  sworn  to  be  true  and  faithful  to  the  Government,  as  I  have 
sworn  to  be  true  and  faithful  to  the  State  of  Virginia ;  but  I  am 
sworn  to  support  the  Constitution.  What  does  that  mean?  Does 
it  mean  that, under  no  circumstances,!  will  be  a  party  to  a  change 
in  that  Constitution?  If  I  change  the  Constitution  by  my  act, 
I  do  not  support  it.  Does  it  mean  that  I  am  not  at  liberty  in 
any  way  to  change  the  Constitution  or  the  form  of  govern 
ment?  Certainly  not;  because,  if  it  does,  it  would  put  this 
famous  Peace  Congress  that  assembled  here  the  other  day  under 
appointment  of  their  several  States  as  mediators,  in  the  char 
acter  of  plotters  against  the  Government,  which  many  of  them, 
I  know,  had  sworn  to  support.  As  I  construe  that  oath,  it 
means  this :  l  that  while  ^*ou  participate  in  the  administration  oi 
the  Government,  or  while  you  live  under  the  Government,  if  you 


IQO 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


are  not  participating  in  its  administration,  you  will  support  the 
Government  as  it  is  organized  ' ;  but  that  does  not  prohibit  you, 
so  far  as  I  reason,  if  you  think,  or  more  properly  if  your  State 
thinks,  there  are  reasons,  paramount  to  your  contract,  from  sepa 
rating  yourself  from  it,  and  thus,  as  far  as  you  are  concerned, 
cease  to  support  the  Constitution. 

"  But  take  it  altogether,  are  gentlemen  on  this  side  of  the 
chamber  to  be  subject  to  this  high  punition  of  the  Constitution, 
because  they  differ  in  its  construction  from  gentlemen  on  the 
other  side?  Is  that  to  be  the  rule  that  is  to  be  measured  out  to 
minorities  now?  We  stand  here  in  a  minority;  a  minority  becom 
ing  less  in  numbers  every  day;  you  stand  there  in  a  majority; 
a  majority  increasing  every  day,  or  every  year.  Is  this  to  be  the 
measure  by  which  the  relations  of  minority  and  majority  are  to 
be  governed  in  the  Government  of  the  United  States  which  is 
not  supreme  and  not  sovereign?  If  it  is,  let  us  understand  it. 

"  Now,  sir,  I  do  not  mean  at  all  to  take  any  issue  with  the 
Senator  from  Connecticut  in  his  disclaimer  of  any  personal  feel 
ing;  but  if  there  are  not  personal  or  party  motives  lying  at  the 
foundation  of  this  thing,  unknown  to  the  Senator — for  my 
respect,  and  real  respect,  for  him,  forbids  me  to  suppose  that  he 
is  not  candid  and  frank — I  am  at  a  loss  to  conceive — when  he 
seeks  to  punish  the  Senator  for  what  he  said,  and  afterwards 
said  that  if  what  he  said  is  the  fact,  he  ought  not  to  sit  here 
— why  he  applies  so  high  a  remedy  to  a  declaration  of  opinion 
which  he  thinks  is  wrong;  for  at  least  it  amounts  to  that." 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


IQI 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

Secession  of  Virginia— Winchester  a  Military  Camp — Seizure  of  Harper's 
Ferry — Summer  of  1861  in  Winchester — Appointed  Commissioner  to  Eng 
land— Letters  from  Charleston,  from  the  San  Jacinto,  and  from  Port  War 
ren — His  Own  Account  of  His  Capture  and  Imprisonment — Release  from 
Fort  Warren  and  Arrival  in  London. 

There  is  no  record  of  the  exact  day  on  which  Mr.  Mason  left 
Washington,  but  there  is  no  reference  to  him  in  the  Congressional 
Globe  as  having  been  present  in  the  Senate  after  the  I9th  of 
March  or  to  Mr.  Hunter  after  the  2Oth,  although  the  session 
did  not  close  until  the  28th  of  that  month. 

Long  before  the  meeting  of  the  extra  session  (on  July  4th), 
Virginia  had  been  enrolled  among  the  Confederate  States,  and 
both  Mr.  Mason  and  Mr.  Hunter  had  become  members  of  the 
Provisional  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States.  On  July  nth, 
both  of  them,  together  with  several  other  Southern  Senators, 
were  expelled  from  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  by  a  vote 
of  thirty-two  ayes  against  ten  nays,  on  a  resolution  offered 
by  Mr.  Clark,  Senator  from  New  Hampshire,  on  the  ground, 
as  stated  in  the  resolution  :  '  they  were  engaged  in  a  conspiracy 
for  the  destruction  of  the  Union  and  Government,  or,  with  full 
knowledge  of  said  conspiracy,  had  failed  to  advise  the  Govern 
ment  of  its  progress  or  aid  in  its  suppression.' 

The  1 5th  of  April,  1861,  found  Mr.  Mason  quietly  awaiting 
events  at  Selma,  his  home  near  Winchester,  and  when  the  news 
of  the  President's  *  Proclamation  reached  him,  his  first  com 
ment  was :  '  This  ends  the  question ;  Virginia  will  at  once 
secede."  He  went  immediately  to  Richmond,  where  the  con 
vention  was  in  session,  and  a  letter  to  Mr.  Davis,  written  from 

*This  proclamation  read:  '^Whereas,  the  laws  of  the  United  States 
have  been,  for  some  time  past,  and  now  are,  opposed  and  the  execution 
thereof  obstructed  in  the  States  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Missis 
sippi,  Louisiana,  and  Texas  by  combinations  too  powerful  to  be  suppressed 
by  the  ordinary  course  of  judicial  proceedings,  or  by  the  powers  vested 
in  the  marshals  by  law,  Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of 
the  United  States,  in  virtue  of  the  powers  vested  in  me  by  the  Constitution 
and  the  laws,  have  thought  fit  to  call  forth,  and  hereby  do  call  forth,  the 
militia  of  the  several  States  of  the  Union  to  the  aggregate  number  of 
75,000  in  order  to  suppress  said  combination,  and  to  cause  the  laws  to  be 
duly  executed." 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


that  city  on  April  I7th,  said :  "  I  came  here  last  night;  you  may 
rely  now  that  Virginia  will  secede  and  promptly.  Vessels  sunk 
last  night  in  the  harbor  at  Norfolk  to  cut  off  the  navy-yard, 
and  troops  ordered  there  to  sustain  the  movement.  Harper's 
Ferry  arsenal  to  be  seized  at  once.  You  shall  hear  as  things 
advance.  If  you  have  anything  to  reply,  telegraph  me  here." 

Within  a  few  hours  after  this  letter  was  written  the  con 
vention  had  passed  the  ordinance  of  secession,  had  sent  a 
dispatch  to  Montgomery  proposing  alliance  with  the  Confed 
erate  States,  and  had,  by  means  of  trusted  messengers,  sum 
moned  the  people  of  Frederick  and  the  adjoining  counties  to 
assemble  promptly  in  Winchester,  there  to  organize  and  pro 
ceed  to  take  possession  of  the  United  States  arsenal  and  armory 
at  Harper's  Ferry.  May  23d  was  appointed  as  the  day  when 
the  ordinance  of  secession  should  be  ratified  by  the  votes  of  the 
people ;  but  this  was  well  understood  to  be  merely  a  legal  form, 
so  unanimous  was  the  determination  of  all  parties  never  to  unite 
in  a  war  against  the  other  Southern  States,  and  all  necessary 
measures  of  self-defense  were  adopted  without  loss  of  time. 
Quickly  did  the  people  respond  to  this  sudden  call,  and  the 
quiet,  peaceful  town  of  Winchester  was  transformed,  as  by 
magic,  into  a  military  camp. 

It  is  true  the  people  of  all  the  Southern  States  were  in  a  con 
dition  of  anxious  expectation  and  were  prepared  for  any  exigency 
that  might  arise,  but  the  first  intimation  to  the  inhabitants  of 
Winchester,  of  the  action  of  the  convention  was  the  arrival,  soon 
after  dawn,  on  the  morning  of  April  i8th,  of  large  numbers  of 
men  from  the  adjacent  country,  men  of  all  sorts  and  conditions, 
rich  and  poor,  some  in  their  carriages,  some  on  horseback, 
some  in  wagons,  many  of  them  on  foot,  and  in  their  ordinary 
working-clothes,  for,  in  some  cases,  they  had  literally  left  their 
ploughs  standing  in  the  fields  and  had  joined  their  comrades, 
who  hailed  them  from  the  road  as  they  passed.  All  day  long 
they  continued  to  come,  until  the  population  was,  perhaps,  more 
than  doubled;  some  of  them  brought  the  shot-guns  ordinarily 
used  for  killing  birds,  squirrels,  etc.,  others  had  pocket-pistols, 
the  majority  were  without  arms  of  any  kind;  all  were,  however, 
hungry,  after  their  early,  and,  in  many  cases,  long  walk  or  ride, 
consequently,  the  hospitality  of  the  town  was  taxed  to  feed  the 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


unexpected  army.  It  is  needless  to  say  it  stood  the  test  as 
nobly  as  it  met  all  the  others  that  came  during  the  next  four 
years.  The  houses  were  all  thrown  open,  the  men  were  well 
fed,  and  those  who  remained  in  town  during  the  next  night,  were 
provided  with  comfortable  quarters  and  treated  as  if  they  had 
been  invited  guests.  This  is  not  only  true  of  those  citizens  who 
were  themselves  supplied  with  the  comforts  of  life,  but  it  applies 
equally  well  to  the  poor  people  of  the  town,  who  earned  their 
bread  by  the  sweat  of  their  brows,  and  includes  the  women, 
whose  scanty  support  was  dependent  upon  their  needles.  No 
sacrifice  was  deemed  too  great  when  required  to  repel  the  threat 
ened  invasion  by  the  armies  of  the  North. 

Prior  to  the  i8th  of  April,  1861,  there  was  one  train  daily 
from  Winchester  to  Harper's  Ferry,  which  train,  consisting  gen 
erally  of  one  passenger  car  with  baggage  car,  and  engine,  left 
Winchester  at  a  convenient  hour  in  the  morning,  made  the  jour 
ney  of  thirty  miles  in  time  to  make  connection  at  "  The  Ferry  " 
with  the  east-bound  train  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  road,  then 
waited  for  the  cars  from  Baltimore,  and  returned  to  Winchester 
in  the  afternoon.  When,  on  this  memorable  day,  the  sudden 
demand  was  made  for  the  transportation  of  troops,  several  hours 
were  required  to  have  a  sufficient  number  of  cars  brought  to 
Winchester,  and  this  interval  was  busily  employed  by  the  citi 
zens  of  the  town  in  feeding  the  men,  who  continued  to  come  in 
crowds  from  the  surrounding  country.  Words  fail  to  describe 
the  tension  of  feeling  when,  soon  after  midday,  a  long  and 
crowded  train  steamed  off,  carrying  the  sons,  brothers,  and  hus 
bands  from  almost  every  house  in  the  town,  and  the  people  real 
ized  that  war  had  begun. 

The  result  of  this  first  expedition  of  the  Virginia  militia 
is  told  in  the  following  reports  made  by  the  commanding  offi 
cers  of  both  the  Federal  and  the  Virginia  troops,  which  are 
copied  from  "  The  Official  Records  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  " : 

"  HEADQUARTERS  UNITED  STATES  ARMY, 

"  MOUNTED  RIFLES,  U.  S.  ARMY, 
"  HARPER'S  FERRY,  VA.,  April  18,  1861,  9  P.  M. 

"  To  the  Assistant  Adjutant-General,  Headquarters  U.  S.  Army, 
Washington,  D.  C. 
"SiR:     Up  to  the  present  time  no  assault  or  attempt  to 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


seize  the  Government  property  here  has  been  made,  but  there  is 
decided  evidence  that  the  subject  is  in  contemplation,  and  has 
been  all  day,  by  a  large  number  of  people  living  in  the  direction 
of  Charlestown  ;  and  at  sundown  this  evening  several  companies 
of  troops  had  assembled  at  Halltown,  about  three  or  four  miles 
from  here,  on  the  road  to  Charlestown,  with  the  intention  of 
seizing  the  Government  property,  and  the  last  report  is  that  the 
attack  will  be  made  to-night. 

"  Respectfully,  etc., 

"  R.  JONES, 
"  First  Lieutenant,  Mounted  Riflemen,  Commanding." 

And  later  to  General  Scott: 

"  CHAMBERSBURG,  April  19,  1861. 

"  Finding  my  position  untenable,  shortly  after  10  o'clock 
last  night,  I  destroyed  the  arsenal,  containing  15,000  stands  of 
arms,  and  burned  up  the  armory  building  proper,  and  under 
cover  of  night  withdrew  my  command  almost  in  the  presence  of 
twenty-five  hundred  or  three  thousand  troops.  This  was  accom 
plished  with  but  four  casualties.  I  believe  the  destruction  must 
have  been  complete.  I  will  await  orders  at  Carlisle. 

"  R.  JONES. 
"  To  General  Winfield  Scott." 

It  would  seem  from  the  report  of  Major-General  Kenton 
Harper  (commander  of  the  Virginia  militia),  that  the  destruction 
of  the  arsenal  and  armory  was  not  so  complete  as  Lieutenant 
Jones  supposed,  for,  on  April  2ist,  General  Harper  wrote  to 
General  William  H.  Richardson,  Adjutant-General,  at  Rich 
mond: 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  My  present  force  here  is  about  two  thousand. 
I  have  endeavored  to  get  up  a  consolidated  report  of  the 
strength  and  condition  of  my  command,  but  defer  it  on  account 
of  imperfectness  in  the  returns.  The  work  of  forwarding  to 
Winchester  uncompleted  arms  and  machinery  progresses  rap 
idly.  The  troops  assembled  without  ammunition  generally,  and, 
there  being  little  here,  I  have  had  to  send  abroad  for  it.  I 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


195 


expect,  from  news  just  received,  an  additional  force  to-morrow 
of  five  hundred  men.    If  needed,  I  could  have  thousands. 
"Very  respectfully,  etc., 

"  KENTON  HARPER, 

"  Major-General,  Commanding. 
"  Division  Headquarters,  Harper's  Ferry,  Va." 

Again  on  April  22d,  General  Harper  wrote  to  Governor 
Letcher :  "  My  object  has  been,  not  only  to  secure  all  the 
efficient  arms  here,  and  remove  the  machinery  in  such  manner 
as  that  it  may  be  readily  put  together  again,  as  well  as  all  the  un 
finished  guns,  but  to  have  an  inventory  made  of  the  public  prop 
erty,  so  that  the  officers  charged  with  the  details  may  be  held 
to  proper  account. 

"  From  the  information  I  have  of  the  condition  of  the  guns 
in  progress  of  manufacture,  there  are  components  to  fit  up 
readily  for  use  from  seven  to  ten  thousand  stand  of  arms,  ex 
clusive  of  those  rescued  uninjured  from  the  flames." 

Also  a  letter  from  Mr.  Stephens,  the  Vice-President  of 
the  Confederate  States : 

"  RICHMOND,  April  22d,  1861. 
"  To  President  Dams: 

"  Arrived  here  this  morning ;  shall  meet  convention  in  closed 
doors  to-morrow  at  i  o'clock.  Harper's  Ferry  in  our  hands. 
Arsenal  containing  16,000  arms  blown  up  by  the  U.  S.  forces, 
4,000  or  5,000  saved.  Best  guns;  all  machinery  of  value,  esti 
mated  at  $2,000,000,  saved.  Gosport  Navy  Yard  burned  and 
evacuated  by  the  enemy.  2,500  guns,  artillery  and  ordnance, 
saved,  and  3,000  barrels  of  powder;  also  large  supply  of  caps, 
and  shells  loaded,  with  the  Boarman  fuse  attached.  Yard  not 
so  much  injured  as  supposed.  Merrimac,  Germantown,  and 
Dolphin  sunk ;  Cumberland  escaped.  Only  portion  of  Massachu 
setts  regiment  reached  Washington;  16,000  troops  north  of 
Baltimore.  Governor  Hicks  with  United  States  (sic.).  General 
Stuart,  of  Maryland  asks  aid.  Governor  Letcher  has  ordered 
1,000  guns  at  Harper's  Ferry  to  be  sent  to  him.  The  South 
Carolina  regiment  will  come  here.  Governor  Letcher,  this 
morning,  issued  proclamation  ordering  5,000  infantry  and  rifles 
to  rendezvous  immediately  on  railroad.  Plenty  awaiting  a  com- 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


mander-in-chief.  Colonel  Robert  E.  Lee  is  expected  to-day,  and 
is  looked  to  as  the  commander.  All  the  navy  officers  of  Vir 
ginia  have  resigned  and  tendered  services  to  the  State.  Gov 
ernor  Letcher  got  a  card  on  Saturday,  sent  from  Gordonsville, 
purporting  to  be  from  Mr.  Benjamin,  saying  you  would  be  here 
on  Wednesday  ;  it  is,  of  course,  bogus. 

"  ALEX.  H.  STEPHENS." 

An  extract  from  the  proceedings  of  the  Advisory  Council  of 
Virginia  shows  that  :  "  It  being  considered  desirable  to  ascer 
tain  the  condition  of  affairs  and  the  state  of  public  feeling  in 
Maryland,  the  Governor  is  respectfully  advised  to  appoint  Colonel 
James  M.  Mason  a  commissioner  to  proceed  forthwith  to  that 
State,  and  communicate  to  the  Governor  such  information  as  he 
may  obtain." 

Such  a  commission  was  accordingly  sent  by  Governor 
Letcher  to  Mr.  Mason  on  April  21  st.  He  went,  at  once,  to  visit 
Frederick  City  and  other  places  in  Maryland,  and  returned  to 
Richmond  about  the  first  of  May,  "  spoke  encouragingly  of  the 
feeling  of  the  Legislature  and  the  probable  secession  of  the 
State." 

The  Provisional  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States  met,  in 
special  session,  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  on  April  29th.  Hav 
ing  been  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  at  the  time  of  the 
secession  of  Virginia,  Mr.  Mason  was  a  member  of  this  Pro 
visional  Congress  ;  but  it  would  seem  that  his  presence  in  Mont 
gomery  could  scarcely  have  been  of  the  value  it  must  have  been 
at  that  time  in  his  own  State  where  it  was  evident  that  an  im 
portant  battle  was  imminent.  He  did  not  take  his  seat  in  Con 
gress  during  this  session,  which  lasted  only  until  May  2ist,  when 
Congress  adjourned  to  meet  in  Richmond  on  July  2Oth. 

This  interval  was  spent  by  Mr.  Mason  partly  in  Richmond 
and  partly  in  Winchester,  constantly  in  consultation,  at  both 
places  with  the  civil  and  military  authorities.  Winchester  was, 
at  that  time,  a  place  of  rendezvous  for  the  troops  that  were  con 
stantly  arriving  from  the  Southern  States,  and  early  in  May, 
General  Joseph  E.  Johnston  took  command  of  the  forces  there 
assembled.  He  had  been,  in  his  youth,  on  terms  of  intimate 
friendship  with  Mr.  Mason's  youngest  brother,  Barlow  Mason, 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


and  had  been  a  frequent  visitor  at  *Analostan  Island ;  he  was, 
therefore,  greeted  with  special  warmth  at  Selma,  and  was  urged 
to  make  it  his  home  while  in  the  neighborhood.  Deeming  it 
necessary  to  remain  at  "  Headquarters  "  he  would  only  agree 
that  he  and  his  staff  would  breakfast  there  every  morning. 
General  Bee,  General  Bartow,  and  other  officers  of  the  army  then 
congregated  in  Winchester,  frequently  joined  the  party,  and 
thus  were  gathered  around  the  family  board  at  Selma,  men  whose 
names  soon  became  known  throughout  the  civilized  world,  and 
whose  memories  will  be  cherished  and  honored  by  all  future 
generations. 

That  army  was,  in  truth,  unlike  any  other  ever  known;  its 
existence  was  due  to  the  approach  of  an  invading  enemy;  its 
object  was  to  defend  their  rights  as  freemen,  and  to  protect  the 
sanctity  of  their  homes ;  in  it  the  sons  and  brothers  of  the  com 
manding  officers  were  found  in  the  ranks,  serving  as  privates, 
and  it  was  composed  chiefly  of  educated  gentlemen,  for  the 
young  men  at  college  had  all  left  their  books  to  stand  beside 
their  fathers  in  defense  of  their  mothers  and  sisters.  Was  it  not 
reasonable  such  a  cause  should  call  forth  the  best  men  of  the 
South?  Did  it  not  appeal  to  every  instinct  of  honor  among  men? 
Consequently,  much  of  the  best  blood  of  the  Confederacy  was 
poured  out  on  the  battlefield  of  Manassas  on  July  21  st,  1861. 
Among  the  many  whose  lives  were  there  sacrificed  was  Mr. 
Mason's  brother,  Barlow,  who  has  been  already  mentioned. 
Immediately  upon  the  secession  of  Virginia,  he  had  come  from 
his  plantation  in  Mississippi,  to  offer  his  sword  in  defense  of  his 
native  State.  Arriving  at  Selma  one  morning  in  June,  he  found 
his  old  friend  "  Joe  Johnston  "  at  the  breakfast  table,  surrounded 
by  his  staff,  and  before  the  meal  was  over,  it  was  arranged  that 
he  should  become  a  member  of  that  staff  and  serve  as  volunteer 
aide-de-camp.  In  this  capacity  he  went  into  that  memorable  first 
battle  of  Manassas  there  to  receive  the  wound  that  caused  his 
death  a  few  weeks  afterwards.  On  July  24th,  Mr.  Mason  took 
his  seat  in  the  Confederate  Congress,  then  in  session  in  Rich 
mond;  and  the  next  day,  he  joined  in  the  tributes  there  paid  to 
the  gallant  men  who  had  gained  so  great  a  victory  at  the  cost 
of  their  own  lives.  He  spoke  with  much  feeling,  as  well  he 
*The  summer  home  of  General  John  Mason. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


might,  of  Generals  Bee  and  Bartow,  with  whom  he  had  parted, 
only  a  few  days  before,  when  they  came  to  Selma  to  say  good 
bye,  at  the  last  moment,  before  riding  at  the  head  of  their 
respective  commands  from  Winchester  to  Manassas.  He  also 
paid  fitting  tributes  to  the  young  men,  some  of  them  mere  boys, 
from  Frederick  and  the  adjoining  counties,  who  had  fallen  in 
this  battle,  among  them  were  Peyton  Harrison,  Jr.,  David 
Barton  and  the  two  brothers,  Holmes  and  Tucker  Conrad,  all 
of  them  sons  of  friends  he  had  loved  from  his  own  youth ;  per 
haps  he  felt  the  more  deeply  from  the  fact  that  his  own  two 
brothers  had  gone  through  the  same  fight  unhurt.  His  term 
of  service  in  the  Confederate  Congress  was  very  short,  for  on 
August  29th,  he  was  appointed  by  the  President  to  be  "  Special 
Commissioner  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America,  near  the 
Government  of  Her  Majesty,  the  Queen  of  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland." 

It  was  thought  important  he  should  be  in  London  at  as 
early  a  day  as  possible,  so  he  lost  no  time  in  arranging  his 
affairs  for  his  absence ;  and  on  September  25th  reported  in  Rich 
mond  ready  to  sail.  In  taking  leave  of  his  family,  he  gave  them 
but  few  directions,  said  he  relied  confidently  upon  Mrs.  Mason's 
discretion  to  guide  her  and  her  daughters  in  any  emergency 
that  might  arise;  and  felt  fully  assured  they  would  be  well  and 
kindly  cared  for  by  his  friends  in  Richmond,  as  well  as  by  those 
in  Winchester.  He  expressed  the  wish  that  the  family  silver 
should  be  given  into  the  public  treasury,  to  be  melted  into  coin, 
if  there  should  ever  be  need  for  it ;  and  urged,  as  his  last  request, 
that  his  wife  and  daughters  would  never  allow  themselves  to  be 
within  the  enemies'  lines,  but  would  make  whatever  sacrifices 
might  be  required  to  enable  them  to  go,  if  necessary,  from  place 
to  place  until  they  reached  the  last  village  in  the  Confederacy. 
When  urged  to  take  with  him  one  of  his  daughters,  whose  com 
panionship,  and  whose  assistance  as  an  amanuensis  was  thought 
to  be  indispensable  to  his  comfort,  he  said  nothing  could  induce 
him  to  incur  for  his  wife  or  daughters  any  possible  risk  of 
capture.  "  Moreover,"  said  he,  "  the  boys  need  their  mother  near 
them  in  case  they  should  be  wounded,  and  turning  to  his  daugh 
ters  he  added,  "  You,  girls,  will  be  of  more  value  to  me  if  you  are 
with  your  mother  to  aid,  to  cheer  and  to  comfort  her,  than  you 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


could  possibly  be  in  any  other  way,  no  matter  how  great  a 
pleasure  your  presence  with  me  could  ever  prove."  For  his 
own  safety  he  had  no  fear,  nor  had  he  any  apprehensions  or 
doubts  as  to  the  triumphant  success  of  the  Confederate  Govern 
ment  in  establishing  and  maintaining  its  independence.  This 
confident  assurance  is  evinced  in  all  his  letters  and  dispatches. 
Extracts  from  them  tell  the  story  of  the  next  four  years. 

"  CHARLESTON,  S.  C.,  October  Qth,  1861. 

"  My  Very  Dear  Wife:  I  expect  to  dispatch  this  to-morrow 
as  my  last  missive  before  going.  The  hope  now  is  of  getting  off 
to-morrow  night  under  a  plan  of  increased  safety ;  the  Nashville 
is  abandoned  because  of  the  difficulty  of  getting  out,  arising 
from  the  draft  of  water  incident  to  her  size.  She  will  go,  how 
ever,  on  account  of  the  Government  and  take  the  risk,  probably 
to-night.  We  have,  by  authority  of  the  Government  chartered 
a  smaller,  but  very  safe  steamer,  called  the  Gordon,  to  take  us 
either  to  Nassau  (an  island  of  the  Bahamas  off  the  coast  of 
Florida),  or  to  Havana,  at  our  option.  There  is  no  risk  of  our 
being  seen  by  the  enemy  as  we  go  out,  as  we  can  run  close  to 
shore,  and  her  speed  is  our  security  at  sea.  She  can  reach 
Havana  in  seventy  hours,  and  then  we  go  by  the  regular  line  of 
British  steamers,  the  largest  class  of  packets.  I  think  thus, 
after  much  delay,  we  are  on  the  right  track ;  but  nothing  is  to  be 
said  of  all  this,  until  you  hear  that  we  are  off,  as  you  shall  do 
by  earliest  telegram. 

"FRIDAY,  nth  October. — There  has  intervened  the  usual 
delay  in  getting  a  steamer  ready,  but  now  writing  to  you  at 
5  o'clock  p.  m.,  we  are  assured  that  we  shall  be  off  to-night  as 
soon  as  the  moon  goes  down  at  midnight,  and  we  have  made 
all  preparations  accordingly.  Our  boat  is  a  strong  "  Line 
Steamer  "  well  known  in  these  waters  as  the  fastest  afloat,  and 
we  have  chartered  her,  by  authority  of  the  Government  at 
$10,000  to  place  us  in  Havana;  so  you  see  how  valuable  we  are 
considered.  Mr.  SlideU's  family  and  Mrs.  Eustis  accompany  us, 
still  I  am  satisfied  that  I  did  not  take  either  of  the  girls,  although, 
probably  no  real  risk,  I  could  not  dismiss  apprehensions.  Tres- 
cott  will  telegraph  you  of  our  safe  departure  through  the  State 
Department.  I  am  perfectly  well  and  leave  the  country  in  high 


200  LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


hope  and  buoyant.    Again,  my  dear  wife,  invoking  the  care  and 
blessing  of  Heaven  on  you  and  our  dear  children, 
"  I  am,  as  ever,  most  affectionately  yours, 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

"  AT  SEA,  OFF  THE  SOUTHERN  END  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  ABAGO. 
"(ONE  OF  THE  BAHAMAS),  October  I4th,  1861. 

"  Here  we  are,  my  dear  wife,  on  the  deep  blue  sea ;  clear  of 
all  the  Yankees.  We  ran  the  blockade  in  splendid  style  on 
Saturday  morning  at  i  a.  m. ;  a  dark,  rainy  night  such  as  the 
enemy  thought  no  sinner  would  be  abroad  in,  passed  within  sight 
of  the  lights  of  the  blockading  squadron,  but  I  presume  without 
being  observed  by  them,  as  we  made  no  noise  that  we  were 
aware  of;  we  had  a  light,  rapid  steamer  and  she  went  by  under 
press  of  steam.  So  it  was,  we  got  clear,  and  now,  having  run 
about  six  hundred  miles,  are  within  four  hours  of  Nassau  (island 
of  New  Providence,  Bahama),  a  British  possession,  which  will  be 
our  first  stopping  place ;  the  steamer  being  under  our  control  for 
the  voyage.  (You  will  see  the  Bahama  group  on  the  map  im 
mediately  off  the  coast  of  Florida.)  We  stop  at  Nassau  to  learn 
about  the  English  line  of  steamers,  and  where  we  had  better  join 
the  next'  packet ;  thence  to  Havana,  which  is  not  more  than 
twelve  hours'  run,  and  where  (stopping  a  few  hours  at  Nassau) 
we  expect  to  be  on  Wednesday,  the  i6th.  Could  we  have 
ordered  everything  it  could  not  have  been  more  propitious ; 
first,  in  the  dark,  rainy  night  to  get  out ;  and  since  in  the  finest, 
calmest  weather,  our  little  egg-shell  of  a  bark  delights  in.  The 
first  day  out  we  had  a  spirited  breeze,  since  then,  the  sea  has 
been  as  calm  and  smooth  as  a  lake,  and  yet  so  continues.  The 
long  heavy  swell,  however,  which  belongs  to  old  ocean,  made 
everybody  on  board  sick,  even  including  Slidell,  but  myself. 
I  have  never  felt  the  slightest  qualm,  but  had  a  good  appetite  and 
a  clear  head  all  the  time.  We  have  with  us  Mrs.  Slidell  and  three 
daughters  and  son,  aged  fifteen,  and  Mrs.  Eustis.  The  ladies  did 
not  appear  for  twenty-four  hours  and  hardly  yet  have  their  feet 
under  them.  The  sun  is  rather  hot  in  these  latitudes,  but  even 
in  the  absence  of  a  breeze,  the  rapid  motion  of  the  boat  gives  us 
a  fine  and  cool  air. 

"  We  shall  take  the  first  English  steamer  we  can  find  for 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON.  2OI 


England,  but  we  may  have  to  wait  for  some  days  in  Cuba  for  her 
departure.  Should  this  detention  occur,  we  shall  go  out  into  the 
country  to  avoid  risk  of  sickness  in  Havana,  although,  it  is  said 
that  at  this  season  the  place  is  healthy.  But  having  run  the 
blockade  successfully  everything  else  is  plain  sailing,  because 
under  any  foreign  flag  we  are  safe  from  molestation.  Mr.  Tres- 
cott  promised  to  send  you  a  telegram  through  the  Department 
of  State,  and  to  write  you  by  mail  of  Sunday  if  we  got  safely  out, 
so  that  I  am  flattering  myself  you  and  our  dear  circle  have  heard, 
long  ere  this  of  our  success.  You  must  tell  me  in  your  next 
letter  when  you  heard  of  our  departure  and  what?  I  am  curious 
to  know  how  far  those  we  left  on  shore  could  judge  of  our 
safety ;  we  had  no  one  to  send  back.  I  write  this  to  keep  you 
au-courant  of  our  movements  across  the  ocean,  and  I  shall  finish 
it  at  Havana  to  go  back  by  the  steamer,  lately  the  Gordon, 
now,  the  Theodora.  To  confuse  the  enemy,  they  change  names 
here  with  little  scruple. 

"  WEDNESDAY,  October  i6th,  off  the  coast  of  Cuba. 

"  We  stopped  at  Nassau  on  Monday  afternoon  and  found 
no  steamer  running  thence  except  to  New  York ;  made  the  coast 
of  Cuba  at  10  a.  m.  this  morning,  and  soon  fell  in  with  a  small 
Spanish  steamer  of  war,  whom  we  boarded  and  there  learned 
that  we  were  just  too  late  for  the  English  steamer,  and  should 
have  to  wait  there  three  weeks. 

"  We  shall  land  at  a  small  town,  called  Cardenas,  about  one 
hundred  miles  down  the  coast  from  Havana,  and  to  avoid  risk 
of  fever  shall  go  into  the  high  and  cool  lands.  At  any  rate,  we 
are  safe  from  the  Yankees  and  henceforth  under  a  foreign  flag. 
I  have  pencilled  this  to  go  back  by  the  Theodora,  the  nom  de 
guerre  of  the  Gordon.  It  will  assure  you  and  our  dear  children 
of  my  safety  and  will  bear  to  you  the  love  and  affection  of,  my 
dear  wife,  Yours  ever, 

"  T.  M.  MASON." 

"CARDENAS,  CUBA.,  October  i8th,  1861. 
"  My  Dear  Wife:    Landed  safely  at  last,  and  have  the  Yan 
kees  at  defiance.    We  got  here  the  day  before  yesterday,  escorted 
in  from  sea  by  a  Spanish  man-of-war  we  found  cruising  off  the 


202  LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 

coast,  and  who,  finding-  who  we  were  (we  sent  aboard  to  him), 
offered  that  grateful  courtesy.  I  wrote  you  of  my  voyage  fully 
from  sea,  and  left  it  on  board  the  ship.  I  shall  send  this  to  meet 
her  at  Havana,  whither  she  proceeded  after  landing  us.  We 
have  been  received  here  with  great  kindness  and  hospitality. 
The  local  Governor  and  the  principal  men  of  the  city  have  called 
on  us,  and  tendered  us  every  civility.  We  had  determined  to 
go  to  Havana  (one  hundred  miles  off)  at  once,  but  a  Mr. 
Cazanova,  who  married  a  Virginia  girl,  hearing  by  dispatch  to 
him  by  telegraph,  on  his  plantation,  of  our  arrival,  hastened  to 
town,  and  has,  in  the  kindest  and  most  urgent  manner,  insisted 
upon  the  whole  party  (some  fifteen  in  number),  becoming  his 
guests  during  our  stay  on  the  island,  and  to  carry  it  out  engaged 
a  special  train  of  cars  to  carry  us  within  two  miles  of  his  house. 
A  plain  unassuming  gentleman,  who  has  spent  much  time  in  the 
United  States.  We  accept,  of  course,  and  I  think  I  shall  remain 
there  two  or  three  days  and  then  go  to  Havana  or  rather  to 
some  healthy  place  in  its  vicinity.  The  weather  here  is  rather 
warm,  the  thermometer  ranging  from  96°  to  98°,  and  mosquitoes 
ad  libitum,  but  I  was  never  in  better  health,  and  it  is  said,  the 
island  is  free  from  fever.  We  shall  have  full  time  for  recon- 
noissance,  as  the  British  steamer,  only  making  monthly  trips, 
does  not  leave  here  until  the  9th  of  November.  Everything,  as 
you  may  suppose,  is  new,  or  rather  strange,  and  to  our  eyes 
outre,  but  the  people  know  our  mission  and  accost  us  kindly  and 
without  ceremony  on  the  street,  wishing  us  every  success  in  our 
struggle  at  home  and  a  safe  voyage.  If  a  chance  offers  to  a 
Southern  port,  I  will  write  again  before  we  sail. 
"  Best  love  to  all  our  dear  circle. 

"  Yours,  my  dear  wife,  always, 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

"  HAVANA,  October  29th,  1861. 

"  My  Dear  Wife:  I  have  a  chance  to  write  to  you  and  to 
the  dear  circle  at  home,  by  a  small  vessel  to  sail  to-day,  and  it 
is  thought  will  get  into  some  port  in  the  Confederate  States. 
Still  at  Havana,  and  although  everything  is  new,  yet  the  in 
tolerable  heat  forbids  any  enjoyment  of  it;  the  thermometer  in 
the  day  98°  and  100°,  but  the  nights  endurable;  to  walk  a  few 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


hundred  yards  disables  you  for  the  day ;  but  there  is  little  temp 
tation  to  walk,  the  streets  are  so  narrow ;  and  the  sidewalks 
don't  allow  two  persons  to  pass ;  narrow  balconies  over  the 
streets  are  so  near  that  persons  in  opposite  houses  can  converse 
without  raising  the  voice.  We  have  been  received  here  with 
marked  attention  by  the  inhabitants,  all  of  whose  sympathies  are 
with  the  Confederate  States,  from  the  Captain-General  down. 
As  an  evidence,  the  ladies  of  Havana  got  up  a  large  silk  Con 
federate  flag  and  presented  it  to  the  ship  that  brought  us  here, 
and  under  which,  floating  from  the  masthead,  she  sailed  out  of 
the  harbor  on  her  way  home;  we,  of  course,  have  not  heard  of 
her  since,  but  our  prayers  for  her  safety  went  with  her.  The 
name,  you  will  recollect,  is  the  Theodora;  look  for  her  arrival. 
As  I  wrote  you  from  Cardenas,  we  went  thence  to  the  plantation 
of  Mr.  Cazanova,  a  very  large  sugar  estate,  where  we  were  most 
sumptuously  entertained  from  Saturday  until  Tuesday — then 
came  here.  The  Cazanovas  are  people  of  great  wealth,  and, 
from  our  experience,  of  profuse  hospitality ;  the  estate,  we  were 
told,  yields  two  thousand  hogsheads  of  sugar,  and  he  has  two 
coffee  plantations  adjoining,  besides  other  estates  in  the  island; 
carriages,  horses,  and  negroes  without  stint.  There  are  many 
planters  here  of  inordinate  wealth ;  saw  on  the  estate  twenty  or 
thirty  negroes  just  from  Africa  and  plenty  of  Coolies  (Chinese) 
as  much  slaves  as  the  Africans.  The  gay  season  in  Havana  is 
just  beginning,  and  we  are  invited  to  balls  innumerable;  the 
Slidells  don't  go  because  they  are  in  mourning,  and  I  declined  on 
many  pretexts,  the  true  cause,  the  heat.  We  called,  of  course, 
on  the  Captain-General,  by  appointment.  He  returned  the  call 
by  a  card.  He  begged  we  would  command  him  for  anything  we 
desired.  The  fruit  here  is  certainly  exquisite;  on  the  plantation 
especially,  we  enjoyed  it.  The  usage  is,  in  the  morning  about 
seven,  a  cup  of  coffee,  and  after  that  oranges;  breakfast  a  Id 
fourchette  at  10  o'clock,  stews,  haricots,  fish,  etc.,  etc.,  and  claret ; 
at  i  o'clock  lunch  of  fruit  all  pulled  fresh  from  the  trees,  pine 
apples  in  perfection,  oranges  of  every  shape  and  flavor,  and 
delicious  bananas,  guavas,  yuccas,  and  a  long  catalogue  of 
others,  the  beverage  cocoanut  water,  from  the  cocoanut  fruit; 
dinner  at  five,  and  very  recherche;  and  a  dozen  servants.  We  are 
to  sail  from  here  on  the  6th  of  November,  to  meet  the  English 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


steamer  at  St.  Thomas,  an  island  of  the  British  West  Indies, 
some  eight  hundred  miles  off,  and  shall  reach  London  about 
the  28th.  I  wrote  a  few  days  since,  to  your  sister  Anne  by  a 
steamer  sailing  for  New  York,  and  after  I  get  to  London,  and 
have  an  address,  will  write  to  Henry  about  our  affairs.  Then 
too,  my  dear  wife,  I  shall  hope  to  have  some  accounts  from 
home,  for  which,  Heaven  knows  how  much  I  long. 

"  God  bless  and  preserve  you  all  is  the  prayer  of  yours, 
my  dear  wife,  ever, 

"  T.  M.  MASON/' 

"  UNITED  STATES  SHIP  SAN  JACINTO, 

"  Off  the  Capes  of  Virginia,  Nov.  15,  1861. 

"  My  Very  Dear  Wife:  The  date  of  this  will  show  you  that 
we  have  been  captured  and  are  on  the  way  to  New  York ;  the  ship 
will  put  into  Hampton  Roads  for  coal.  Captain  Wilkes  has  been 
good  enough  to  say  that  he  will  give  this  to  the  officers  at  Fort 
Monroe  to  take  the  chances  of  being  sent  to  Norfolk  by  any  flag 
of  truce  that  may  offer.  We  left  Havana  on  the  7th  inst.  on 
board  a  British  mail  steamer  bound  for  England,  and  on  the 
next  day,  this  ship  fell  in  with  us  at  sea,  and  Captain  Wilkes, 
the  commander,  it  seems,  felt  himself  authorized  to  demand  us 
from  the  English  captain,  and  here  we  are.  As  to  all  questions 
arising  from  the  circumstances  attending  our  capture,  it  would 
not  become  me  to  discuss  them  here,  as  my  letter  will,  of  course 
pass  under  inspection.  Mr.  Eustis,  Slidell,  Macfarland  and  my 
self  were  taken,  the  ladies  proceeded  on  the  voyage  to  England. 
Of  course,  there  will  be  all  sorts  of  conjecture  in  the  newspapers 
concerning  our  capture  and  its  consequences,  but  I  have  only  to 
say,  my  dear  wife,  that  you  should  not  permit  your  mind  to  be 
affected  by  them,  and  draw  no  other  inference  from  my  silence 
concerning  them  except  that  I,  of  necessity,  write  under  re 
straint. 

"  In  the  meantime  I  assure  you  and  our  dear  ones  at  home 
that  I  was  never  in  better  health  in  my  life,  and  in  no  manner 
depressed,  as  I  beg  you  will  not  be.  We  have  been  treated  with 
every  possible  courtesy  by  Captain  Wilkes  and  his  officers,  and 
are  guests  in  the  cabin.  I  suppose  we  shall  get  to  New  York 
on  Sunday  or  Monday  next,  the  I7th  or  i8th,  and  in  due  time 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


presume  the  papers  will  tell  what  disposition  is  made  of  us. 
I  do  not  know  whether  I  can  write  to  you,  but,  if  allowed,  will  do 
so,  and  may  have  it  in  my  power  to  tell  you  through  what  chan 
nel  you  can  write.  Macfarland  will  attend  to  your  affairs,  and 
have  no  care  about  mine,  which  are  ample.  I  have  one  great 
consolation  always  present  that  while  I  am  deprived  of  the  power 
of  watching  over  and  advising  you,  I  feel  entire  reliance  upon  the 
efficiency  and  excellence  of  our  children  and  the  kind  friends 
around  you.  Should  you  find  the  means  of  writing  to  me  let  me 
have  full  details  of  domestic,  but  nothing  of  public  affairs.  I  can 
only  add,  my  dear  wife,  my  prayers  for  your  safety  and  that  of 
our  loved  ones  at  home. 

"  Yours  most  affectionately, 

"J.  M.  MASON. 
"  My  love  to  Anna,  Kate,  and  all  our  circle  and  friends." 

"  FORT  WARREN,  29th  November,  1861. 

"My  Very  Dear  Wife:  An  officer  returning  South  on 
parole  enables  me  to  write  you  more  at  length.  Your  first 
anxiety,  I  know,  is  for  my  health  and  comfort;  you  and  our 
dear  children  may  be  assured  of  both. 

"  We  four  have  two  rooms  and  a  closet  attached,  good  beds ; 
and  are  allowed  to  get  from  Boston  anything  we  want,  and  also 
have  a  good  servant.  We  mess  with  the  Maryland  prisoners 
and  officers  of  the  army  and  navy  confined  here;  and  I  have 
never  met  a  finer  body  of  gentlemen.  Our  table  is  superintended 
by  a  committee  of  the  mess;  and  besides,  supplies  ad  libitum 
and  daily  from  Boston,  everything  that  is  good  and  homelike 
comes  to  us  from  Baltimore,  fine  hams  by  the  dozen,  turkeys,  sad 
dles  of  mutton,  and  canvasbacks.  Indeed  we  have  a  better  daily 
table  than  any  hotel  affords ;  and  whatever  wine  or  other  luxuries 
we  choose.  We  are  at  entire  liberty  in  the  building,  which  is 
very  large,  no  espionage,  and  allowed  to  walk  at  pleasure  within 
ample  limits  in  the  enclosure.  Colonel  Dimmick,  who  com 
mands,  and  the  officers  under  him  always  courteous  and  kind.  I 
have  supplied  myself  from  Boston  abundantly  with  warm  cloth 
ing  and  have,  therefore,  really  nothing  to  complain  of  personally 
but  the  loss  of  liberty.  We  have  a  daily  boat  from  Boston,  seven 
miles  off,  which  brings  us  all  the  newspapers  and  frequent  letters 


2o6  LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


from  as  far  south  as  Maryland.  My  anxieties  now  are  for  the 
dear  ones  at  home.  In  late  letters  I  told  you  how  to  write  to  me, 
enclosing  your  letter  open  to  General  Benjamin  Huger,  Norfolk. 
Not  a  word  have  I  had  since  yours  to  me  at  Charleston,  of  3Oth 
September.  I  have  had  kind  notes  and  offers  of  any  personal 
service  from  friends  in  Boston;  and  strangers  in  the  States 
around  send  frequent  supplies  of  turkeys  and  poultry  to  the 
prisoners.  It  is  pretty  hard,  to  be  sure,  to  be  seized  and  shut  up, 
but  beyond  that  nothing  oppressive  has  been  shown.  In  my 
last  letter,  I  sent  you  some  postage  stamps  of  the  United  States 
to  be  put  on  your  letters,  send  me  a  few  of  the  Confederate  States 
to  be  used  on  mine.  Tell  me  of  Kate  and  her  children  and 
whether  Dorsey  has  heard  anything  of  his  concerns  at  home ;  and 
where  my  boys  are?  and  what  you  hear  of  *George?  My  best 
regards  to  our  kind  friends  at  home. 

"  Of  course,  I  can  say  nothing  beyond  personal  matters. 

"  Always  hope  for  the  best  and  pay  no  regard  to  the  specu 
lations  and  tracassories  of  the  Northern  press.  Commending 
you  and  our  dear  ones,  each  by  name,  to  the  kind  care  of  Him 
who  watches  over  all, 

"  I  am,  my  dear  wife,  ever  yours, 

"J.  M.  M." 

"  FORT  WARREN,  3d  December,  1861. 

"My  Very  Dear  Wife:  Your  letter  of  the  2ist  November, 
with  those  of  our  dear  children,  came  to  me  two  days  ago ;  never 
were  tidings  from  home  more  welcome.  They  not  only  assure  me 
of  your  safety  and  welfare,  but  were  all  in  the  right  spirit  for  the 
times.  Before  this,  I  hope,  you  will  have  received  my  two  letters 
from  here,  and  had  your  anxieties  removed  concerning  what 
might  pertain  to  my  health  and  comfort. 

"  Indeed  I  have  nothing  but  the  detention  of  my  person  to 
complain  of;  no  privilege  consistent  with  that  is  refused.  That, 
to  be  sure,  comprises  a  great  deal  to  one  who  never  before, 
since  manhood,  was  under  restraint.  Indeed  you  might  look 
the  world  over,  and  you  would  find  nowhere,  in  the  same  space, 
a  finer  body  of  gentlemen  assembled,  and  we  are  allowed  free 
intercourse.  Besides  army  and  navy  officers,  we  have  here,  I 
*His  son  in  Texas. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


think,  twenty-three  members  of  the  Maryland  Legislature,  the 
Mayor  of  Baltimore,  and  the  Police  Commissioners  of  that  city, 
of  whom  your  cousin  Charles  Howard  is  one,  and  with  him, 
his  son  F.  Key  Howard ;  so  have  no  concern  about  my  health  or 
want  of  society.  We  have  all  the  newspapers  daily,  and  any 
books  we  want  are  tendered  us  from  Boston. 

"  I  must  close ;  there  is  a  rule  about  the  length  of  letters 
which  I  may  have  already  transcended.  Tell  the  girls  they  must 
consider  my  letters  equally  addressed  to  them,  including  M., 
with  thanks  for  her  kind  and  affectionate  note.  My  best  regards 
to  our  kind  friends  in  Winchester. 

"  Ever,  my  dear  wife,  yours, 

"  J.  M.  M. 

"  In  my  late  letters  I  endorsed  my  name  as  prisoner,  etc.,  on 
the  envelope,  it  was  to  substitute  a  postage  stamp  in  Virginia; 
send  me  some.  Don't  think  of  joining  me;  even  were  it  possible 
to  get  here,  you  would  hardly  be  allowed  to  see  me,  certainly 
not  to  remain  with  me." 

"  FORT  WARREN,  I2th  December,  1861. 

"  I  was  gratified  yesterday,  my  dear  wife,  by  the  receipt  of 
yours  of  the  2d  inst.  with  one  from  Johnny.  Tell  him,  with  my 
best  love,  that  I  congratulate  him  upon  the  good  fortune  he 
so  richly  has  merited.  I  have  little  to  tell  you  of  the  short  and 
simple  annals  of  our  prison  house,  except  that  we  are  allowed  to 
make  ourselves  very  comfortable  indoors,  and,  so  far,  the 
weather  has  not  been  inclement  outside.  We  have  ample  space 
for  walking  and,  as  I  have  told  you,  a  most  agreeable  set  of 
gentlemen,  our  fellow-sojourners. 

"  Mr.  Falkner  has  been  allowed  to  go  to  Virginia  on  parole ; 
he  has  promised  to  see  you  at  Selma  and  tell  you  of  my  sur 
roundings. 

"  Can't  you  be  a  little  more  explicit  about  home  matters? 
Do  you  get  gas  and  coal?  and  if  not  have  you  good  supplies  of 
wood?  and  what  substitute  for  gas?  I  get  frequent  notes  from 
Teko,  there  being  no  interdict  to  the  mail  in  the  U.  S.  and  the 
surveillance  of  no  moment  in  her  letters.  You  must  give  my 
best  regards  to  each  one  of  the  servants  and  tell  them  how  much 
gratified  I  am  by  your  accounts  of  them,  particularly  to  William, 


20S  LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


for  his  offer  to  join  me  here.  We  have  here  all  the  troops  taken 
at  Hatteras,  N.  C.,  and  amongst  them  many  whom  we  employ, 
for  a  perquisite,  as  attendants.  The  one  with  our  party  is  very 
attentive  and  valuable.  Send  me  extracts  from  Jemmy's  letters 
so  far  as  to  show  his  spirit  and  temper,  nothing  farther.  My 
best  love  to  our  dear  daughters,  each  and  every  one.  Let  one, 
at  least  of  them  write  whenever  you  do  and  this  should  be,  at 
least,  once  a  week;  I  do  not  suppose  such  frequency  would  be 
objected  to. 

"  Ever,  my  dear  wife,  yours, 

"J.  M.  M. 

"  Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  received  dear  V.'s  and  L/s 
letters  of  the  2ist  November,  sent  through  Mr.  Dallas,  but  not 
a  line  from  him.  Thank  V.  and  L.  with  my  love." 

The  next  letter  announces  his  release  from  prison,  for  which 
happy  event  he  was  indebted  to  the  interference  of  the  English 
Government. 

"  FORT  WARREN,  January  ist,  1862. 

"My  Dear  Wife:  Time  before  leaving  the  Fort  for  but  a 
line.  We  are  just  going  on  board  a  steamer,  to  be  placed,  at 
sea,  on  board  a  British  steamer  for  England.  I  am  in  perfect 
health  and  buoyant — will  write  by  first  chance — as  you  all  must. 

"  God  bless  you  all. 

"  J.  M.  M." 

This  capture  of  the  Commissioners,  or  as  the  incident  is 
commonly  known,  the  "  Trent  Affair,"  attracted,  at  the  time, 
world-wide  attention  and  interest,  because  it  involved  important 
questions  of  international  law,  the  persons  captured  having 
been  as  much  under  the  protection  of  the  English  flag  while 
passengers  on  board  an  English  mail  steamer  as  they  would  have 
been  in  the  streets  of  London.  Consequently,  the  arrest  was 
considered  in  England  to  be  an  insult  to  the  English  Govern 
ment,  and  as  soon  as  the  "  Trent "  reached  England  and  re 
ported  the  affair  to  the  Government,  a  special  dispatch  was 
sent,  by  the  sloop-of-war  "  Rinaldo,"  to  the  British  Minister  at 
Washington  (Lord  Lyons),  instructing  him  to  demand  that  the 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 

four  gentlemen,  thus  taken  prisoners,  should  be  immediately 
released  and  placed  again  under  British  protection. 

The  scope  of  this  narrative  does  not  admit  of  any  descrip 
tion  of  the  excitement  caused,  by  this  incident,  in  both  the 
United  States  and  England. 

Mr.  Mason  left,  among  his  private  papers,  a  detailed  account 
of  his  experience  from  the  time  of  his  departure  from  Charleston 
to  his  arrival  in  London.  It  has  never  before  been  published, 
and  is  now  carefully  copied  from  the  original  paper: 

"  In  September,  1861,  pursuant  to  authority  of  a  law  of  the 
Confederate  States  of  America,  I  was  appointed  by  the  Presi 
dent  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  as  Special  Com 
missioner  to  the  Government  of  England. 

"  John  Slidell,  Esq.,  of  Louisiana,  was  at  the  same  time,  and 
in  like  manner,  appointed  Special  Commissioner  to  France.  The 
Commissioners  were  invested  with  the  usual  diplomatic  powers 
of  Ministers  Plenipotentiary.  At  that  time  the  ports  of  the  Con 
federate  States  were  under  close  blockade  by  the  enemy.  In 
order  to  facilitate  their  getting  out  of  the  country,  the  Govern 
ment  purchased  at  Charleston  in  South  Carolina  a  fast  steamer, 
which  had  theretofore  run  between  that  port  and  New  York  as 
a  mail  packet,  called  the  '  Nashville/  and  put  her  in  command 
of  Captain  Pegram  of  the  navy,  with  a  naval  crew.  She  was 
unarmed,  the  object  being,  as  far  as  practicable,  to  ensure  speed. 

"  Mr.  Slidell  and  I  met  at  Richmond  on  the  24th  of  Septem 
ber  in  that  year  (1861),  and,  after  receiving  our  respective  in 
structions,  proceeded  to  Charleston  to  embark,  where  we  arrived 
on  the  2d  of  October.  Mr.  Slidell  was  here  joined  by  his  family, 
consisting  of  Mrs.  Slidell,  two  daughters,  and  son,  a  boy  of 
twelve  or  thirteen  years  of  age,  and  also  by  George  Eustis,  Esq., 
of  Louisiana,  who,  with  Mrs.  Eustis,  was  to  accompany  him  as 
Secretary  of  Legation.  James  E.  Macfarland,  Esq.,  of  Virginia, 
accompanied  me  as  Secretary  of  Legation  to  England.  After 
much  consultation  with  the  naval  officers  and  others  best 
acquainted  with  the  harbour  of  Charleston,  we  determined  that 
the  '  Nashville,'  from  her  draught,  made  our  safe  passage  of  the 
bar,  except  under  the  most  favourable  concurrence  of  wind  and 
tide,  very  uncertain.  The  harbour  was  at  that  time  blockaded 
by  three  steamers,  a  frigate  and  sloop  of  war,  all  in  full  sight 


2IO  LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 

from  the  city,  and  some  six  or  seven  miles  distant.  Under  these 
circumstances,  as  the  Government  had  a  great  object  in  getting 
the  Commissioners  successfully  off,  Mr.  Slidell  and  I  advised 
that,  in  lieu  of  the  '  Nashville,'  we  should  be  allowed  to  charter 
the  steamer  '  Gordon/  a  small  river  boat  of  unusual  speed,  to 
take  us  to  one  of  the  West  Indian  Islands,  where  we  could  meet 
the  West  Indian  mail  steamer  for  England.  This  was  acceded 
to  by  the  Government,  and  the  '  Gordon  '  was  chartered  accord 
ingly  to  take  us  with  our  suites  to  Nassau,  and  if  required  to 
Havana,  at  the  price  of  $10,000,  the  Government  guaranteeing 
her  at  the  value  of  $60,000  out  and  back.  She  drew  but  seven 
feet  of  water,  was  in  all  respects  well  found,  and  we  were  satis 
fied  that  the  contract  was  fair  and  reasonable.  The  arrangement 
thus  made,  everything  was  hastened  for  our  departure,  and  very 
soon  the  ship  was  reported  ready.  We  embarked  on  the  night 
of  the  1 2th  of  October;  it  had  been  a  clear  and  bright  day, 
the  moon,  which  shone  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  night,  would 
disappear  below  the  horizon  at  midnight.  We  were  all  on  board, 
attended  by  a  large  party  of  friends ;  the  sky  during  the  night 
had  become  overcast  with  clouds ;  at  12  o'clock  precisely  the 
order  was  given  to  cast  loose  from  the  moorings,  friends  ex 
changed  a  hasty,  and  anxious  farewell,  with  many  an  earnest 
wish  for  a  prosperous  voyage,  and  we  were  off.  The  absence  of 
the  moon  and  the  presence  of  the  clouds  made  it  very  dark,  and 
to  add  to  our  good  fortune,  it  began  to  rain,  an  accessary  we 
had  not  counted  on  to  facilitate  our  escape.  The  name  of  the 
steamer,  I  should  have  said,  had  been  changed  after  the  charter 
from  the  '  Gordon  '  to  the  '  Theodora,'  a  practice  much  resorted 
to  by  those  who  run  the  blockade  to  puzzle  any  curious  enquirer. 
The  steamer  proceeded  at  a  moderate  rate,  keeping  Fort  Sumter 
between  her  and  the  enemy,  for  the  first  three  miles,  and  during 
this  time  every  arrangement  was  made  to  preserve  perfect  still 
ness  and  quiet ;  all  lights  were  carefully  extinguished :  we  were 
seated  on  the  deck,  malgre  the  rain,  and  before  passing  Fort 
Sumter  even  our  cigars  were  relinquished. 

"  Our  speed  had  gradually  increased  as  we  advanced,  and 
after  passing  the  Fort  the  little  '  Theodora '  was  put  to  her 
utmost  power.  Although  it  continued  to  rain  hard,  there  was 
little  or  no  wind.  The  lights  on  board  the  blockading  ships 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY    MA80N.  2II 

came  presently  more  and  more  distinctly  before  us,  at  first  in 
front,  then  abreast,  and  then  astern.  We  had  passed  the  block 
ading  squadron,  and  manifestly  without  being  observed  or  heard. 
Captain  Lockwood,  commanding  the  Theodora,  and  the  pilots, 
said  that  we  had  passed  within  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  nearest 
ship,  being  enabled  to  hug  the  shore  by  reason  of  our  light 
draught.  It  was  a  moment  of  intense  excitement  and  anxiety, 
though  comparatively  but  a  moment.  In  less  than  an  hour  after 
we  had  passed  Fort  Sumter  we  were  far  beyond  the  reach  of  the 
blockaders,  and  had  retired  comfortably  and  confidently  to  our 
berths,  nor  did  we  hear  anything  more  of  the  enemy  from  that 
quarter.  Our  plan  being  to  intercept  the  British  West  Indian 
mail  at  the  nearest  island  where  it  touched,  we  steered  direct  for 
Nassau  and  arrived  off  the  port  on  the  afternoon  of  the  I4th. 
Communicating  with  the  shore,  we  learned  that  the  mail 
steamers  did  not  touch  at  that  island,  nor  could  we  reach  them 
at  a  point  nearer  than  Havana.  Thus  without  landing,  and  after 
but  short  delay,  we  proceeded  on  our  voyage  across  the  Bahama 
banks  to  Cardenas,  the  nearest  port  in  the  Island  of  Cuba.  Pass 
ing  over  the  Bahama  banks,  we  sailed  for  some  eighty  miles, 
with  no  land  in  sight,  and  with  the  water  ranging  from  only  seven 
to  eight  or  nine  feet  deep;  and  this  phenomenon  was  the  more 
striking,  because  the  coral  bottom  of  uniform  white  made  the 
water  appear  of  unusual  transparency,  and  of  less  than  its  real 
depth — thus  we  had  for  a  long  distance  a  full  view  of  the  bottom 
of  the  sea.  At  daylight  on  the  morning  of  the  i6th,  we  had  the 
coast  of  Cuba  in  view,  distance  some  eight  or  ten  miles,  and  in 
view  also,  a  steamer  about  midway  between  us  and  the  coast, 
steering  west  along  the  coast,  and  distance  some  four  or  five 
miles.  She  was  soon  made  out  to  be  a  ship  of  war,  and  under  the 
Spanish  flag — each  vessel  continuing  on  its  course,  she  would 
soon  have  left  us,  but  in  a  very  short  time  the  stranger  put  about 
and  made  directly  to  intercept  us.  This  was  the  first  steamer  we 
had  seen  since  we  left  Charleston,  nor  indeed  had  we  met  with  any 
sail,  except  an  occasional  little  schooner.  A  hurried  consultation 
was  held  whether  we  should  change  our  course,  or  wait  his  com 
ing  nearer,  but  the  nautical  men  on  board  were  so  confident  from 
his  build,  and  other  evidences,  that  he  was  bona-fide  a  Spaniard 
that  we  boldly  diverged  from  our  course  to  meet  him  and  ran  up 


2I2  LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


the  Confederate  flag.  When  the  two  ships  were  in  less  than  a 
mile  of  each  other,  the  stranger  again  altered  his  course  west- 
wardly.  On  this  indication  our  flag  was  dipped,  a  salutation  that 
was  immediately  returned,  when  we  made  a  signal  that  we 
desired  to  speak  him.  The  two  ships  then  approached  each 
other  slowly,  shutting  off  steam,  when  about  a  hundred  yards 
apart.  Mr.  Slidell,  who  spoke  the  Spanish  language,  accom 
panied  by  Mr.  Eustis,  then  went  aboard. 

:i  They  returned  in  a  short  time  and  reported  that  it  was  a 
small  Spanish  war  steamer  cruising  as  a  '  Guarda  Costa,'  com 
manded  by  a  young  officer  who  had  the  manner  and  deportment 
of  an  urbane  and  accomplished  gentleman ;  that  the  Spanish 
captain  reported  that  so  far  as  he  knew  there  was  no  Federal 
cruiser  off  the  island.  Mr.  Slidell  told  him  who  we  were,  our 
mission  and  that  we  were  bound  for  Cardenas  as  the  nearest 
port  in  Cuba,  but  that,  if  he,  the  Spaniard,  was  bound  for 
Havana,  then  some  hundred  miles  distant,  and  would  give  us 
convoy  we  would  go  on  to  that  port.  The  officer  very  courte 
ously  expressed  his  regret  that  his  orders  would  not  carry  him 
so  far  down  the  coast,  but  that  he  would,  with  great  pleasure, 
accompany  and  give  us  safe  convoy  to  Cardenas ;  an  offer  that 
Mr.  Slidell  accepted,  and  the  '  Guarda  Costa '  accordingly 
passed  ahead  and  we  followed  in  his  wake,  without  further 
incident  to  Cardenas. 

"  We  anchored  off  the  town  of  Cardenas  in  the  afternoon 
of  the  i6th  of  October,  and  very  soon  were  boarded  by  an 
officer  from  the  Custom  House,  who  said,  according  to  port 
regulations  neither  passenger  nor  baggage  could  be  landed  with 
out  a  permit  from  the  Captain-General  at  Havana.  He  was 
very  civil  and  polite  after  learning"  who  we  were.  We  told  him 
that  we  had  no  cargo,  that  there  was  nothing  to  land  but  the 
Commissioners  with  their  families  and  suites  with  their  baggage 
— still  he  persisted  that  nothing  could  be  landed  but  under  a 
permit  from  Havana,  and  very  courteously  offered  immediately 
to  communicate  by  telegraph  with  the  authorities  at  Havana, 
expressing  his  belief  that  an  answer  could  be  received  in  time 
to  enable  the  party  to  land  and  sleep  on  shore,  and  he  took  his 
departure.  It  was  soon  understood  in  the  city  who  were  on 
board  the  steamer  just  arrived  under  the  Confederate  flag,  and 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 

very  soon  several  gentlemen  came  off  in  boats  bringing  with 
them  very  acceptable  baskets  of  the  tropical  fruits.  They 
learned  our  difficulty  about  landing,  but  said  it  was  at  least  but 
a  mere  matter  of  form;  that  the  permit  would,  of  course,  come 
from  Havana,  and  that  in  advance  of  it  we  might  safely  land 
in  our  ship's  boats,  taking  with  us  only  such  small  parcels  of 
baggage  as  might  be  convenient  for  the  toilet  of  the  night,  and 
thus  could  not  be  questioned  by  Custom  House  regulation.  The 
ladies  of  the  party  caught  eagerly  at  the  suggestion — they  were 
very  tired  of  the  voyage  and  the  discomforts  of  our  small 
steamer,  and,  as  they  expressed  it,  could  not  resist  the  tempta 
tion  of  the  ample  apartments  of  the  promised  hotel  with  its 
accessories. 

"  They  determined  to  go,  and  took  little  account  of  Custom- 
House  etiquette — of  course,  some  of  the  gentlemen  went  with 
them.  They  conformed  to  the  observances  suggested  so  far  as 
to  take  with  them  only  small  traveling  bags  and  other  like 
appendages  which  could  be  carried  in  the  hands  of  their  atten 
dants.  Quand  a  moi,  I  did  not  choose  to  make  any  issue  with  the 
Custom-House  regulations  and,  therefore,  remained  on  board. 
Cardenas  is  comparatively  a  new  town,  with  a  good  harbour 
and  about  one  hundred  miles  distant  from  Havana,  with  which 
it  communicates  by  railroad.  Our  little  steamer  '  Theodora/ 
after  landing  us,  proceeded  to  Havana,  and  our  plan  was,  after 
resting  for  a  day  or  two  at  Cardenas,  to  go  to  Havana  and  wait 
there  the  sailing  of  the  West  India  mail  steamer  for  England. 
The  local  Governor  of  Cardenas  called  upon  us  the  day  after  our 
arrival,  and  was  very  civil  and  courteous  in  his  proffer  of  hospi 
talities,  indeed  we  found  the  whole  population  of  the  city 
earnestly  and  warmly  enlisted  in  the  interests  of  the  South.  After 
remaining  three  days  in  Cardenas,  we  accepted  the  urgent  and 
kind  invitation  of  Mr.  Cazanova  to  visit  him  at  his  plantation, 
which  we  could  reach  by  a  railroad,  distant  about  thirty  miles, 
on  our  way  to  Havana.  This  young  gentleman  it  seemed,  had 
been  in  the  United  States,  and  on  one  occasion  a  guest  at  a  party 
at  Mr.  Slidell's  in  Washington,  and  upon  the  small  claim  so 
presented  by  him  his  earnestness  could  not  be  resisted.  On  the 
following  day,  we  found,  that  to  make  the  excursion  entirely 
agreeable  to  the  ladies,  he  had  provided  a  special  train  to  leave 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


at  such  hour  as  they  might  indicate.  Arriving  at  the  station, 
which  was  on  the  plantation,  we  found  any  number  of  volantes 
and  saddle  horses  awaiting  us.  The  Senora  Cazanova,  I  found 
was  a  young  lady  from  Frederick  County  in  Maryland,  married 
within  the  year,  and  whose  sister  was  the  wife  of  a  near  relative 
of  mine  in  that  State.  It  was  a  large  sugar  plantation  of  some 
three  hundred  slaves,  one  of  several  that  belonged  to  the  father 
of  our  host,  —  the  old  gentleman  lived  principally  in  Havana. 
We  spent  three  days  with  great  pleasure  and  interest,  informing 
ourselves  in  plantation  life  and  sugar  planting  in  Cuba,  and  on 
the  22d,  we  went  to  Havana. 

"  The  West  India  mail  line  from  England  to  Mexico  we 
learned,  touched  Havana  and  was  due  on  the  return  trip  to 
England,  on  the  7th  of  November.  Mr.  Crawford,  the  British 
Consul,  was  the  agent  for  this  line  at  Havana,  and  we  took 
our  passage  and  registered  our  names,  accordingly,  with  him. 
I  should  remark  here  that  we  were  indebted  to  this  gentleman 
for  many  acts  of  courtesy  and  hospitality.  In  the  absence  of 
any  resident  officer  of  the  Confederate  Government  he  called,  on 
our  part,  upon  the  Count  de  Serrano,  the  Captain-General  of 
Cuba,  and  expressed  our  desire  to  call  upon,  and  tender  to  him 
our  respects.  The  answer  was  that  the  Captain-General  would 
receive  us  with  pleasure  the  next  day  at  2  o'clock,  but  that  for 
reasons  that  we  could  appreciate,  it  could  only  be  in  unofficial 
form.  Mr.  Slidell  and  I,  with  our  respective  secretaries,  called, 
accordingly,  the  next  day  at  the  Palace  at  the  hour  named  and 
were  very  kindly  received  —  the  conversation  was  only  on  gen 
eral  subjects  including  the  progress  and  prospects  of  the  war 
in  regard  to  which,  although  not  directly  expressed,  it  was  mani 
fest  that  his  sympathies  were  with  us.  The  following  day  the 
visit  was  returned  by  his  card.  About  the  close  of  this  month 
(October)  the  United  States  steamer  '  San  Jacinto,'  Captain 
Wilkes,  arrived  at  Havana  and  anchored  in  the  harbour  —  it  was 
said  that  she  called  for  coal  —  she  remained  some  two  or  three 
days  and  sailed,  it  was  said,  for  the  United  States. 

"  This  ship  was  on  her  return  from  the  coast  of  Africa, 
where  she  had  been  some  two  or  three  years,  as  part  of  the 
squadron  on  that  coast.  Captain  Wilkes  had  been  sent  out,  some 


LIFE    OF  JAMES   MURRAT    MASON. 


six  or  eight  months  before,  to  relieve  the  officers  in  command 
of  that  squadron,  and  to  bring  this  ship  home.  Our  presence  in 
Havana  and  our  mission  to  Europe  as  well  as  our  purpose  to 
embark  in  the  mail  steamer  which  was  to  leave  Havana  on  the 
7th  of  November  was  well  known  in  the  city.  We  knew  it  had 
been  spoken  of  and  commented  on  by  the  Consul  of  the  United 
States  at  Havana  and  thus  would,  of  course,  reach  the  ear  of 
Captain  Wilkes,  beside  which  I  had  visits  at  my  hotel  from  *two 
of  the  officers  of  that  ship.  Of  course,  in  conversation  with 
these  gentlemen,  I  imparted  nothing  touching  our  plans  or  pur 
poses  but,  in  the  manner  above  noted,  it  became  fully  known 
to  Captain  Wilkes  that  we  were  to  embark  in  the  mail  steamer 
for  England  via  St.  Thomas  on  the  7th  of  November.  When  he 
sailed,  some  seven  or  eight  days  previous,  it  was  announced  in 
continuation  of  his  voyage  he  had  gone  direct  to  the  United 
States,  nor  did  he  leave  behind  a  suspicion  or  intimation  of  a 
purpose  to  waylay  us. 

"  We  left  Havana  on  the  morning  of  the  7th  of  Novem 
ber  in  the  English  Royal  Mail  Steamer  '  The  Trent/  Captain 
Moir,  for  Southampton,  England,  via  the  Island  of  St.  Thomas. 
'  The  Trent  '  had  touched  only  at  Havana  on  her  way  from 
Vera  Cruz  in  Mexico  ;  there  were  some  eighty  passengers,  most 
of  them  Englishmen  or  from  the  English  Colonies.  On  the  fol 
lowing  day,  the  8th,  when  passing  along  the  old  Bahama  channel, 
the  usual  and  direct  course  of  the  voyage,  in  sight  of  and  about 
ten  miles  distant  from  the  coast  of  Cuba,  about  mid-day  a 
steamer  was  made  out  from  the  deck,  distant  in  the  haze  some 
five  or  six  miles  without  motion  and  directly  across  our  path. 
As  we  advanced,  the  Captain  and  others,  observing  through  their 
glasses,  declared  her  a  war  steamer  —  she  lay  perfectly  motionless 
with  steam  shut  off  and  showed  no  flag.  The  Captain,  eyeing 
her  closely,  reported  that  she  lay  in  mid-channel  in  a  position 
apparently  taken  to  cut  us  off  and  that  she  must  mean  mischief  — 
this  was  said  to  Mr.  Slidell  and  myself,  whom  he  had  drawn 
aside  on  deck  for  the  purpose.  We  continued  directly  on  our 
course  and  without  change  of  speed,  when  within  a  mile  or  a  mile 


*  The  account  given  of  these  visitors  has  been  omitted,  since  it  con 
tains  nothing  of  public  interest  or  history. 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


and  a  half  the  Captain  of  the  '  Trent '  displayed  his  flag  at  the 
main  and  peak,  very  soon  after  which  a  shot  was  fired  by  the 
'  San  Jacinto  '  across  our  bow — the  flag  of  the  '  Trent/  which 
had  been  continued  up  for  several  minutes  and  then  lowered, 
was  again  raised,  the  '  Trent '  never  checking  her  speed,  or 
changing  her  course — when  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  distant,  a 
shell  was  thrown  from  the  '  San  Jacinto  '  again  across  her  bow, 
which  struck  the  water  and  exploded  a  short  distance  from  her. 
Captain  Moir  then  slackened  his  speed  and  shut  off  steam 
within  speaking  distance  of  the  '  San  Jacinto/  He  hailed  and 
enquired,  'What  do  you  want?'  The  answer  was,  'We  '11  send  a 
boat  aboard/  During  this  time,  I  was  sitting  aft  on  the  quarter 
deck  waiting  events,  most  of  the  passengers  were  on  deck  amid- 
ship,  and  amongst  them  were  seated  Mr.  Slidell  and  his  family. 
T  sat  still  observing  the  movements  on  board  the  '  San  Jacinto.' 
I  should  have  stated  above  that  the  '  San  Jacinto  '  hoisted  the 
United  States  flag  for  the  first  time  when  she  fired  the  first  shot. 
A  boat  put  off  from  the  '  San  Jacinto  '  and  from  the  side  opposite 
to  us ;  as  she  came  around  the  stern  of  the  ship,  I  saw  that  she 
was  a  large  boat  with  a  crew  of  some  twenty  men  armed  with 
cutlasses  and  pistols  in  their  belts,  I  thought  then  for  the  first 
time  with  Captain  Moir,  that  she  '  meant  mischief/  My  first 
impression  was  to  provide  for  the  safety  of  our  papers.  I 
accordingly  called  to  Mr.  Macfarland  and  asked  him  to  take  the 
dispatch  bag  which  contained  my  public  papers,  credentials, 
instructions,  etc.,  and  which  was  in  my  state-room,  and  deliver 
it  to  the  mail  agent  of  the  steamer,  to  tell  him  what  it  was  and 
ask  him  to  lock  it  up  in  his  mail-room,  and  I  told  him  at  the  same 
time  to  make  the  same  suggestion  to  Mr.  Slidell.  I  was  seated 
on  the  quarter-deck  at  some  distance  from  the  rest  of  the  pas 
sengers  and  thus  this  direction  was  unobserved  and  unheard. 
Before  the  boat  from  the  '  San  Jacinto  '  reached  our  ship,  Com 
mander  Williams  of  the  Royal  Navy,  who  had  charge  of  the 
mails  on  board,  came  to  me  where  I  was  seated  and  reported  that 
he  had  the  dispatch  bags  of  Mr.  Slidell  and  myself  locked  up 
in  his  mail-room.  '  Of  which  '  said  he,  '  I  have  the  key  in  my 
pocket  and  whatever  their  objects  may  be  they  must  pass  over 
my  body  before  they  enter  that  room/  I  told  him  in  a  few 
words  that  the  bags  contained  the  public  papers  of  Mr.  Slidell 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

and  myself  and  requested,  if  we  were  separated  from  them,  that 
he  would  see  to  their  delivery  to  some  one  of  the  Commissioners 
of  the  Confederate  States,  Messrs.  Yancey,  Rost,  and  Mann, 
who  were  then  in  London,  which  he  promised  faithfully  to  do. 
On  our  arrival  at  London,  we  found  the  bags  with  their  con 
tents  unharmed  in  the  possession  of  those  gentlemen.  When 
the  boat  from  the  '  San  Jacinto  '  reached  the  '  Trent,'  the  board 
ing  officer  alone  came  on  board,  leaving  the  crew  in  the  boat, 
and  ascended  to  the  upper  deck  where  the  passengers  were 
assembled  amidship.  I  could  see  from  where  I  was  seated  that 
he  was  holding  a  conversation  with  our  Captain,  though  I  could 
not  hear  what  was  said.  Mr.  Slidell  was  sitting-  a  little  apart 
from  the  group  in  which  were  the  ladies  of  his  family,  and  from 
the  glances  interchanged  between  them  I  suspected  that  we  were 
the  subjects  of  discussion.  Very  soon  Mr.  Slidell  rose  and 
advancing  toward  the  officer  said  in  a  tone  that  reached  my  ear, 
'  I  am  Mr.  Slidell/  I  then  immediately  advanced  to  the  group 
and  near  the  boarding  officer.  At  that  moment  he  was  in  a  dis 
cussion,  somewhat  excited  on  the  part  of  the  latter,  with  Captain 
Moir.  When  near  to  him,  he  addressed  me  by  name  but  with  a 
manner  perfectly  respectful.  He  said,  '  Mr.  Mason,  I  am  Lieuten 
ant  Fairfax  of  the  United  States  ship  '  San  Jacinto/  and  I  am 
ordered  by  Captain  Wilkes,  who  commands  the  ship,  to  take  you 
with  Mr.  Slidell,  Mr.  Eustis,  and  Mr.  Macfarland,  and  to  carry 
you  on  board  his  ship/  My  reply,  '  Very  well,  sir,  execute 
your  orders/  He  said,  '  Will  you  go  with  me  ? '  My  answer,  '  Cer 
tainly  not  unless  compelled  by  force  greater  than  I  can  over 
come.  I  know  my  rights — I  am  under  the  protection  of  a  neutral 
flag  and  will  be  taken  from  that  protection  only  by  force/  The 
Lieutenant  said,  '  I  trust,  sir,  you  will  not  require  me  to  use 
force  upon  your  person ;  it  would  be  the  most  painful  act  of  my 
life  to  do  so/  My  reply,  '  You  must  decide  that  for  yourself, 
I  can  only  repeat  that  I  will  not  leave  this  ship  unless  compelled 
by  a  force  which  I  can  not  overcome/  As  I  have  said  the 
whole  deportment  of  the  Lieutenant  was  respectful  and  forbear 
ing.  During  our  colloquy,  which  was  overheard  by  the  pas 
sengers,  they  became  very  much  excited  and  interjected  many 
angry  and  defiant  remarks.  I  had  not  heard  the  earlier  con 
versation  with  our  Captain  (presently  referred  to),  but  whilst 


2I$  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MAKOJf. 

this  conversation  proceeded,  4ie  more  than  once  interposed  his 
protest  in  the  most  decided  manner,  expressing  his  regret  that 
his  ship  was  unarmed,  declaring  that  were  it  otherwise  Captain 
Wilkes  would  never  dare  so  great  an  outrage  upon  his  flag. 
Commander  Williams  too,  the  mail  agent,  advanced  to  Lieuten 
ant  Fairfax  and  addressed  him  pretty  nearly  as  follows,  in  a 
calm  and  deliberate  manner :  *  I  am  an  officer,  sir,  of  the  Royal 
Navy,  as  you  will  see  from  my  uniform,  and  thus  the  only  im 
mediate  representative  of  my  Government  on  board  this  ship- 
in  that  character  and  speaking  for  my  Government,  I  denounce 
your  act,  and  that  of  your  commanding  officer  as  an  infamous 
act  of  piracy.  I  am  going  directly  to  England  and  shall  so  report 
it  to  my  Government.'  Mr.  Slidell  bore  his  part  in  the  conversa 
tion  pretty  much  of  the  same  tenor  as  mine.  To  end  the  scene, 
I  said  to  the  Lieutenant,  '  It  is  idle  to  prolong  this  conversation  ; 
I  have  told  you  my  determination,  to  which  I  adhere.  You 
have  abundant  force  at  hand  and  it  rests  with  you  to  use  it.'  As 
I  have  said  we  were  on  the  upper  deck ;  the  state-rooms  were  on 
the  deck  next  below,  and  on  that  deck  also  was  the  gangway  at 
the  side  of  the  ship.  The  Lieutenant  descended  to  the  lower 
deck  to  communicate  with  his  boat.  I  went  down  also  to  go  to 
my  state-room.  Mr.  Slidell,  with  his  family,  also  went  down 
about  the  same  time,  and  we  were  followed  by  most  if  not  all  the 
passengers.  Before  I  left  the  upper  deck,  I  observed  two  other 
large  boats  each  with  a  crew  of  some  twenty  or  twenty-five  men, 
armed,  and  in  one  of  them  a  squadron  of  marines  passing  from 
the  '  San  Jacinto  '  to  our  ship.  It  appeared  afterwards  from  the 
report  of  Lieutenant  Fairfax,  that  apprehending  resistance,  he 
had,  by  signal,  called  for  this  additional  force.  When  we  reached 
the  lower  deck,  Mr.  Slidell  went  with  Mrs.  Slidell  into  his  state 
room  which  was  near  amidship  and  in  full  view  of  those  stand 
ing  by,  he  remained  there  arranging  with  Mrs.  Slidell  matters 
that  might  be  useful  to  her  in  Europe  in  the  event  of  their  abrupt 
separation. 

"  The  Lieutenant  in  the  meantime  had  called  on  board  and 
stationed  on  the  lower  deck  in  front  of  us  some  twenty  or  thirty 
sailors,  armed  with  pistols  and  cutlasses,  with  the  squad  of 
marines  having-  muskets  with  bayonets  fixed;  the  residue  of  his 
force  remained  alongside  in  their  boats.  Seeing  our  removal 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


thus  inevitable  I  asked  the  Lieutenant  if  I  might  go  to  my  state 
room  and  put  up  such  portions  of  my  luggage  as  was  out  of  the 
trunks ;  he  replied,  at  once,  and  courteously,  in  the  affirmative.  I 
was  absent  but  a  few  minutes — when  I  returned  I  found  Mr. 
Slidell  still  in  his  state-room,  where  he  appeared  to  be  in  con 
versation  with  Mrs.  Slidell  at  the  end  farthest  from  the  door.  His 
eldest  daughter  (quite  a  young  lady),  stood  in  the  doorway 
with  her  arms  extended  grasping  each  postern,  thus  obstructing 
the  entrance,  whilst  the  Lieutenant  stood  in  her  front  earnestly 
but  respectfully  remonstrating  with  her  and  asking  permission 
to  pass.  I  paused  for  a  moment  at  the  door  and  said  to  her  I 
thought  she  had  better  go  into  the  state-room  and  leave  the 
difficulty  to  be  settled  by  her  father  and  myself,  but  the  faithful 
daughter  stood  equally  silent  and  unmoved,  in  the  vain  hope 
that  she  could  thus  protect  her  father ;  she  appeared  not  to  hear 
a  word  that  was  addressed  to  her.  "f o  end  the  distressing  scene 
Mr.  Slidell  had  gotten  out  of  a  window  which  opened  on  the 
deck  in  the  rear  of  and  unseen  by  his  daughter.  The  Lieutenant 
then  said,  '  Gentlemen,  I  hope  you  will  now  go  with  me/  I 
replied,  '  I  have  only  to  reiterate  what  I  said  at  first,  I  will  not 
leave  the  ship  unless  compelled  by  force  greater  than  I  can  over 
come.'  The  Lieutenant  then  took  hold  of  my  person,  as  did 
three  or  four  of  his  men  by  his  order,  and  by  like  order  they 
laid  hands  upon  Mr.  Slidell.  We  then  said  we  had  no  alterna 
tive  but  to  yield  to  force  and  would  accompany  him;  those  hav 
ing  hold  of  us  released  their  grasp  and  we  proceeded  to  the 
gangway  (our  Secretaries,  Messrs.  Eustis  and  Macfarland,  ex 
pressing  their  purpose  to  be  guided  by  us,  went  with  us),  accom 
panied  by  the  Lieutenant.  Miss  Slidell  was  not  aware  that  her 
father  had  left  the  state-room,  which  she  thought  she  still 
guarded,  until  she  saw  him  moving  off  in  custody  when,  with  a 
distressing  cry,  she  fell  into  the  arms  of  her  mother.  As  we 
moved  off  to  the  gangway,  our  fellow  passengers,  who  were 
vehemently  excited  and  were  venting  bitter  execrations  at  what 
was  passing,  pressed  upon  us  in  a  body,  when  the  marines  pre 
sented  their  guns  at  a  charge  as  if  to  intercept  them — the  move 
ment  was  so  marked  that  I  paused  and  said  a  word  or  two  to 
them  expressive  of  our  thanks  for  the  interest  they  manifested  in 
our  behalf,  and  pointing  out  to  them  the  hopelessness  of  any 


220  LIFE    OF    JA.ME8    MURRAY    MASON 


attempt  at  interference  on  their  part.  We  descended  the  steps 
of  the  gangway  and  got  into  the  boat,  which  by  order  of  Lieuten 
ant  Fairfax  (who  remained  on  board  the  '  Trent '),  at  once  pushed 
off  and  rowea  for  the  '  San  Jacinto/  As  we  left  the  ship,  the 
Lieutenant  said  to  us  he  would  see  that  our  baggage  was  all 
sent  on  board.  Arriving  at  the  '  San  Jacinto  '  we  had  to  clamber 
up  by  the  elects,  at  the  side  of  the  ship,  with  the  aid  of  the 
pendant  ropes,  which,  as  the  sea  was  a  little  rough,  and  not  being 
practised  mariners,  we  found  no  easy  task.  As  we  stepped  on 
the  deck,  Captain  Wilkes,  who  was  standing  near  the  gangway 
touched  his  hat  and  said,  '  Captain  Wilkes,  gentlemen,  who 
commands  this  ship ;  will  you  please  to  walk  into  the  cabin/  We 
found  the  men  at  quarters,  the  guns  run  out  with  tompions  off, 
and  everything  ready  for  action.  I  replied  to  Captain  Wilkes's 
invitation,  '  We  are  brought  on  board  this  ship  by  your  order, 
and  against  our  will,  and  of  course  must  abide  your  direction.' 
He  again  said,  '  Please  to  walk  into  the  cabin.'  The  cabin  was 
on  the  upper  deck,  and  we  entered  it  attended  by  the  Captain. 
He  said,  "  Gentlemen,  I  wish  to  make  you  as  comfortable  as  I 
can  on  board  my  ship,  but  regret  to  say  there  are  but  two 
state-rooms,  which  can  be  occupied  by  Mr.  Slidell  and  Mr. 
Mason.  Mr.  Eustis  and  Mr.  Macfarland  will  find  accommodations 
in  the  ward-room,  where  we  will  do  the  best  for  them  we  can.' 
He  then  called  in  his  steward  and  said,  '  Steward,  you  will  under 
stand  that  the  cabin  and  all  the  stores  belonging  to  it,  are  at  the 
command  of  these  gentlemen,  and  you  will  obey  their  orders 
accordingly/  He  then  left  the  cabin  and  we  remained  in  it. 
Through  the  windows  of  the  cabin,  we  could  see  the  passengers 
of  the  '  Trent,'  clustered  on  deck,  at  the  side  of  the  ship,  and  the 
boats  flying  between — after  some  time  Captain  Wilkes  again 
came  in,  and  said,  '  Gentlemen,  your  baggage  has  been  brought 
on  board;  will  you  please  to  come  on  deck  and  see  if  it  is  all 
right?  or  if  any  stores  that  you  desire  to  have,  are  left  behind/ 
On  examination  we  found  the  baggage  all  there,  but  some  little 
parcels  of  our  stores  were  not ;  this  was  reported  to  Captain 
Wilkes,  when  a  boat  with  an  officer,  bearing  a  memorandum 
from  us,  was  despatched  to  bring  them  and  they  were  brought 
accordingly.  I  should  state  also  that  on  leaving  the  '  Trent/ 
Captain  Moir  desired  the  officer  C3mmanding  the  boat  to  enquire 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON.  22I 

of  Captain  Wilkes,  whether  he  should  send  any  stores  for  the 
convenience  of  the  passengers  taken  away  and  what?  I  did  not 
hear  the  reply  of  Captain  Wilkes,  but  there  was  sent  from  the 
'  Trent '  amongst  other  things,  some  dozens  of  sherry,  with 
pitchers  and  basins,  and  other  conveniences  for  the  toilet.  I 
note  these  humble  appendages,  as  the  narrative  may  hereafter 
refer  to  them.  Learning  that  everything  we  desired  was  on 
board,  Captain  Wilkes  gave  the  order  for  the  ship  to  proceed 
on  her  course,  and  the  '  Trent '  was  allowed  to  depart. 

"  I  subjoin,  in  a  note,  a  letter  addressed  to  Captain  Wilkes, 
soon  after  we  were  taken  on  his  ship,  by  my  fellow  voyagers 
and  myself,  containing  a  narrative  of  the  facts  attending-  our 
capture,  with  his  reply.  We  thought  it  safe  to  put  this  on  record 
contemporaneously — the  concluding  paragraph,  requesting  that 
he  would  send  it,  with  his  report  to  his  Government  was  tenta 
tive  only,  but  successful  as  shown  by  his  reply.  His  official 
reports,  however,  of  the  affair  showed  no  material  discrepancy 
between  the  version  of  the  boarding  officer  and  our  own. 

"  The  two  ships  proceeded  on  their  way  in  opposite  direc 
tions,  ours  proceeding  to  the  northward.  We  made  the  land  first 
on  the  coast  of  Georgia,  and  ran  in,  within  two  or  three  miles, 
continuing  up  the  coast;  the  reader  may  imagine  our  feeling, 
at  the  near  view  of  our  Southern  soil  from  the  deck  of  our 
prison  ship.  The  coast  was  low  and  penetrated  everywhere  by 
inlets  and  conduits  from  the  sea — the  weather  was  calm,  the 
sea  tranquil,  and  our  ship  proceeded  at  no  great  speed,  at  from 
two  to  three  miles  from  the  land.  At  one  time  we  could  make 
out  a  small  steamer,  proceeding  inland  up  and  parallel  with  the 
coast.  In  the  occasional  depressions  of  the  land,  we  could  see 
her  hull,  but  her  course  was  generally  indicated  by  her  smoke. 
At  another  time  we  passed  very  near  and  spoke  a  British  war 
steamer,  going  in  an  opposite  direction;  she  was  reported  as  her 
Majesty's  ship  '  The  -Steady.'  We  were  standing  on  deck  and 
heard  the  hail  and  reply — another  trying  incident  to  a  captive, 
especially  to  one  made  a  prisoner  in  a  manner  insulting  to  the 
flag  which  '  The  Steady'  bore — and  here  by  way  of  episode,  and 
not  as  a  prophet  after  the  fact,  which  I  challenge  the  rather,  as  I 
vouch  a  witness.  Walking  to  and  fro  on  the  decks  of  the  '  San 


222  LIFR    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


Jacinto  '  with  Mr.  Macfarland,  on  the  day  after  our  capture,  I 
reasoned  out  each  subsequent  event  as  it  afterwards  happened. 

"  My  knowledge  of  the  principles  of  public  law,  assured  me 
that  the  act  "of  Captain  Wilkes  could  never  be  sustained,  and 
I  felt  equally  certain,  that  the  demand  of  England  would  be 
categorical,  and  with  no  room  for  evasion. 

"I  said  to  Mr.  Macfarland,  the  report  of  this  occurrence  in 
England,  to  be  made  when  the  '  Trent '  arrives,  will  produce  a 
profound  sensation.  A  sentiment  of  public  indignation  will  be 
aroused,  which  nothing  can  resist,  and  no  ministry  could  live 
an  hour,  which  did  not  fully  respond  to  it.  I  said  it  would  be 
made  by  England  a  very  grave  occasion — that  a  note  would  be 
written  at  the  Foreign  Office  to  the  British  Minister  at  Wash 
ington,  setting  forth  the  facts  and  requiring  immediate  repara 
tion — and  further,  that  the  Minister  would  be  instructed  by  an 
unofficial  note  to  notify  the  Secretary  of  State  of  an  early  day, 
limited  for  the  answer — with  further  instructions,  if  the  demand 
was  not  unconditionally  complied  with,  that  he  should  demand 
his  passports,  and  return  with  his  Legation,  forthwith  to  Eng 
land;  that  the  note  would  be  expressed  in  the  most  courteous 
terms,  but  would  be  borne  by  a  messenger  of  the  highest  grade 
in  diplomatic  intercourse.  That  the  demand  for  reparation 
would  be,  that  the  wrong-doer  should  put  things  back  where 
he  found  them,  when  the  wrong  was  committed,  which  of  course 
would  require  that  we  should  be  put  back  under  the  British  flag. 
History  will  tell  the  rest. 

"  We  proceeded  slowly  up  the  coast,  the  weather  continu 
ing  calm,  our  first  stopping  place  being  in  the  midst  of  the 
blockading  fleet  off  Charleston,  just  one  month  after  we  had  suc 
cessfully  evaded  it — we  could  see  our  noble  flag  flying  over  Fort 
Sumter,  the  spires  of  the  Churches  in  view  of  the  unaided  eye,  and 
with  glasses,  every  part  of  the  city  could  be  made  out.  It  was  a 
sore  trial  to  be  thus  near,  without  the  means,  even  of  com 
munication.  Commodore  Wilkes  visited  the  flag-ship,  then  the 
'  Congress/  which  was  very  near  to  us.  On  his  return,  he  re 
ported  the  battle  which  had  occurred  but  three  days  before,  in 
the  harbour  of  Port  Royal  at  Hilton  Head,  between  the  enemy's 
fleet  and  our  extemporised  defences  at  that  point.  The  '  Con 
gress  '  was  one  of  the  largest  frigates  in  the  Yankee  Navy — had 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


borne  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  action  and,  as  Captain  Wilkes 
reported,  had  sustained  the  heaviest  loss  in  killed  and  wounded, 
yet  there  she  lay,  as  buoyant,  and  apparently  as  unharmed,  as  if 
she  had  never  received  a  shot,  although  she  had  received  a  great 
many  from  guns  of  heavy  calibre  at  short  distance.  I  remarked 
this  to  Captain  Wilkes,  who  said  that  such  large  ships  were  so 
strongly  built,  that  they  could  stand  a  great  deal  of  battering. 
Yet  this  same  ship  a  few  months  afterwards  was  sunk  in  Hamp 
ton  Roads,  by  a  few  well  directed  shots,  from  the  iron  clad 
1  Merrimac/  carrying  down  with  her,  more  than  a  hundred  of 
her  killed  and  wounded.  We  remained  off  Charleston  a  few 
hours,  and  then  proceeding  North,  still  in  calm  weather,  entered 
the  Capes  of  Virginia,  and  anchored  in  the  midst  of  a  Yankee 
fleet  off  Fortress  Monroe,  on  the  evening  of  the  I5th  of  Novem 
ber.  We  put  in  here,  it  was  said,  for  coal,  and  here  for  the  first 
time  since  our  capture,  Captain  Wilkes  had  the  opportunity  of 
communicating  with  his  Government.  He  sent  off  dispatches, 
as  we  understood,  immediately  on  his  arrival,  by  a  special 
messenger. 

"  We  anchored  near  the  Fortress  and  the  Captain  landed 
soon  after  our  arrival.  General  Wool  I  knew,  was  then  in  com 
mand  there,  and  General  Huger  in  command  at  Norfolk,  then 
in  our  possession  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  roads.  Our  arrival 
would  bring  the  first  news  of  our  capture,  and  I  was  very 
anxious,  as  far  as  I  could,  to  relieve  the  apprehensions  of  my 
family.  I  asked  Captain  Wilkes  if  there  would  be  any  objection 
to  his  bearing  a  letter  from  me,  to  my  wife,  to  be  delivered  to 
General  Wool  with  a  request  that  he  would  send  it  by  a  flag, 
over  to  Norfolk,  with  a  note  to  General  Huger — that  of  course, 
both  the  letter  and  note,  should  contain  nothing  but  information 
of  what  had  occurred,  and  be  open  for  their  perusal.  Captain  W. 
assented  to  it,  and  the  notes  were  written  accordingly.  He 
brought  a  civil  message  back  from  General  Wool,  that  the  letter 
and  note  should  be  sent  over  to  Norfolk  the  next  day,  and  that 
this  was  done,  was  shown  by  subsequent  information,  that  on 
the  day  that  General  Huger  received  them,  he  communicated 
their  contents  by  telegraph,  to  President  Davis  at  Richmond, 
and  a  letter  in  reply,  from  Mrs.  Mason  to  me  at  Fort  Warren, 
showed  that  mine  to  her  had  been  received,  in  regular  course  of 


224  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


mail.  I  should  here  remark,  that  from  the  time  of  our  capture, 
the  deportment  of  Captain  Wilkes  toward  us,  was  of  marked 
attention  and  courtesy — thus  when  landing  for  the  first  time  at 
Fortress  Monroe,  he  asked  if  there  was  anything  to  be  procured 
there  which  we  would  like  to  have,  in  the  way  of  stores  or  other 
wise?  During  his  absence,  we  had  directed  the  Steward  to  order 
some  barrels  of  oysters,  to  be  sent  on  board  for  us,  which  was 
done,  and  when  we  asked  for  the  bills,  were  told  that  Captain 
Wilkes  had  directed  them  to  be  paid  by  his  Purser.  It  is  due  to 
Captain  Wilkes  to  say  this,  considering  the  relations  we  held  to 
each  other. 

"  We  had  no  communication  with,  nor  did  we  see  any 
person  from  the  shore.  Having  obtained  a  supply  of  coal,  the 
ship  proceeded  on  the  next  day  to  New  York,  the  destination 
announced  to  us,  when  we  were  taken  on  board.  We  had  still 
calm  and  smooth  weather,  and  we  entered  the  bay  of  New  York 
at  an  early  hour  in  the  evening — the  night  was  dark  and  rainy — 
Mr.  Slidell  and  I  were  seated  in  the  cabin  about  9  o'clock  play 
ing  a  game  of  backgammon,  when  the  headway  of  the  ship  was 
suddenly  stopped,  and  Captain  Wilkes  immediately  left  the 
cabin,  and  went  on  deck.  We  continued  undisturbed  at  our 
backgammon.  Very  soon  afterwards  Captain  Wilkes  returned  to 
the  cabin,  and  the  ship  again  got  under  weigh.  He  reported, 
'  Gentlemen,  we  are  not  to  land  at  New  York — a  steamer  from 
the  city  has  intercepted  us  with  an  order  from  the  Secretary  of 
State,  that  you  be  taken  to,  and  landed  at  Fort  Warren,  in  the 
harbour  of  Boston,  and  the  ship  has  changed  her  course  accord 
ingly.'  He  further  told  us,  that  a  deputy  marshal  from  New 
York,  with  an  assistant,  had  been  placed  on  board  to  accom 
pany  us.  We  received  the  communication  without  remark,  and 
continued  our  backgammon ;  it  amounted  only  to  imprisonment 
at  Fort  Warren,  instead  of  Fort  Lafayette,  about  which  we  were 
indifferent.  Proceeding  still  northward,  and  eastward,  up  the 
coast,  in  the  next  two  days,  the  barometer  with  other  marine 
prognostics  showed  evident  signs  of  unsettled  weather,  and  it  be 
came  too,  most  uncomfortably  cold,  there  being  no  fire,  or 
means  of  making  one,  in  the  cabin.  To  remedy  this,  Captain 
Wilkes  supplied  the  cabin  with  hot  shot,  the  largest  he  had  on 
board,  heated  to  a  red  heat  in  the  furnaces  of  the  ship,  and 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


brought  in  resting  in  large  tubs  of  sand,  it  was  a  good  device, 
and  by  renewing  them  from  time  to  time  the  cabin  was  kept 
comfortable.  Our  Captain,  proceeding  along  this  inhospitable, 
and  in  winter,  tempestuous  coast,  with  great  caution,  on  the  2Oth 
put  into  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  to  avoid  an  impending  gale 
from  the  northeast,  and  we  laid  there  at  anchor  that  night,  and 
part  of  the  next  day.  Here  again  Captain  Wilkes  availed  himself 
of  the  opportunity  to  replenish  his  stores,  and  provided  for  our 
comforts  in  the  cabin  by  a  stove  put  up  there,  although  to  admit 
it,  it  was  necessary  to  cut  a  hole  in  the  roof  to  provide  a  way  for 
the  stove  pipe.  This  stove  was  a  great  addition  to  our  comfort, 
for  the  weather  had  become  extremely  cold.  It  is  again  due 
to  Captain  Wilkes  to  say  that  he  was  really  sedulous,  and  left 
nothing  undone  to  contribute  to  our  comfort,  or  to  make  our 
condition  as  agreeable  as  was  consistent  with  our  position.  He 
gave  us  the  entire  command  of  the  cabin,  and  of  the  quarter 
deck,  asking  that  we  would  not  consider  the  ordinary  rules  of 
the  ship,  as  extended  to  us — those  rules  were,  that  lights  were  to 
be  extinguished  at  a  certain  hour,  and  that  none  should  smoke 
on  the  quarter-deck.  He  begged  that  we  would  continue  our 
whist  at  our  pleasure  at  night,  in  the  cabin,  and  smoke  our 
cigars  where  we  pleased  on  the  deck.  I  desire  to  do  full  justice 
to  Captain  Wilkes,  and  the  rather  as  his  act  in  our  capture  will 
be  condemned  in  the  history  of  the  times.  I  have  said  that  he 
gave  to  Mr.  Slidell  and  myself  the  only  two  state-rooms  con 
nected  with  his  cabin — the  largest  was  that  which  he  occupied. 
I  protested  earnestly  against  displacing  him,  and  we  com 
promised  at  last  by  having  a  curtain  extended  across,  so  as  to 
divide  it  in  half,  he  occupying  that  part  which  contained  his 
secretary  and  wardrobe — I  had  his  bed,  and  he  resorted  to  a  cot, 
swung  at  night  in  the  cabin.  As  a  host,  he  certainly  had  a  care 
for  his  guests.  We  lay  off  Newport  in  the  stream.  Captain 
Wilkes  landed,  but  we  of  course  had  no  communication  with  the 
shore.  We  sailed  again  on  the  2ist;  the  weather  still  dark  and 
lowering,  keeping  near  the  coast.  On  the  evening  of  the  22d, 
there  being  every  indication  of  a  gale,  we  put  into  '  Holmes' 
hole,'  or  '  Martha's  Vineyard,'  in  Massachusetts,  and  anchored 
for  the  night.  This  anchorage  is  completely  land-locked,  and 
is  a  favorite  resort  in  doubtful  weather  for  vessels  on  that  coast. 


226  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


We  found  a  large  fleet  of  small  craft  at  anchor,  and  during  the 
night  they  were  joined  by  many  others.  In  some  way,  it  became 
known  that  the  Southern  envoys,  recently  captured  on  the  high 
seas,  were  on  board  the  newly-arrived  man-of-war.  Immediately 
all  the  vessels  were  decorated  with  their  flags — a  salute  was 
fired  from  the  shore,  and  a  deputation  waited  on  Captain 
Wilkes,  tendering  their  congratulations,  and  with  them  more 
substantial  evidences  in  the  form  of  supplies.  Having  taken 
on  board  a  pilot,  we  again  got  under  weigh.  About  daylight, 
on  the  morning  of  the  23d,  in  due  time  we  rounded  Cape 
Cod,  and  soon  after  dark  on  the  same  day,  anchored  off  Fort 
Warren,  in  Boston  harbour,  Captain  Wilkes  telling  us  that 
he  would  land  at  the  Fort  in  the  morning,  and  learn  what  orders 
would  be  taken  for  our  reception.  The  harbour  of  Boston  is 
a  roadstead  open  to  the  sea,  from  which  the  city  is  some  ten 
or  twelve  miles  distant.  In  the  estuary  are  many  islands,  on 
one  of  which,  distant  about  eight  miles  from  the  city,  is 
situated  Fort  Warren.  It  is  one  of  the  largest  fortresses  on 
the  seaboard  of  the  United  States,  and  occupies  nearly  the 
entire  island,  there  being  but  a  small  fringe  of  shore  outside  the 
walls  of  the  fortress. 

"  Being  direct  from  Havana,  we  had  amongst  our  stores 
intended  for  use  in  Europe,  several  thousand  segars,  which  we 
thought  it  possible  the  authorities  might  require  should  be 
landed  in  Boston,  either  to  pass  through  the  Custom-House, 
or  as  it  might  be,  confiscated.  We  stated  the  matter  frankly 
to  Captain  Wilkes,  who  said  at  once,  they  should  be  taken,  as 
they  really  were,  as  part  of  our  luggage,  and  that  he  would  see 
to  it.  On  the  next  morning  when  we  assembled  at  breakfast 
in  the  cabin  about  9  o'clock,  the  captain  reported  that  he  had 
landed  soon  after  sunrise,  and  had  an  interview  with  Colonel 
Dimmick,  the  commanding  officer  of  the  fortress,  and  that  it 
was  arranged  that  a  steamer  should  be  sent  at  u  o'clock  to  take 
us  to  the  fort  in  charge  of  an  officer  to  attend  us.  He  reported 
further  in  reference  to  our  questions  about  the  segars,  that 
Colonel  Dimmick  said  he  would  make  no  inquiry  about  our 
stores,  but  whatever  was  landed  with  us  from  his  ship  would 
be  treated  as  belonging  to  us. 

"  Before  leaving  the  '  San  Jacinto,'   I  must  return  to  the 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


marshal  of  New  York,  who  had  been  put  on  board  when  we 
were  intercepted,  entering  the  harbour  of  New  York.  We 
had  not  seen  or  heard  of  him  or  his  assistant,  after  their  pres 
ence  on  board  had  been  reported  to  us ;  we  learned,  however, 
afterwards,  through  our  secretaries,  that  they  became  very 
seasick  after  getting  to  sea,  and  seldom  appeared  on  deck. 
After  Captain  Wilkes  announced  their  coming  on  board,  we 
asked  whether  we  were  to  consider  ourselves  as  transferred  to 
their  custody?  to  which  he  replied,  '  Certainly  not;  why  they 
were  put  on  board  I  do  not  know.  They  brought  an  order 
requiring  me  to  receive  them.  I  told  them,  however,  they  could 
have  nothing  to  do  with  you  gentlemen,  whilst  you  were  on 
board  my  ship.'  Nor  did  I  ever  see  them,  or  hear  farther  of 
them  whilst  we  remained  on  board.  On  the  morning  of  the 
24th  of  November,  a  small  steamer  put  off  from  Fort  Warren, 
and  ran  alongside  the  ship.  Our  baggage  and  stores  had  all 
been  got  ready,  and  at  n  o'clock  A.  M.,  we  left  the  ship  for 
Fort  Warren.  Lieutenant  Fairfax  attended  us,  and  on  board 
the  steamer,  Lieutenant  Buell,  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States, 
was  introduced  as  the  officer  to  receive  us.  On  landing  we  were 
conducted  through  a  sally-port  into  the  fortress,  and  thence  to 
the  quarters  of  the  commanding  officer,  Colonel  Dimmick. 

"  It  was  Sunday  when  we  landed  at  Fort  Warren,  and  arriv 
ing  at  the  Colonel's  quarters,  it  was  reported  that  he  was  at  church 
but  that  an  officer  had  gone  to  summon  him.  He  appeared  very 
soon,  and  apologized  for  his  absence  by  saying  he  thought  the 
service  would  be  over  before  we  landed.  We  learned  afterwards 
that  the  public  worship  which  the  Colonel  had  attended  was  held 
every  Sunday  in  a  room  appropriated  for  the  purpose,  one  of  the 
' prisoners  of  State'  officiating  who  was  a  clergyman  named  North. 
He  lived  in  Jefferson  County,  Virginia,  near  Harper's  Ferry,  on  a 
farm  which  he  owned,  and  had  been  captured  some  time  before,  in 
a  foray  of  the  enemy's  cavalry.  Nothing  was  alleged  against 
him,  but  that  he  lived  in  a  suspicious  neighborhood.  He  was 
a  plain  and  unsophisticated  man,  had  committed  no  offence 
whatever  against  any  person  or  State,  yet  he  was  taken  from  his 
family,  carried  more  than  five  hundred  miles  from  home,  impris 
oned  without  cause,  and  released,  even  without  apology.  I 
attended  his  service  one  Sunday,  and  found  that  amidst  all 


228  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


this,  he  made  no  distinction  in  his  prayers  between  friends  and 
enemies. 

"  Colonel  Dimmick  received  us  with  great  courtesy,  said  he 
had  given  orders,  early  in  the  morning,  to  have  our  quarters  got 
ready,  but  found,  as  the  rooms  had  to  be  scrubbed,  it  might  not  be 
quite  dry,  and  begged  that  we  would  occupy  his  quarters  until  ours 
were  ready.  Colonel  Dimmick  was  an  officer  of  the  old  army,  and 
was  in  everything  thoroughly  a  gentleman.  Whilst  thus  in 
stalled  in  the  Colonel's  quarters,  fecce  itterum  crispinus/  the 
New  York  marshal  again  appeared.  Colonel  Dimmick,  as  if 
by  no  means  satisfied  with  his  errand,  announced  that  the 
marshal  of  New  York  was  at  the  door,  and  said  he  was  ordered 
to  search  our  baggage.  Said  he,  '  Gentlemen,  I  hope  you  will 
understand  that  I  have  nothing  to  do  with  it.'  We  told  him 
by  all  means  to  admit  the  marshal.  I  then,  for  the  first  time, 
saw  him,  a  common  and  vulgar-looking  man,  exhibiting  the 
shy  subserviency  which  became  the  office  he  had  to  discharge. 
We  at  once  gave  him  our  keys,  and  requested  our  secretaries 
to  point  out  to  him  our  trunks,  lying  in  the  hall.  He  returned 
the  keys  soon  after;  of  course  he  found  no  papers,  and  I  must 
do  him  the  justice  to  say  that  his  examination  was  conducted 
with  due  regard  to  our  assurance  that  our  baggage  contained 
nothing  worthy  of  search. 

"  Whilst  at  the  Colonel's  quarters,  Lieutenant  Buell,  who 
was  the  executive  officer,  told  us  the  rules  required  that  we 
should  deposit  with  him  all  money,  drafts,  or  cheques,  in  our 
possession;  that  we  were  allowed  each  to  retain  twenty  dollais, 
which  we  might  expend  as  we  pleased,  without  account,  and 
when  expended,  he  was  authorized  to  give  us  each  twenty  dollars 
more.  He  said  that  whatever  we  deposited  would  be  placed  to 
our  credit  on  his  books,  which  would  always  be  open  to  our 
inspection.  In  truth,  we  had  very  little  money,  not  more  than 
two  or  three  hundred  dollars  between  the  two  Commissioners 
and  the  two  secretaries.  Our  funds  were  all  in  bills  upon  Eng 
land.  We  complied,  however,  with  his  demand,  which  was 
made  in  a  manner  respectful  and  deferential.  We  remained  in 
the  Colonel's  quarters  an  hour  or  two,  until  it  was  reported  to 
us  that  our  apartment  was  ready  for  us,  when  Colonel  Dimmick 
led  the  way  to  accompany  us.  Soon  after  leaving  his  door,  we 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


were  greeted  by  our  fellow-prisoners  in  crowds,  who  were 
assembled  to  intercept  us  on  the  way.  I  recognized  among 
them  a  body  of  old  and  attached  personal  friends,  chiefly  from 
Maryland,  with  a  few  from  other  States. 

'*  The   room   to   which  we  were   conducted  was   one   of  a 
series    built    of    officers'    quarters.      The  fortress    was    circular 
in  form,  and  along  the  inner  walls  a  number  of  stone  houses 
were   erected,    extending   well   around   the   inside    of   the   fort, 
intended  as  barracks  for  the  garrison.     We  found  in  the  fort 
some   twelve   or   thirteen   hundred   prisoners,    of   whom    about 
an  hundred  and  twenty  were  called  prisoners  of  State,  mean 
ing  those  who  were  arrested  for  political  reasons;  some  eight 
or  nine  hundred  prisoners   of  war,  including  officers   recently 
before  captured  at  Fort  Hatteras,  in  North  Carolina,  with  other 
military  and  naval  officers  captured  during  the  war.     Of  the 
State  prisoners  were   some   twenty  or  thirty  members   of  the 
Legislature  of  Maryland,  who  had  been  arrested  on  the  first 
day  of  the  meeting  of  that  body,  to  prevent  a  quorum  assem 
bling.     Mr.  Slidell  and  I  found  in  this  class  of  prisoners  a  num 
ber  of  old  and  valued  friends,  by  whom  we  were  most  cor 
dially  welcomed.      Our   quarters   consisted   of   a   single   room 
about  eighteen  feet  square,  having  a  small  bed  in  each  corner, 
and  attached  to  it  a  small  closet,  which  contained  our  luggage, 
with  the  furniture  for  a  very  simple  toilet.     Leading  from  this 
closet  was  a  recess  in  the  walls  of  the  fort,  terminated  by  a  loop 
hole.    This  accessory  of  space  enabled  us  to  have  some  shelves 
put  up  for  other  stofage,  to  the  relief  of  our  sleeping  room. 
That  room  was  our  only  apartment,  where  we  received  com 
pany  by  day  and  slept  at  night,  but  restricted  as  such  quarters 
were,  we  soon  found  that  we  were  far  better  off  than  the  rest  of 
our  fellow-prisoners,  who  were  crowded  eight  or  nine  together, 
in  a  room  of  like  size  as  ours.     Under  the  regulations  of  the 
prison  we  were  allowed  the  freest  intercourse  with  each  other 
during  the  day,  and  to  visit  at  pleasure  the  range  of  buildings 
in  which  we  were  lodged,  being  altogether  on  one  side  of  the 
fortress,  and  in  front  of  these  buildings,  in  a  space  three  hun 
dred  feet  long,  by  thirty  feet  wide,  guarded  by  a  line  of  sentinels, 
we    were    allowed    to    take    exercise;      thus    our    communica 
tion  with  each  was  unrestricted  during  the  day.     Retreat  was 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


beat  at  five  o'clock,  and  then  each  prisoner  was  required  to 
retire  to  his  quarters,  not  again  to  leave  them  until  the  next 
day,  to  ensure  both  of  which  an  officer  visited  each  room  after 
retreat,  and  a  sentinel  was  placed  at  the  door.  The  command 
ing  officer,  however,  would  give  special  permits  to  visit  at  night 
until  10  o'clock,  when  it  was  required  that  all  lights  should  be  ex 
tinguished.  A  special  exemption,  however,  was  extended  to  our 
room,  where  visitors  were  allowed  to  remain,,  and  the  lights  to 
burn  until  n  o'clock  —  this  was  done,  not  at  our  request,  but 
at  the  suggestion  of  some  of  our  fellow-prisoners,  who  joined 
us  at  whist  in  the  evening.  Most  of  our  fellow-prisoners  had 
been  in  the  fortress  for  some  time,  and  were  thus  domesticated. 
They  were  allowed,  as  we  were,  only  the  prison  fare,  which, 
in  perpetuam  memoriam  to  the  credit  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  I  record  here  from  the  memorandum  given  to 
me  there  : 

RATIONS  TO  THE  PRISONERS  AT  FORT  WARREN.  PER  DIEM  : 
Twenty-two  ounces  of  flour,  twelve  ounces  bacon,  one  and 
a  half  ounces  coffee,  two  ounces  sugar,  one  ounce  salt,  one  gill 
vinegar,  and  one-half  pound  potatoes.  But  some  thirty  or 
forty  of  them  had  formed  a  mess,  and  the  Colonel  had  kindly 
assigned  them  a  large  room  in  the  barracks,  as  a  mess-room 
detached  from  our  other  quarters.  As  newcomers,  we  were 
invited  to  join  this  mess.  The  room  was  large  enough  to 
accommodate  the  tables,  and,  being  oblong,  to  allow  the  cook 
ing  to  be  done  at  the  farther  end.  So  whatever  the  supposed 
annoyance  of  the  cooking,  our  dinners  were  served  hot.  Our 
predecessors  had  obtained  cooks,  with  their  attendants  from 
Boston,  and  with  the  markets  in  which  city  they  had  established 
a  daily,  and  well  constructed  intercourse.  A  steamer  came  every 
day  to  the  fort  from  Boston  bringing  the  mails  and  supplies  for 
the  garrison,  which  bore  equally,  orders  from  the  prisoners 
sanctioned  by  the  executive  officer.  Our  table  was  thus  well 
supplied,  but  not  alone  from  the  markets  at  Boston;  almost 
every  day  our  fellow-prisoners  from  Baltimore  received  large 
stores  from  their  families  and  friends  there,  including  all  the 
delicacies  of  the  season,  canvasback  ducks,  terrapins,  and  oysters 
from  the  waters  of  the  Chesapeake,  and  in  great  profusion. 
Our  friends  in  Baltimore  sent  like  welcome  presents  to  Mr. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


Slidell  and  me,  and  as  Christmas  approached,  he  and  I  received 
a  very  large  box  filled  with  the  viands  appropriate  to  that  festival, 
from  ladies  in  Hagerstown,  and  the  adjoining  county  in  Mary 
land.  And  here  I  must  record,  too,  that  a  lady  of  Portland,  in 
Maine  (whose  name  I  may  give  in  a  note  when  the  war  is  over), 
sent  to  me  for  our  Christmas  dinner,  a  very  large  box,  filled  with 
the  like  material — everything  that  could  make  a  substantial  and 
luxurious  dinner  was  in  that  box,  and  in  quantity  to  serve  a  hun 
dred  men — so  abundant  was  it  that,  after  taking  out  a  few  things, 
the  rest  was  turned  over  to  the  North  Carolina  troops. 

"  This  excellent  lady  I  have  never  seen  but  once.  Some 
four  or  five  years  before,  being  at  Boston,  I  had  gone  with 
General  Pierce,  then  late  President  of  the  United  States,  and 
a  little  party,  to  visit  the  White  Mountains  in  New  Hampshire. 
There  we  met  this  lady  and  spent  the  evening  in  her  company, 
introduced  by  General  Pierce.  In  a  very  kind  note  accom 
panying  the  box,  she  referred  to  the  acquaintance  thus  formed, 
expressed  her  sympathy  in  my  captivity,  and  on  behalf  of  her 
self  and  other  ladies  of  Portland,  whom  she  named,  asked 
our  '  acceptance  of  the  contents  of  the  box,  to  improve  our 
Christmas  dinner/ 

"  Our  life  in  the  fortress,  of  course,  afforded  no  great 
variety  of  incident — we  were  allowed  to  receive  letters  passing 
under  the  inspection  of  our  jailers,  and  thus  I  heard  two  or 
three  times  from  home.  Being  also  allowed  to  receive  the 
newspapers,  we  had  every  day  the  daily  journals  from  Boston, 
New  York  and  Philadelphia,  with  the  English  papers  and 
periodicals.  Our  prison  life  was,  of  course  monotonous;  now 
and  then  we  could  welcome  a  newcomer,  but  very  seldom  could 
we  take  leave  of  one  departing. 

"  On  the  first  day  of  December,  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  met,  and  on  that  first  day,  the  House  of  Representatives, 
by  a  unanimous  vote,  adopted  a  resolution  requesting  the  Presi 
dent  to  have  the  writer  of  this  memoir  by  name  placed  in  a 
dungeon,  and  treated  as  a  felon — there  to  remain  as  a  hostage, 
to  answer  for  the  life  of  a  Federal  officer  then  held  as  a  hostage 
in  the  Confederate  States,  in  like  manner,  to  answer  for  the  life 
of  a  captain  of  a  Confederate  privateeer,  who  had  been  tried 
and  convicted  as  a  pirate  in  the  Federal  Courts  at  Philadelphia. 


2J2 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


Such  was  my  first  greeting  by  the  Federal  authorities  as  their 
prisoner.  On  the  second  day  of  the  session,  a  like  resolution 
was  unanimously  passed  by  the  House,  on  behalf  of  Mr.  Slidell. 
Such  was  the  spirit  of  the  mob  at  our  capture,  and  the  House 
of  Representatives  was  the  excerpt  of  the  mob.  This,  of  course, 
will  pass  into  history — it  resulted  that  it  was  at  last  a  mob 
extravagance.  The  President,  so  far  as  we  knew,  took  no 
account  of  it,  nor  did  we  hear  anything  more  of  it.  I  record 
it  here  as  an  exemplar  of  those  entrusted  with  power  by  the 
people.  Another  incident  should  be  noted:  The  State  pris 
oners  were  one  day  formally  notified  by  the  Governor  of  the 
fortress  to  be  in  their  rooms  at  a  given  hour  to  hear  an  order 
from  the  Secretary  of  State,  William  H.  Seward,  a  name  that 
would  go  with  infamy  to  posterity,  were  it  not  rescued  from 
such  elevation  by  contempt.  The  order  was  one  prohibiting 
the  prisoners  '  from  having  any  communication  with  counsel, 
upon  pain  of  such  communication  being  made  the  cause  of 
prolonged  imprisonment/  Time  glided  on.  I  never  doubted 
what  the  action  of  England  must  be  upon  our  capture ;  from  my 
knowledge  of  public  law,  I  was  satisfied  and  said  so  to  those 
around  me,  however  anxious  England  might  be  to  avoid  a 
quarrel,  this  must  be  made  a  fighting  issue,  and  that  no 
diplomatic  delays  would  be  allowed.  It  was  an  unmixed  ques 
tion  of  national  honor.  England  had  never  been  recreant.  I  was 
satisfied  that  the  demand  would  be  that  the  wrongdoer  would  be 
required  to  repair  the  wrong,  that  is  to  say,  that  the  prisoners 
should  be  put  back  under  the  safeguard  of  the  British  flag.  All 
this  was  a  subject  of  daily  discussion  in  our  prison  circles^as  my 
fellow-prisoners  will  warrant,  should  this  ever  meet  their  eye.  I 
never  doubted  what  England  would  do — what  the  United  States 
would  do  when  the  demand  was  made,  was  a  theme  for  more 
extended  speculation. 

"  The  official  report  of  the  capture  brought  a  highly  com 
mendatory  letter  to  Captain  Wilkes  from  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  who  said  the  act  had  the  '  Emphatic  approbation '  of  the 
Department.  The  press  of  Boston,  New  York,  and  Philadelphia, 
each  vied  with  the  other  in  laudation  of  the  act  in  capturing  the 
'  Rebel  emissaries/  Captain  Wilkes  was  feted  at  Boston  and  at 
New  York,  where  he  paused  in  his  '  progress/  and  the  House 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


of  Representatives  passed  a  resolution  voting  him  a  sword, 
and  the  thanks  of  Congress.  History  will  record  the  events 
attending  this  capture  as  a  most  extraordinay  lapse  in  the  career 
of  a  civilized  nation — an  instance  where  statesmen  and  Juris 
consults  betrayed  their  country  to  administer  to  the  passions 
of  a  mob.  Edward  Everett,  who  will  be  known  in  the  history 
of  that  country  as  one  who  aspired  to  be  both  jurist  and  states 
man,  following  the  example  of  others,  who  assumed  to  be  of  like 
grade,  wrote  for  the  newspapers  vindicating  on  principles  of 
public  law,  the  act  of  Captain  Wilkes.  He  cited  only  from  the 
text-writers,  and  even  into  them  did  not  go  skin  deep,  but  in  his 
anxiety  to  sustain  the  act  he  falsified  history,  it  will  be  imma 
terial  to  posterity,  whether  from  ignorance  or  design.  Con 
sidering  Yankee  ethics,  he  would  choose  it  to  be  ascribed  to 
the  latter.  Colonel  Laurens,  of  South  Carolina,  had  been  sent 
by  the  Continental  Congress  as  Minister  to  Holland,  and  was 
captured  at  sea  by  a  British  man-of-war — he  was  taken  to 
England  and  confined  in  the  Tower  as  a  state  prisoner  until  the 
end  of  the  war — a  period  of  more  than  two  years.  The  news 
papers  seized  upon  this  as  a  precedent,  assuming  without  ex 
amination  that  the  captured  ship  was  under  the  Dutch  flag.  Mr. 
Everett,  in  an  elaborate  vindication  of  the  act  of  Captain  Wilkes, 
justified  it  on  this  precedent.  It  was  shown  afterwards  by  clear 
proof,  from  historical  documents,  that  the  ship  from  which  Col 
onel  Laurens  was  taken  belonged  to  the  Revolutionary  Colonies, 
and  was  under  the  flag  of  the  Continental  Congress.  This  was 
immediately  fully  exposed  in  the  public  journals  of  the  day,  and 
yet  Mr.  Everett,  the  soi-disant  jurist  and  statesman,  remained 
silent.  This  gentleman  had  been  minister  to  England,  Senator 
of  the  United  States  for  Massachusetts,  and  Secretary  of  State 
of  the  United  States.  He  was  followed  by  sundry  others  of 
the  best  known  public  men  in  the  North,  in  like  manner  vin 
dicating  and  justifying  the  capture,  amongst  whom  I  enumerate 
General  Lewis  Call,  of  Michigan,  and  Mr.  Beecher  Lawrence, 
Rhode  Island,  who  had  undertaken  to  be  an  editor  of  and  com 
mentator  on  Chancellor  Kent's  treatise  on  International  Law. 
Such  is  Yankee  character — it  was  all  surrendered  at  the  first 
summons  from  England. 

"  Our  prison  life,  afforded,  of  course,  but  little  variety — 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


we  breakfasted  at  nine,  and  after  that  took  exercise  in  walking 
up  and  down  the  limited  space  allotted  to  us  in  the  area  of  the 
fortress,  but  in  this,  although  girded  round  by  sentinels,  we 
were  allowed  freely  to  intermingle  and  to  talk  without  reserve. 
During  this  period,  our  only  apartment  was  put  in  order  by  a 
servant  —  in  bad  weather,  to  enable  this  operation  to  be  per 
formed,  we  alternated  with  our  neighbors  in  the  occupation  of 
our  apartments.  About  12  o'clock  the  steamer  arrived  with  the 
mails  from  Boston.  They  occupied  us  for  an  hour  or  two  ;  after 
that,  we  inter-visited,  had  a  glass  of  toddy,  talked  over  and 
speculated  on  the  news.  Our  dinner  was  at  three,  and  thanks 
to  the  sedulous  and  provident  care  of  our  friends  in  Maryland, 
we  always  had  the  materials  for  a  good  one.  After  dinner,  again 
exercise  until  retreat  was  beaten  at  5  o'clock,  when,  as  I  have 
said,  we  were  all  required  to  repair  to  our  quarters,  there  to  be 
inspected.  We  had  the  means  of  making  tea  in  our  respective 
apartments,  and  made  it  the  occasion  of  a  social  gathering. 
After  tea,  whist  for  those  who  were  so  inclined,  until  the  hour 
came  to  extinguish  the  lights.  The  fort  was  garrisoned  by 
some  five  or  six  hundred  new  levies,  officers  and  all,  from 
Massachusetts,  to  whom  the  technical  term  '  raw  '  was  peculiarly 
appropriate.  The  fortress  had  just  been  finished  —  had  hardly 
a  gun  mounted,  and  certainly  not  a  man  capable  of  firing  one. 
We  all  prayed  earnestly  that  the  Yankees  would  refuse  to  sur 
render  us  —  nor  was  this  on  our  own  part  particularly  disin 
terested,  knowing  as  we  did  that  the  war  with  England  to  follow 
such  a  refusal  would  speedily  terminate  the  war  with  the  South. 
"  Time  glided  on  —  on  the  -  of  December  we  saw  by  the 
papers  that  the  first  news  of  our  arrest  was  received  in  England, 
when  the  '  Trent  '  arrived,  and  that  it  made  a  profound  sensa 
tion.  It  struck  the  public  mind  of  England  at  once  as  an  insult 
to  her  flag  and  to  her  national  honour.  By  the  next  arrival, 
three  days  afterwards,  we  learned  that  the  packet  had  been 
detained  at  Queenstown  one  day  to  receive  a  '  Queen's  mes 
senger,'  that  on  landing  at  New  York  he  had  proceeded  at 
once  by  a  special  train  to  Washington,  and  speculation  was  rife 
as  to  the  character  of  the  dispatch  he  bore  to  the  British  Min 
ister.  I  never  doubted  the  character  of  the  demand,  and,  as 
evidence,  here  record  the  fact,  that  I  laid  a  wager  of  fifty  barrels 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


of  corn  with  my  fellow-prisoner,  Charles  J.  Faulkner,  Esq.,  of 
Berkeley  County,  Virginia,  that  the  demand  would  be  to  replace 
the  prisoners  under  the  British  flag — and  that  demand  would  be 
peremptory,  in  terms  to  admit  of  no  delay.  Mr.  Faulkner  had 
been  the  Minister  of  the  United  States  in  France;  had  been 
arrested  on  his  return  from  that  mission  a  few  months  before, 
and  was  confined  at  Fort  Warren. 

"  He  was  released  before  the  intelligence  came  from  Eng 
land,  but  I  won  the  bet,  as  doubtless  he  will  acknowledge 
should  we  ever  meet  again.  We  remained  in  suspense  some  five 
or  six  days,  when  the  papers  brought  us  the  demand  of  Lord 
Russell  from  the  Foreign  Office,  that  we,  with  our  secretaries, 
should  be  delivered  to  Lord  Lyons,  the  British  Minister,  with 
the  reply  of  Mr.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State,  complying  with  it, 
though  filled  with  reasons  to  show  why  he  should  not,  and 
when  he  would  not  comply. 

"  On  the  first  day  of  January,  1862,  returning  from  break 
fast  between  9  and  10  o'clock,  I  was  met  by  Colonel  Dimmick, 
who  told  me  that  a  messenger  had  arrived  from  the  Depart 
ment  of  State,  who  desired  a  private  interview  with  Mr.  Slidell 
and  myself.  I  said  to  him :  '  Very  well ;  where  shall  the  interview 
be  held?  We  have  but  our  sleeping  apartment,  which  is  just 
now  in  a  state  of  disorder/  The  Colonel  replied :  '  You  shall 
have  it,  if  you  please,  at  my  quarters/  and  calling  up  the 
messenger  at  the  same  time,  who  stood  near,  introduced  him 
as  Mr.  Webster,  from  the  Department  of  State.  We  were  near 
my  apartment  and  I  said  I  would  go  in  and  have  it  hastily  pre 
pared  to  receive  us.  Mr.  Slidell  had  not  yet  left  it.  Tne  Mr. 
Webster  thus  introduced  told  me  at  first,  in  reply  to  a  question, 
that  he  was  a  clerk  in  the  Department  of  State;  subsequently 
he  told  our  secretaries  that  he  was  a  deputy  marshal  in  the 
District  of  Columbia.  When  alone  with  Mr.  Slidell  in  our 
apartment  he  said  that  he  was  sent  by  the  Secretary  of  State  to 
take  us,  with  our  secretaries  by  name,  from  the  fort,  and  to 
take  us  out  forty  miles  to  sea,  where  he  would  meet  a  ship, 
on  board  of  which  he  was  to  place  us,  adding  that  the  hour  of 
twelve  was  fixed  for  the  rendezvous  at  sea,  and  he  hoped,  there 
fore,  that  we  would  lose  no  time  in  getting  off.  We  asked  him 
if  his  orders,  or  his  directions,  for  our  guidance  were  in  writing? 


236 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


He  said  no,  his  orders  were  entirely  verbal,  that  he  had  noth 
ing  in  writing.  We  asked  him  where  at  sea  we  were  to  meet 
the  ship?  He  replied  that  he  was  not  at  liberty  to  say,  but 
that  he  would  meet  it  at  the  distance  of  forty  miles.  He  said 
he  had  brought  a  steamer  from  Boston  to  conduct  us,  apolo 
gizing  that  it  was  only  a  '  tug/  by  saying  that  it  was  the  only 
steamer  to  be  chartered  in  Boston,  when  he  arrived  the  night 
before.  It  was  reported  to  us  by  our  secretaries  that  this 
emissary  from  Washington  told  them,  whilst  on  board  the  tug, 
that  he  had  no  orders  in  writing  from  Mr.  Seward,  but  was 
directed  verbally  when  he  arrived  at  Boston  to  report  himself 
there  to  the  commander  of  the  Navy- Yard,  who  would  furnish 
him  with  a  steamer  to  take  off  the  prisoners,  and  that  he  must 
not  disclose  his  errand  to  any  one  except  the  commanding 
officer  at  Fort  Warren.  This  reserve  was  doubtless  due,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  Secretary,  to  his  fears  that,  if  our  intended  release 
was  known  in  Boston  it  might  excite  an  emeute.  I  should  add 
further  that  we  found  on  board  the  '  tug '  as  a  '  guard  of 
honour,'  a  corporal  with  six  marines.  Colonel  Dimmick,  com 
mander  of  the  fortress,  attended  us  to  the  wharf,  where  we 
embarked,  and  took  a  respectful  and  kind  leave  of  us  wherr 
we  went  on  board  the  '  tug/  and  I  have  here  great  pleasure  in 
recording  the  fact  that  this  officer,  whilst  strictly  regardful  of 
the  duties  of  his  position,  was  always  considerate,  kind  and 
respectful,  and  omitted  nothing  which  he  could  properly  do, 
which  would  contribute  to  the  comfort  of  the  prisoners  in  his 
charge.  As  we  passed  out  of  the  fort,  our  fellow-prisoners 
ranged  themselves  in  line  to  witness  our  departure.  They  were 
restrained  from  other  manifestation  than  a  cordial  '  good  bye ', 
1  God  bless  you  ' ;  their  tone  of  voice  spoke  the  rest. 

"  Some  time  before  our  release,  some  four  hundred  of  the 
prisoners  of  war  from  North  Carolina  had  been  paroled,  and 
embarked  in  a  ship  sent  to  receive  them  off  the  fort.  By  special 
permission  of  Colonel  Dimmick,  their  comrades,  along  with 
the  prisoners  of  state,  were  allowed  to  go  to  the  ramparts  to 
witness  their  departure.  As  their  ship  moved  off  we  all  gave 
them  a  parting  salute  of  three  cheers.  We  looked  to  the  same 
indulgence  to  those  we  left  behind  at  our  departure,  but  not  a 
man  appeared  on  the  ramparts  We  heard  afterwards  inci- 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


dentally  that  some  evidences  of  disaffection  were  manifested  by 
the  garrison,  in  consequence  of  our  release,  and  this  may  have 
disinclined  the  Colonel  to  permit  a  cheer  from  the  ramparts. 
The  weather  was  very  rough  on  our  passage,  across  an  arm  of 
the  sea  to  Provincetown,  in  Massachusetts,  some  forty  miles 
from  Fort  Warren,  and  the  waves  made  a  clear  passage  over 
the  deck  of  our  little  'tug.'  As 'we  entered  the  harbor  we  saw 
a  war  [steamer  under  the  British  flag,  lying  at  anchor,  ranging 
alongside.  The  emissary  having  us  in  charge  went  on  board,  as 
he  said,  to  inquire  whether  that  was  the  ship  on  board  which 
he  was  to  deliver  us — returning,  he  reported  it  was  right, 
and  we  were  at  liberty  to  go  on  board.  We  did  so,  and  were 
most  courteously  received  on  the  quarter-deck  by  Captain 
Hewett,  of  Her  Majesty's  ship  the  '  Rinaldo.'  The  manner 
of  placing  us  on  board  this  ship  from  a  small  '  tug/  in  charge  of 
a  corporal's  guard  of  marines,  was  one  of  designed  and  marked 
indignity,  the  conception  of  Mr.  Secretary  Seward.  It  was 
observed,  of  course,  by  Captain  Hewett,  who  told  us  he  had  been 
ordered  by  Lord  Lyons  to  await  our  reception  where  we  found 
him,  and  that  he  had  been  looking  out  for  us  all  day,  but  that 
when  our  steamer  approached  it  did  not  enter  into  his  mind  that 
his  guests  were  to  be  so  delivered. 

"  It  was  a  steamer  of  moderate  size,  carrying  but  thirteen 
guns,  and,  of  course,  but  of  limited  accommodation.  We  were 
conducted  at  once  to  the  cabin  on  the  deck  below,  where  the 
captain  told  us  his  own  state-room,  opening  into  the  cabin,  and 
that  of  his  first  lieutenant  into  the  ward-room,  were  placed  at 
the  disposal  of  the  two  Commissioners ;  and  that  of  our  two 
secretaries,  one  could  have  a  cot  swung  in  the  cabin,  and  the 
other  be  well  provided  for  forward.  We  protested  earnestly 
against  this  arrangement  so  far  as  it  dislocated  the  captain  and 
his  lieutenant,  but  he  persisted  that  he  must  be  allowed  to  make 
the  provision  he  thought  proper  for  his  own  guests.  It  resulted 
that  Mr.  Slidell,  as  the  senior,  was  assigned  to  the  cabin  state 
room,  I  to  the  first  lieutenant's.  Mr.  Eustis  had  a  cot  swung 
in  the  cabin,  and  Mr.  Macfarland  to  the  berth  of  one  of  our 
ward-room  officers.  Captain  Hewett  then  showed  us  his 
orders  from  Lord  Lyons,  his  ship  at  the  time  lying  at  New 
York — they  were  that  he  should  proceed  at  once  to  Province- 


23S  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

town,  Massachusetts,  and  there  remain  until  we  arrived.  That 
we  should  be  received  in  a  manner  due  to  private  gentle 
men  of  distinction,  but  without  any  formal  distinction.  That 
as  soon  as  on  board  we  should  get  under  weigh  and  take  us  to 
any  neutral  port  we  might  elect,  but  we  were  not  to  be  taken 
to  any  port  either  in  the  United  or  Confederate  States.  Thus 
the  anchor  was  weighed  as  soon  as  we  attained  the  deck,  and 
the  ship  then  moved  out  of  the  harbour  to  sea.  We  at  once 
requested  to  be  taken  to  Halifax,  where,  without  detention,  we 
could  re-embark  on  a  Cunard  mail  steamer  for  England,  and  it 
was  so  decided.  Captain  Hewett  then  begged  that  we  would 
consider  his  cabin  as  our  own,  and  announced  the  dinner  hour 
at  6  o'clock.  His  steward  had  orders  to  consider  our  commands 
as  his,  and  we  were  thus  placed  entirely  at  home.  We  had  a 
very  good  and  very  pleasant  dinner,  with  ample  variety  of  ex 
cellent  wine.  On  coming  aboard  we  observed  a  large  supply  of 
fresh  provision,  including  poultry  and  game,  hanging  in  the 
after-rigging.  Just  released  from  prison,  speeding  on  the  way 
to  our  mission,  and  surrounded  by  cordial  and  hospitable  hosts, 
everything  looked  bright.  We  retired  to  bed  about  n  o'clock. 
The  captain  told  us  as  we  parted  that  he  feared  we  would  have 
a  rough  night,  that  the  barometer  had  been  falling  all  day  and 
yet  continued  to  fall,  that  we  had  fairly  got  to  sea,  and  were 
in  a  stiff  gale.  I  took  little  account  of  it,  and  turned  in,  and 
was  soon  fast  asleep,  losing  in  the  act  only  the  most  bright  and 
hopeful  visions. 

"  An  hour  or  two  before  day  I  waked  up,  rinding  myself 
thoroughly  wet  and  exceedingly  cold.  The  door  of  the  state 
room  admitted  a  dim  light  from  the  lantern  swung  in  the  ward 
room.  When  fairly  roused,  I  found  the  water  trickling  upon  me 
rapidly  from  above.  My  attention  was  attracted  by  a  regur 
gitating  sound  of  water  on  the  cabin  floor.  I  looked  down 
and  saw  the  clothes  I  had  taken  off  and  deposited  on  a  chair, 
with  my  boots,  making  their  gyrations  over  the  floor  with  the 
motion  of  the  ship,  in  six  or  eight  inches  of  water.  Not  well 
accustomed  to  the  incidents  of  sea  life,  I  was  at  some  loss  to 
know  what  was  the  matter — it  was  certain  only  that  I  was  very 
wet  and  cold,  with  the  water  pouring  upon  me  from  above,  and 
several  inches  deep  on  the  cabin  floor.  I  leaned  over  the  berth, 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 

and,  as  opportunity  offered  in  the  ebb  and  flow  of  the  tide,  res 
cued  my  clothes  piece  by  piece  from  the  flood  below,  wrung 
out  the  water  as  well  as  I  could  and  put  them  beside  me  in  the 
dryest  part  of  my  berth.  The  rolling  and  tossing  of  the  ship, 
with  the  incessant  roar  of  the  wind  heard  from  above,  recalled 
the  captain's  prediction  that  we  were  to  have  a  rough  night — 
but  what  was  I  to  do?  very  wet  and  getting  wetter,  and  very 
cold  and  getting  colder.  Whilst  pondering  on  my  condition, 
I  heard  some  one  in  the  adjoining  apartment,  and  calling  to 
him  brought  in  the  ward-room  steward.  I  asked  him  what 
was  the  matter?  He  replied,  in  a  tone  which  seemed  earnestly 
intent  on  shifting  the  responsibility,  that  it  was  blowing  a  fearful 
gale  and  the  ship  was  straining  very  hard,  and  that  some  of  the 
seams  had  opened  on  deck,  which  let  the  water  in  below ;  that  he 
was  very  sorry,  but  there  was  no  way  of  stopping  it. 

"  It  must  be  remembered  that  we  were  in  a  northern  lati 
tude  on  the  night  of  the  ist  of  January,  no  fire,  and  the  ther 
mometer  far  below  the  freezing  point.  It  took  little  time  to 
determine  that  I  could  not  remain  where  I  was;  the  steward 
brought  me  some  outer  clothing  from  the  lieutenant's  stores, 
with  some  dry  blankets.  I  got  up,  keeping  my  feet  out  of  the 
water  with  his  aid,  and  wrapped  in  these  habiliments  I  found  my 
way  into  the  cabin.  The  cabin  floor  was  on  a  higher  level  than 
the  ward-room,  and  its  broad  and  ample  lockers  well  supplied 
with  morocco  cushions,  of  every  length  and  breadth.  I  laid 
down  on  the  floor,  and  with  the  aid  of  the  cushions,  the  steward 
supplied  me  with  a  comfortable  bed,  wedged  in  by  other  cushions 
to  keep  me  in  place  against  the  rolling  of  the  ship.  At  every 
half  hour  the  captain,  lieutenant,  or  sailing-master  came  in  to 
consult  the  barometer,  which,  as  they  reported,  continued  to 
fall.  They  reported  further  that  it  was  blowing  a  hard  gale, 
with  very  thick  weather  and  snow.  At  the  usual  breakfast  hour 
no  table  could  be  spread,  and  while  I  lay  on  the  floor,  the 
steward  brought  me  a  cup  of  coffee,  with  a  piece  of  bread  and 
a  dish  of  '  Irish  stew  ' — in  sea  phrase,  '  lobscouse  ' — the  former 
the  cabin,  the  latter  the  forecastle  name,  meaning  a  hash  of  mut 
ton  stewed  with  sundry  condiments,  more  savory  than  refined, 
the  principal  ingredient  the  proscribed  onion.  I  had  no  relish 
for  '  lobscouse,'  but  refreshed  by  the  coffee  and  bread,  and 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


wrapped  in  the  warm  overcoats  of  the  officers,  made  my  way 
to  the  deck,  and  there  was  a  spectacle  that  I  presume  could  find 
its  parallel  only  in  the  most  dreary  wastes  of  the  Arctic  ocean. 
"  Upon  the  uniform  basis  of  a  hoarse  and  continuous  roar, 
the  wind  actually  howled  and  shrieked — the  ship  everywhere 
coated  thickly  with  ice,  not  a  sail  was  set,  nor  could  one  be  set, 
every  part  of  the  rigging  was  a  conglomerate  mass  of  ice,  which 
was  increased  in  thickness  every  moment  by  the  heavy  spray 
of  the  sea,  of  which  every  drop  froze  directly  where  it  fell. 
The  ample  store  of  provisions,  which  I  have  commemorated 
on  a  preceding  page,  in  the  rigging,  had  all  gone  as  an  offering 
to  Neptune  or  other  monsters  of  the  deep.  The  boats  hang 
ing  in  the  davits  had  disappeared,  stove,  and  carried  away 
during  the  night.  The  foretopsail  under  a  double  reef,  the 
only  sail  on  the  ship  carried  away,  and  the  bulwarks  followed, 
stove  in.  The  sea  presented  no  appearance,  even,  of  undulation, 
but  its  surface  seemed  erected  into  large  upright  cones,  seeth 
ing  and  foaming  at  the  apex.  The  deck,  even  then,  was  coated 
with  ice,  certainly  some  two  or  three  inches  thick,  and  there 
was  no  walking  without  the  aid  of  those  having  better  sea-legs 
than  I.  The  forecastle  presented  the  appearance  of  a  magnifi 
cent  cave,  or  grotto,  the  roof  of  which  was  sustained  by  massive 
stalactites,  and  the  guns  were  covered  by  a  uniform,  continu 
ous  sheet  of  thick  ice,  nothing  of  the  guns  or  its  carriage  visible 
in  the  appropriate  outlines.  For  four  days  and  nights  we 
struggled  with  that  storm — the  ship  all  the  time  under  steam. 
We  never  saw  the  sun  by  day,  or  the  moon  or  stars  by  night, 
and  thus  had  no  observation  to  determine  our  position.  Dur 
ing  the  whole  period  the  barometer  continued  to  fall.  The 
sailing-master  estimated  by  his  dead  reckoning  that  we  had 
passed  to  the  eastward  of  Halifax,  but  in  the  uncertainty  and 
absence  of  any  observation  it  was  too  hazardous  an  attempt  to 
approach  the  land.  More  than  twenty  of  the  crew  were  frost 
bitten  in  their  fingers  and  toes,  but  the  captain  held  on  his 
course,  determined  to  make  good  his  port  in  Halifax.  We  had 
more  than  once  remonstrated  and  urged  him  to  give  it  up,  there 
being  nothing  to  indicate  that  the  gale  would  abate.  On  the 
morning  of  the  5th  of  January,  things  were  dark  and  gloomy 
as  ever,  and  the  captain  told  us  that  he  had  determined,  if  he 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


got  no  observations  at  meridian,  he  would  bear  away  for  Ber 
muda.  At  12  o'clock  he  came  into  the  cabin  and  said:  '  Gen 
tlemen,  I  am  happy  to  inform  you  that  the  ship  has  altered  her 
course  and  we  are  heading  due  south,  direct  for  Bermuda.' 
To  this  happy  change  I  believe  we  were  more  indebted  to  the 
diminished  quantity  of  our  coal  than  to  any  diminution  in  the 
persevering  purpose  of  Captain  Hewett.  We  ran  some  three 
hundred  miles  before  we  got  within  the  benign  influence  of  the 
Gulf  Stream,  and  the  gale  followed  us  to  the  borders  of  the 
gulf.  As  we  advanced  into  it,  the  temperature  of  the  air  became 
milder,  but  it  required  hot  water  from  the  furnaces,  liberally  dis 
tributed  over  the  deck  for  several  hours,  to  thaw  the  compact 
masses  of  ice.  The  sun  once  more  shone  out  brightly,  and  all 
the  officers  except  the  captain  were  busily  engaged  exercising 
themselves  with  shovel,  pick-axe  and  other  implements,  in  break 
ing  the  masses  of  ice  and  throwing  it  overboard. 

"  It  took  several  hours  to  get  the  ship  free  of  ice,  but 
we  had  passed  beyond  the  region  of  the  gale,  and  when  this  was 
done,  with  a  bright  sun,  a  gentle  breeze  and  a  dry  ship,  we 
seemed  to  enter  upon  a  new  life.  Then,  for  the  first  time,  the 
captain  told  us  of  the  perils  we  had  passed.  It  seems  that 
when  off  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  during  the  midst  of  the  gale,  the 
tiller-rope  broke,  and  a  few  minutes  afterwards  the  preventer 
rope,  the  adjutant  of  the  tiller,  broke  also,  from  the  great  pres 
sure  on  the  wheel.  There  was  nothing  then  left  by  which  the 
ship  could  be  kept  on  her  course  but  the  foretopsail,  and  that 
blew  away.  Fortunately,  we  were  all  fast  asleep  and  uncon 
scious  of  our  condition.  It  seems  that  it  took  more  than  an 
hour  to  get  a  new  rope  adjusted  on  the  wheel,  and  in  the  mean 
time,  our  ship  drifted  ad  libitum.  The  captain  reported  that 
when  the  ship  came  again  under  command  of  the  helm,  he 
found  by  his  soundings  that  he  was  in  thirty- fathom  water, 
indicating  the  dangerous  proximity  of  St.  George's  banks,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy.  Having  had  no  observation, 
he  could  only  guess  at  his  actual  position,  and  after  a  few 
moments'  pause,  whether  he  should  seek  to  extricate  himself  by 
wearing  ship,  or  by  forcing  her  ahead  by  the  power  of  steam,  he 
determined  on  the  latter,  and  in  a  short  time  again  found  him 
self  out  of  soundings. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  We  had  a  pleasant  run  after  this  to  Bermuda,  where  we 
arrived  on  the  Qth  of  January.  We  made  the  land  soon  after 
daylight;  there  was  quite  a  breeze  blowing,  and  we  approached 
it  cautiously  and  slowly.  The  island  presented  a  high  and 
mountainous  outline,  with  a  narrow  fringe  of  coast,  against 
which  the  surf  broke  in  cooling  sheets  of  foam.  A  pilot 
boarded  us  some  three  or  four  miles  off,  in  the  form  of  a  dark 
brown  mulatto,  in  sailor's  garb  with  a  broad,  weather-beaten 
straw  hat.  The  ship  was  given  up  to  him  as  the  pilot,  and  he 
guided  us  slowly  but  securely  into  a  large  land-locked  bay.  As 
we  approached,  telegraphic  signals  were  interchanged  between 
the  ship  and  the  Admiral's  residence  on  shore.  They  apprised 
him  of  the  name  of  the  ship  and  of  our  presence  on  board.  Cap 
tain  Hewett  landed  to  pay  his  respects  to  the  Admiral,  and 
the  ship  continued  her  way  to  the  Government  docks  inside  the 
Mole.  We  passed  very  near  the  Admiral's  ship  of  90  guns,  the 
'  Nile/  lying  at  anchor  in  the  bay.  The  signals  had  apprised  her, 
too,  of  our  arrival.  As  we  passed,  the  band  mustered  on  the 
quarter-deck,  with  the  officers  grouped  around.  It  struck  up  the 
air  '  Dixie  Land/  then  supposed  to  be  the  national  air  of  the 
Confederates.  Mr.  Slidell  and  I,  standing  apart  on  the  deck, 
acknowledged  the  compliment  by  waving  our  caps,  and  the 
salute  was  returned  in  like  manner  by  the  officers  of  the  '  Nile.' 
Soon  after  we  made  fast  within  the  Mole,  the  captain  and  senior 
lieutenants  of  the  '  Nile  '  came  on  board  to  make  their  con 
gratulatory  respects,  with  an  earnest  invitation  to  us  to  visit 
their  ship.  We  did  so  the  next  morning  before  sailing,  and 
were  most  kindly  and  hospitably  received.  This  civility  was  an 
earnest  of  the  sympathy  and  good  feeling  we  met  with  every 
where  from  the  British  naval  officers. 

"  We  had  requested  Captain  Hewett  to  say  to  the  Admiral 
that  we  should  be  very  much  obliged  if  he  would  expedite  us 
on  our  way  to  England,  either  by  sending  us  direct  if  he  could 
spare  a  ship  from  the  station,  or  if  not,  then  that  we  should  go 
as  early  as  practicable  to  the  Island  of  St.  Thomas,  where  we 
could  intercept  the  Royal  Mail  Steam  Line  from  Mexico  to 
Havana.  We  knew  that  this  line  in  regular  course  left  St. 
Thomas  on  the  I3th,  but  was  often  delayed  a  day  tw  make  con 
nection  with  an  associate  line  from  South  America.  Captain 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


Hevvett  had  been  good  enough  to  say  that,  in  default  of  a  more 
suitable  arrangement,  he  would,  with  the  Admiral's  permis 
sion,  have  his  ship  coaled  during  the  night  and  pursue  his  voy 
age  with  us  on  the  next  day  (the  loth).  The  sea  was  calm  in 
those  latitudes,  and  he  felt  assured  that  he  could  make  the  run 
in  four  days,  which  would  put  us  at  St.  Thomas  on  the  I4th, 
and  thus  enable  us  without  detention  to  proceed  to  England, 
provided  the  mail  steamer  should,  as  sometimes  happened,  have 
been  detained  a  day.  Captain  Hewett  returned  from  his  visit 
to  the  Admiral  about  3  p.  m.  He  reported  first  an  invitation 
from  the  Admiral,  that  we  should  dine  with  him  that  evening, 
at  seven,  and  spend  the  night  ashore — next,  that  he  had  but  one 
steamer,  then  at  Bermuda,  which  he  could  offer  us  to  go  to 
England,  the  '  Racer/  Captain  Lyons,  and  that  she  could  be  got 
ready  for  us  in  three  .days,  but  if  we  preferred  taking  the  chance 
of  hitting  the  mail  steamer  at  St.  Thomas,  he  would  give  an 
order  to  Captain  Hewett  accordingly.  The  *  Racer,'  we 
found,  was  a  small  steamer  and  a  slow  one  (lucus  a  non  lucendo) 
and  would  probably  require  twenty  days  to  get  to  England. 
Captain  Hewett,  whose  earnest  kindness  I  have  renewed  pleasure 
in  recording,  although  his  ship  was  much  shattered  by  the  gale 
we  had  left,  said,  if  we  chose  to  go  with  him,  he  would  have  his 
coal  replenished  during  the  night,  get  off  at  an  early  hour  on 
the  next  day,  and  would  engage  to  have  us  at  St.  Thomas  in  the 
forenoon  of  the  I4th.  We  accepted  the  latter  course,  which  he 
telegraphed  to  the  Admiral,  and  the  order  was  issued  accordingly. 

"  Immediately  a  large  force  was  put  to  coal  the  ship,  which 
was  successfully  concluded  betwen  10  and  n  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  the  loth.  We  were  visited  during  our  stay  by  the 
naval  officers  on  the  station  ashore  and  afloat,  with  most  kind 
and  hospitable  invitations  to  dine,  and  so  forth.  And  now  for 
our  visit  to  Admiral  Milne. 

"  He  had  a  beautiful  official  residence  on  shore,  with  cul 
tivated  grounds,  shrubberies,  etc.,  and  gave  us  a  cordial  wel 
come.  We  found  a  party  oLthe  officials  of  the  island  assembled. 
The  Admiral  was  very  kind  and  gracious  in  his  disposition  to 
make  the  best  provision  in  his  power  for  our  comfort.  He  had 
given  the  necessary  orders  and  employed  all  the  necessary  force 
to  have  the  '  Rinaldo  '  ready  for  departure  at  an  early  hour 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


on  the  following  day.  We  were  told  on  taking  leave 
that  we  were  to  be  quartered  for  the  night  at  the  house 
of  Mrs.  Robinson,  not  far  off,  which  had  been  provided 
for  us.  Arriving  there  about  midnight,  we  found  a  good- 
looking  country  house,  and  our  hostess,  a  sturdy  but  well 
mannered  negro  woman.  Lights  were  burning,  and  she 
expecting  us.  Counting  up  the  party  of  four,  she  said  she 
had  but  three  chambers,  but  the  fourth  gentleman  was  to  stay 
with  Mrs.  Philips.  Of  this  latter  lady  we  had  never  heard,  but 
her  house  was  near  by,  and  Mr.  Eustis  and  Macfarland  cast  lots 
which  should  be  the  guest  of  Mrs.  Philips.  It  fell  upon  Mac 
farland,  and  he  moved  off  in  the  dark,  to  hunt  up  his  hostess  and 
claim  his  position.  We  had  clean  and  commodious  chambers, 
with  excellent  beds,  neatness,  propriety,  and  every  proper  obser 
vance  due  to  our  comfort,  including  baths,  abundance  of  water 
and  towels.  It  was  the  first  night  in  which  we  had  slept  in  a 
quiet  bed,  hard  and  fast  on  the  land,  and  we  enjoyed  it  accord 
ingly.  The  breakfast  table,  the  next  morning,  was  of  most 
inviting  aspect,  abundantly  supplied  with  fish,  vegetables,  and 
fruit  and  delicious  coffee,  the  table  service  of  silver.  On  taking 
leave,  we  offered  ample  remuneration  to  our  landlady,  which 
she  civilly  but  peremptorily  declined,  saying  that  we  were  the 
guests  of  the  Admiral,  and  not  hers.  We  had  to  content  our 
selves,  therefore,  with  distributing  silver  coin  to  the  little 
negroes,  her  children. 

"  What  we  saw  of  the  Island  of  Bermuda  the  first  week  in 
January,  would  show  it  a  delightful  climate.  Thermometer  from 
75  to  80,  the  heat  tempered  by  the  breezes  from  the  sea.  Roses 
and  flowers  of  every  hue  blooming  everywhere,  birds  singing 
and  the  sky  without  a  cloud.  We  embarked  in  the  Admiral's 
boat  about  10  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  loth  of  January  to 
return  to  our  ship.  We  were  conducted  to  the  boats  at  a  land 
ing  by  an  artificial  stairway,  in  a  beautiful  land-locked  little  bay, 
trenching  from  the  ocean  deeply  into  the  island.  The  ever 
green  foliage  on  all  sides  came  down  to  the  water's  edge,  the 
depths  ranging  from  ten  to  twenty  feet  —  the  bottom  of  coral, 
perfectly  white,  and  the  water  so  transparent  that  you  saw  the 
bottom  as  though  no  fluid  was  interposed.  On  the  way  to  our 
ship  we  visited,  by  invitation,  the  Admiral's  ship,  the  '  Nile/ 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


were  most  courteously  and  hospitably  received,  and  after  inspect 
ing  her  throughout,  her  officers,  in  a  parting  glass,  drank  to  our 
safe  arrival  in  '  Old  England.'  We  weighed  anchor  and  stood 
out  from  Bermuda  in  the  forenoon  of  the  loth  of  January.  Our 
hospitable  captain  had  fully  replenished  his  larder,  the  sea  was 
calm,  and  we  had  a  prosperous  run  to  St.  Thomas.  Rounding 
the  headland  of  the  beautiful  bay,  on  the  precipitous  sides  of 
which  the  town,  seemed  suspended,  we  came  to  anchor,  about 
10  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  I4th,  near  the  Royal  mail 
steamer,  the  '  La  Plata/  which,  as  we  had  hoped,  had  been 
detained  a  day  by  the  failure  of  her  South  American  associate. 

"  The  United  States  war  steamer  '  Troquois '  was  there, 
also  at  anchor,  and  near  her  at  anchor  was  the  British  war 
steamer  '  Cadmus/  Our  arrival  by  this  route  was  of  course 
entirely  unexpected.  The  captain  of  the  latter  ship  came  on 
board,  and  after  a  very  kind  salutation,  told  us  that  our  arrival 
would  relieve  him  from  the  very  annoying  duty  of  following  and 
watching  the  Yankee  man-of-war;  that  he  had  been  following 
him  through  those  seas  for  some  weeks;  that  he  should  lie 
where  he  was,  after  the  '  La  Plata '  sailed,  unless  the  Yankee 
weighed  anchor,  when  '  if  he  does,  you  may  rely  that  I  shall 
follow  him,  to  prevent  another  Trent  affair.' 

"  Although  so  far  advanced  in  the  winter,  the  weather  was 
intensely  warm,  and  we  were  habited  in  linen  jackets,  with  straw 
hats.  Communicating  with  the  '  La  Plata,'  we  learned  that 
she  would  sail  in  a  few  hours,  and  because  of  the  heat  I  did 
not  go  ashore.  Mr.  Macfarland  and  Eustis,  however,  did  so,  and 
brought  us  an  ample  supply  of  fruit,  for  which  St.  Thomas 
is  celebrated,  for  the  voyage.  Pineapples,  oranges,  bananas, 
in  short,  all  the  fruits  of  the  tropics,  in  addition  to  which  some 
ladies  of  the  island,  hearing  of  our  arrival,  sent  off  servants  with 
large  baskets  of  fruit  and  flowers,  and  a  kind  note  of  welcome. 
When  the  time  arrived  for  our  departure,  Captain  Hewett,  hav 
ing  previously  sent  our  baggage,  himself  accompanied  us  on 
board  the  '  La  Plata '  in  his  '  gig/  All  the  officers  of  the  ship 
assembled  in  the  cabin  to  take  leave ;  their  adieus,  over  a  glass 
of  champagne,  with  the  earnestly  expressed  hope  that  we  should 
meet  again,  were  kind  and  sincere.  The  '  La  Plata '  weighed 
anchor  about  2  P.  M.,  and  we  were  off  for  England. 


246 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  This  ship  was  the  same,  on  the  Royal  Mail  Line,  sailing  in 
connection  with  the  Trent,  which  would  have  received  us  on 
her  voyage  out  before,  had  we  not  been  captured,  and  which 
conveyed  Mrs.  Slidell,  with  the  other  ladies  of  our  party,  after 
that  event.  Captain  Weller,  commanding  the  ship,  was  in  every 
thing  courteous  and  cordial,  and  by  his  direction  we  had  excel 
lent  state-rooms.  When  we  sailed  from  Havana  our  passage 
was  paid  through  to  England,  which  he  informed  us  was  taken 
in  full  of  further  demand,  besides  which  courtesy,  our  purses 
being  low,  he  advanced  to  me  all  the  money  required  by  the 
party  for  contingencies,  for  my  cheque  upon  a  banker.  Should 
there  be  any  who  object  to  the  apparently  light  character  of  these 
reminiscences,  I  will  remit  him  to  himself  under  like  circum 
stances.  Our  ship  was  not  crowded,  but  amongst  the  passen 
gers  were  several  educated  and  intelligent  gentlemen,  inclu 
ding  the  Governor  of  Martinique,  returning  home  on  a  leave  of 
absence.  We  had  thus  a  pleasant  party.  We  had  a  fine  ship ; 
her  flushed  deck,  300  feet  long  by  30  feet  wide,  gave  us  for  exer 
cise  the  same  space  that  we  had  been  allowed  at  Fort  Warren. 
The  weather,  though  somewhat  boisterous  as  we  advanced  on 
the  voyage,  was,  on  the  whole,  passable  for  a  winter  month, 
and  we  arrived  at  Southampton  on  the  2Qth  of  January,  after 
the  usual  passage  of  fourteen  days.  Soon  after  landing  I  pro 
ceeded  to  London,  on  the  same  day,  and  took  quarters  at  Fen- 
ton's  Hotel,  St.  James  Street/' 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Instruction  from  State  Department — Dispatch  from  Richmond  About  the 
British  Vessels  "Bruce"  and  "Napier,"  and  Denying  Report  the  Confede 
rate  States  Government  Had  Prohibited  Export  of  Cotton  to  Neutrals — 
Letter  from  Mr.  Mason  to  Mr.  Hunter —English  Sympathy  with  South — 
Views  of  Members  of  Parliament  on  Blockade  and  Recognition — Inter 
view  with  Earl  Russell — Mr.  Lindsay's  Interview  with  the  Emperor — Visit 
of  M.  Mercier  to  Richmond  a  Mystery — Cotton  Famine — Educated  Classes 
in  England  Favor  the  South — Private  Letters. 

The  difficulties  of  communication  between  the  Confederate 
States  and  foreign  countries  caused  great  irregularity  and  delay 
in  the  transmission  of  dispatches.  Long  intervals  occurred  dur 
ing  which  Mr.  Mason  heard  nothing  from  home  and  nothing 
from  him  reached  his  family  or  the  Department,  although  letters 
and  dispatches  were  frequently  sent  from  both  sides,  and  few 
of  them  failed  eventually  to  reach  their  destination.  It  has  not 
been  found  practicable  to  arrange  them  in  the  usual  form  of  a 
correspondence,  since  the  dates  of  those  on  the  same  subject 
bear  no  relation  to  each  other;  many  of  them  having  been 
delayed  until  long  after  others,  written  much  later,  had  been 
received  and  answered.  Not  only  were  duplicates  and  triplicates 
sent  of  every  dispatch,  but  each  began  with  a  brief  synopsis  of 
the  former  ones ;  to  give  them  in  full  would,  therefore,  involve 
much  tedious  repetition.  Extracts  from  them  have  been  selected 
to  tell  all  that  is  of  interest  connected  with  the  mission,  or  that 
relates  to  military  events  in  America,  and  occasional  letters  to 
members  of  Mr.  Mason's  family  are  introduced  to  tell  of  the 
warm  interest  and  sympathy  felt  in  England  for  the  South, 
evinced  by  the  kindness  and  hospitality  extended  to  him,  the 
representative  of  the  South. 

Dispatches  from  the  Department,  in  Richmond,  have  been 
inserted  with  regard  to  the  subjects  to  which  they  refer  and  the 
time  when  they  reached  London,  rather  than  to  the  time  they 
were  written. 


248 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


EXTRACTS  FROM  "  INSTRUCTIONS  "  TO  HON.  J.  M.  MASON. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"RICHMOND,  September  23d,  1861. 
"  To  the  Hon.  J.  M.  Mason,  etc.,  etc. 

"  SIR  :  The  President  desires  that  you  should  proceed  to 
London  with  as  little  delay  as  possible,  and  place  yourself,  as  soon 
as  you  may  be  able  to  do  so,  in  communication  with  the  Gov 
ernment. 

"  The  events  which  have  occurred  since  our  Commissioners 
had  their  first  interview  with  Lord  John  Russell  have  placed  our 
claims  to  recognition  in  a  much  stronger  point  of  view.  But,  in 
presenting  the  case  once  more  to  the  British  Government,  you 
ought  again  to  explain  the  true  position  in  which  we  appear 
before  the  world. 

"  We  are  not  to  be  viewed  as  revolted  provinces  or  rebel 
lious  subjects  seeking  to  overthrow  the  lawful  authority  of  a 
common  sovereign.  Neither  are  we  warring  for  rights  of  a 
doubtful  character,  or  such  as  are  to  be  ascertained  only  by  im 
plication.  On  the  contrary,  the  Union  from  which  we  have  with 
drawn  was  founded  upon  the  express  stipulations  of  a  written 
instrument,  which  established  a  Government  whose  powers  were 
to  be  exercised  for  certain  declared  purposes,  and  restricted 
within  well  defined  limits.  When  a  sectional  and  dominant 
majority  persistently  violated  the  covenants  and  conditions  of 
that  compact,  those  States  whose  safety  and  well-being  depended 
upon  the  performance  of  these  covenants,  were  justly  absolved 
from  all  moral  obligation  to  remain  in  such  a  Union.  And  when 
the  Government  of  that  Union,  instead  of  affording  protection 
to  their  social  system,  itself  threatened  not  merely  to  disturb 
the  peace  and  security  of  its  people,  but  also  to  destroy  their 
social  system,  the  States  thus  menaced  owed  it  to  themselves  and 
their  posterity  to  withdraw  immediately  from  a  Union  whose 
very  bonds  prevented  them  from  defending  themselves  against 
such  dangers.  Such  were  the  causes  which  led  the  Confederate 
States  to  form  a  new  Union,  to  be  composed  of  more  homogene 
ous  materials  and  interests.  Experience  had  demonstrated  to 
them  that  a  Union  of  two  different  and  hostile  social  systems 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


under  a  Government  in  which  one  of  them  wielded  nearly  all  the 
power,  was  not  only  ill-assorted,  but  dangerous  in  the  extreme 
to  the  weaker  section  whose  scheme  of  society  was  thus  unpro 
tected.  Prompted  by  these  teachings,  eleven  sovereign  States 
bound  together  by  the  tie  of  a  common  social  system,  and  by 
the  sympathies  of  identical  interests,  have  instituted  a  new  Con 
federacy,  and  a  new  Government,  which  they  justly  hope  will 
be  more  harmonizing  in  its  operation,  and  more  permanent  in  its 
existence.  In  forming  this  Government  they  seek  to  preserve 
their  old  institutions  and  to  pursue  through  their  new  organic 
law  the  very  ends  and  purposes  for  which,  as  they  believe,  the 
first  was  formed. 

"  It  was  because  a  revolution  was  sought  to  be  made  in  the 
spirit  and  ends  of  the  organic  law  of  their  first  Union  by  a 
dominant  and  sectional  majority,  operating  through  the 
machinery  of  a  Government  which  was  in  their  hands,  and 
placed  there  for  different  purposes,  that  the  Confederate  States 
withdrew  themselves  from  the  jurisdiction  of  such  a  Govern 
ment,  and  established  another  for  themselves.  Their  example, 
therefore,  furnishes  no  precedent  for  the  overthrow  of  the  law 
ful  authority  of  a  regular  Government  by  revolutionary  violence, 
nor  does  it  encourage  a  resort  to  fractious  tumult  and  civil  war 
by  irresponsible  bodies  of  men.  On  the  contrary,  their  Union 
has  been  formed  through  the  regular  action  of  the  Sovereign 
States  comprising  the  Confederacy,  and  it  has  established  a 
Government  competent  to  the  discharge  of  all  its  civil  functions, 
and  entirely  responsible,  both  in  war  and  peace  for  all  its  actions. 
Nor  has  that  Government  shown  itself  unmindful  of  the  obliga 
tion  which  its  people  incurred  whilst  their  States  were  members 
of  the  former  Union.  On  the  contrary,  one  of  their  first  acts 
was  to  send  Commissioners  to  the  Government  at  Washington 
to  adjust  amicably  all  subjects  of  difference,  and  to  provide  for 
a  peaceable  separation  and  a  fair  satisfaction  of  the  mutual  claims 
of  the  two  Confederacies.  These  Commissioners  were  not  re 
ceived,  and  all  offers  for  a  peaceful  accommodation  were  con- 
temptously  rejected.  The  authority  of  our  Government  itself 
was  denied,  its  people  denounced  as  rebels,  and  a  war  was  waged 
against  them,  which,  if  carried  on  in  the  spirit  in  which  it  was 
proclaimed,  must  be  the  most  sanguinary  and  barbarous  which 


250 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


has  been  known  for  centuries  amongst  civilized  people.  The 
Confederate  States  have  thus  been  forced  to  take  up  arms  in 
defence  of  their  right  to  self-government,  and,  in  the  name  of 
that  sacred  right,  they  have  appealed  to  the  nations  of  the  earth, 
not  for  material  aid  or  alliances  offensive  and  defensive,  but  for 
the  moral  weight  which  they  would  derive  from  holding  a  recog 
nized  place  as  a  free  and  independent  people.  In  asking  for 
this,  they  feel  that  they  will  not  receive  more  than  they  will  give 
in  return,  and  they  offer,  as  they  think,  a  full  equivalent  for  any 
favor  that  may  thus  be  granted  them.  Diplomatic  relations  are 
established  mainly  to  protect  human  intercourse,  and  to  adjust 
peaceably  the  differences  which  spring  from  such  intercourse,  or 
arise  out  of  the  conflicting  interests  of  society.  The  advantages 
of  such  intercourse  are  mutual,  and  in  general,  as  between 
nations,  any  one  of  them  receives  as  much  as  it  gives,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  well-being  of  human  society,  which  is  promoted 
by  placing  its  relations  under  the  protection  and  restraints  of 
public  law.  It  would  seem  then,  that  a  new  Confederacy,  asking 
to  establish  diplomatic  relations  with  the  world,  ought  not  to  be 
required  to  do  more  than  to  present  itself  through  a  Govern 
ment  competent  to  discharge  civil  functions,  and  strong  enough 
to  be  responsible  for  its  actions  to  the  other  nations  of  the  earth. 
After  this  is  shown,  the  great  interests  of  peace  and  the  general 
good  of  society  would  seem  to  require  that  a  speedy  recognition 
should  follow. 

"  It  can  not  be  difficult  to  show,  in  our  case,  a  strict  com 
pliance  with  these,  the  just  conditions  of  our  recognition  as  an 
independent  people.  If  we  were  pleading  for  favors,  we  might 
ask  and  find  more  than  one  precedent  in  British  history  for 
granting  the  request  that  we  be  recognized  for  the  sake  of  that 
sacred  right  of  self-government  for  which  we  are  this  day  in 
arms,  and  which  we  have  been  taught  to  prize  by  the  teachings, 
the  traditions,  and  the  example  of  the  race  from  which  we  have 
sprung.  But  we  do  not  place  ourselves  before  the  bar  of  nations 
to  ask  for  favors ;  we  seek  for  what  we  believe  to  be  justice,  not 
only  to  ourselves,  but  justice  to  the  great  interests  of  peace  and 
humanity.  If  the  recognition  of  our  independence  must  finally 
come,  and  if  it  be  only  a  work  of  time,  it  seems  to  be  the  duty 
of  each  of  the  nations  of  the  earth  to  throw  the  moral  weight  of 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


its  recognition  into  the  scale  of  peace  as  soon  as  possible.  For 
to  delay  will  only  be  to  prolong  unnecessarily  the  sufferings  of 
war.  If,  then,  our  Government  can  be  shown  to  be  such  as  has 
been  here  described,  we  shall  place  ourselves  in  the  position  of  a 
people  who  are  entitled  to  a  recognition  of  their  independence. 
The  physical  and  moral  elements  of  our  Confederacy;  its  great, 
but  undeveloped  capacities,  and  its  developed  strength,  as  proved 
by  the  history  of  the  conflict  in  which  we  are  now  engaged  ought 
to  satisfy  the  world  of  the  responsible  character  of  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  Confederate  States.  The  eleven  States  now  Con 
federated  together  cover  seven  hundred  and  thirty-three  thou 
sand,  one  hundred  and  forty-four  square  miles  of  territory,  and 
embrace  nine  millions,  two  hundred  and  forty-four  thousand 
people.  This  territory,  large  enough  to  become  the  seat  of  an 
immense  power,  embraces  not  only  all  the  best  varieties  of 
climate  and  production  known  to  the  temperate  zone,  but  also 
the  great  staples  of  cotton,  tobacco,  sugar,  and  rice.  It  teems 
with  the  resources  both  moral  and  physical  of  a  great  empire, 
and  nothing  is  wanted  but  time  and  peace  for  their  development. 
To  these  States  there  will  probably  be  added  hereafter  Mary 
land,  Missouri,  and  Kentucky,  whose  interests  and  sympathies 
must  bind  them  to  the  South.  If  these  are  added,  the  Con 
federate  States  will  embrace  eight  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
square  miles  of  territory,  and  twelve  and  a  half  millions  of 
people  ;  to  say  nothing  of  the  once  common  Territories  west 
of  these  States,  which  will  probably  fall  into  the  new  Con 
federacy.  Is  it  to  be  supposed  that  such  a  people  and  with  such 
resources  can  be  subdued  in  war  when  subjugation  is  to  be  fol 
lowed  by  such  consequences  as  would  result  from  their  con 
quest?  If  such  a  supposition  prevails  anywhere,  it  can  find  no 
countenance  in  the  history  of  the  contest  in  which  we  are 
engaged.  In  the  commencement  of  this  struggle,  our  enemies 
had  in  their  possession  the  machinery  of  the  old  Government. 

"  The  naval,  and  for  the  most  part,  the  military  establish 
ments  were  in  their  hands.  They  had,  too,  most  of  the  accumu 
lated  capital,  and  nearly  all  the  manufactories  of  arms,  ordnance, 
and  of  the  necessaries  of  life.  They  had  all  the  means  of  strik 
ing  us  hard  blows  before  we  could  be  ready  to  return  them. 
And,  yet,  in  the  face  of  all  this,  we  have  instituted  a  Government 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


and  placed  more  than  200,000  men  in  the  field,  with  an  adequate 
staff  and  commissariat.  A  still  larger  number  of  men  are  ready 
to  take  the  field,  if  it  should  become  necessary,  and  experience 
has  shown  that  the  only  limit  to  the  disposition  of  the  people  to 
give  what  may  be  required  for  the  war,  is  to  be  found  in  their 
ability.  The  enemy  with  greatly  superior  numbers  have  been 
routed  in  pitched  battles  at  Bethel  and  Manassas.  The  com 
paratively  little  foothold  which  they  have  had  in  the  Confederate 
States  is  gradually  being  lost,  and  after  six  months  in  which  they 
employed  their  best  resources,  it  may  truly  be  said  they  are  much 
further  from  the  conquest  of  the  Southern  States  than  they 
seemed  to  be  when  the  struggle  commenced. 

"  The  Union  feeling,  which  was  supposed  to  exist  largely  in 
the  South  and  which  was  known  to  us  to  be  imaginary,  is  now 
shown  in  the  true  light  to  all  mankind.  Never  were  any  people 
more  united  than  are  those  of  the  Confederate  States  in  their 
purpose  to  maintain  their  independence  at  any  cost  of  life  and 
treasure,  nor  is  there  a  party  to  be  found  anywhere  in  these 
States  which  professes  a  desire  for  a  reunion  with  the  United 
States.  Nothing  could  prove  this  unanimity  of  feeling  more 
strongly  than  the  fact  that  this  immense  army  may  be  said  to 
have  taken  the  field  spontaneously  and  faster  almost  than  the 
Government  could  provide  for  its  organization  and  equipment. 
But  the  voluntary  contributions  of  the  people  supplied  all  de 
ficiencies  until  the  Government  could  come  to  their  assistance, 
as  it  has  done  with  the  necessary  military  establishments.  And 
what  is  perhaps  equally  remarkable,  it  may  be  said  with  truth 
that  there  has  been  no  judicial  execution  for  a  political  offense 
during  the  whole  of  the  war,  and  so  far  as  military  offenses 
are  concerned,  our  prisons  would  be  empty  if  it  were  not  for  a 
few  captured  spies. 

"  Under  these  circumstances  it  would  seem  that  the  time  has 
arrived  when  it  would  be  proper  in  the  Government  of  Great 
Britain  to  recognize  our  independence.  If  it  be  obvious  that  the 
Confederate  States  can  not  be  conquered  in  this  struggle,  then 
the  sooner  the  strife  be  ended  the  better  for  the  cause  of  peace 
and  the  interests  of  mankind.  Under  these  circumstances  to 
fail  to  throw  the  great  moral  influence  of  such  a  recognition  into 
the  scale  of  peace  when  this  may  be  done  without  risk  or  danger, 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


may  be  to  share  in  the  responsibility  for  the  longer  continuance  of 
an  unnecessary  war.  This  is  a  consideration  which  ought,  per 
haps,  to  have  some  weight  with  a  nation  which  leads  so  largely 
as  does  that  of  Great  Britain  in  the  progress  of  Christian  civiliza 
tion. 

'  That  the  British  people  have  a  deep  political  and  com 
mercial  interest  in  the  establishment  of  the  independence  of  the 
Confederate  States,  must  be  obvious  to  all.  Their  real  interest 
in  that  event  is  only  a  little  less  than  our  own.  The  great  ques 
tion  of  cotton  supply  which  has  occupied  their  attention  so 
justly  and  so  anxiously  for  some  years  past  will  then  be  satis 
factorily  settled. 

"  Whilst  the  main  source  of  cotton  production  was  in  the 
hands  of  such  a  power  as  that  of  the  late  United  States,  and 
controlled  by  those  who  were  disposed  to  use  that  control 
to  acquire  the  supremacy  in  navigation,  commerce  and  manu 
factures  over  all  rivals,  there  was  just  cause  for  anxiety  on  the 
part  of  nations  who  were  largely  dependent  upon  this  source  of 
supply  for  the  raw  material  of  important  manufactures.  But  the 
case  will  be  far  different  when  peace  is  assured  and  the  in 
dependence  of  the  Confederate  States  is  acknowledged.  Within 
these  States  must  be  found,  for  years  to  come,  the  great  source 
of  cotton  supply.  So  favorable  a  combination  of  soil,  climate, 
and  labor  is  nowhere  else  to  be  found.  Their  capacity  for  in 
creased  production  has,  so  far,  kept  pace  with  the  increased 
demand,  and  in  time  of  peace  it  promises  to  do  so  for  a 
long  while  to  come.  In  the  question  of  the  supply  of  this  great 
staple  there  is  a  world-wide  interest,  and  if  the  nations  of  the 
earth  could  choose  for  themselves  a  single  depositary  for  such  an 
interest,  perhaps  none  could  be  found  to  act  so  impartially  in  that 
capacity  as  the  Confederacy  of  Southern  States.  Their  great 
interest  is  and  will  be  for  a  long  time  to  come  in  the  production 
and  exportation  of  the  important  staples  so  much  sought  by  the 
rest  of  the  world.  It  would  be  long  before  they  would  become 
the  rivals  of  those  who  are  largely  concerned  in  navigation, 
manufactures  and  commerce.  On  the  contrary,  these  interests 
would  make  them  valuable  customers  and  bind  them  to  the 
policy  of  free  trade. 

"  Their    early    legislation    which    has    thrown    open    their 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


navigation,  foreign  and  coasting,  to  the  free  competition  of  all 
nations,  and  which  has  imposed  the  lowest  duties  on  imports  con 
sistent  with  their  necessary  revenue  wants,  proves  the  natural 
tendency  of  their  commercial  policy.  Under  these  circumstances 
the  supply  of  cotton  to  Great  Britian  would  be  as  abundant,  as 
cheap  and  as  certain  as  if  these  States  were  themselves  her 
colonies. 

"  The  establishment  of  such  an  empire,  committed  as  it 
would  be  to  the  policy  of  free  trade,  by  its  interests  and  tradi 
tions,  would  seem  to  be  a  matter  of  primary  importance  to  the 
progress  of  human  industry  and  the  great  cause  of  human  civil 
ization. 


"  The  President  of  the  Confederate  States  believes  that  he 
can  not  be  mistaken  in  supposing  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  nations 
of  the  earth,  by  a  prompt  recognition,  to  throw  the  weight  of 
their  moral  influence  against  the  unnecessary  prolongation  of 
the  war. 


"  But  whilst  he  neither  feels  nor  affects  an  indifference  to 
the  decision  of  the  world  upon  these  questions  which  deeply 
concern  the  interest  of  the  Confederate  States,  he  does  not  pre 
sent  their  claim  to  a  recognized  place  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth  from  the  belief  that  any  such  recognition  is  necessary  to 
enable  them  to  achieve  and  secure  their  independence.  Such  an 
act  might  diminish  the  sufferings  and  shorten  the  duration  of  an 
unnecessary  war,  but  with  or  without  it  he  believes  that  the  Con 
federate  States,  under  the  guidance  of  a  kind  and  overruling 
Providence,  will  make  good  their  title  to  freedom  and  independ 
ence,  and  to  a  recognized  place  among  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

"  When  you  are  officially  recognized  by  the  British  Govern 
ment  and  diplomatic  relations  between  the  two  countries  are  thus 
fully  established,  you  will  request  an  audience  of  Her  Majesty 
for  the  purpose  of  presenting  your  letters,  accrediting  you  as 
Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  Con 
federate  States  near  Her  Majesty,  and  in  that  capacity  you  are 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


empowered  to  negotiate  such  treaties  as  the  mutual  interests  of 
both  countries  may  require,  subject,  of  course,  to  the  approval  of 
the  President  and  the  coordinate  branch  of  the  treaty-making 
power. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  R.  M.  T.  HUNTER." 

DISPATCH  No.  2. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"RICHMOND,  October  2Qth,  1861. 
"  Hon.  James  M.  Mason, 

"  Commissioner  of  Confederate  States. 

"  SIR  :  The  attention  of  this  Government  has  been  recently 
drawn  to  the  case  of  two  British  vessels  laden  with  naval  stores 
at  the  port  of  Wilmington,  North  Carolina,  which  were  forbidden 
to  proceed  to  sea  by  the  military  authorities  of  that  port. 

'''  To  avoid  any  misapprehension  of  the  motives  of  this  action 
on  the  part  of  this  Government,  and  to  enable  you  to  explain 
the  matter  fully,  in  case  you  are  required  to  do  so,  I  think  it 
proper  to  put  you  in  possession  of  all  the  facts. 

"  When  it  was  ascertained  that  the  British  vessels  '  Bruce  ' 
and  *  Napier  '  were  taking  on  board  cargoes  of  naval  stores  (con 
traband  of  war)  and  proposed  to  clear  from  the  port  of  Wilming 
ton,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  directed  the  Collector  of  that 
port  to  allow  these  ships  to  complete  their  cargo,  and  clear  as 
they  desired,  unless  there  was  good  reason  to  believe,  as  many 
of  the  inhabitants  supposed,  that  their  neutral  papers  were  in 
tended  as  covers  for  unlawful  trade  with  the  enemy.  Under  this 
authority,  it  appears,  these  two  vessels  laden  with  full  cargoes  of 
naval  stores,  were  proceeding  to  sea,  when  the  General  com 
manding  at  Wilmington,  believing  that  they  would  certainly  be 
captured  and  their  cargoes  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  to  be 
used  in  the  war  now  being  waged  against  us,  and  acting  under 
instructions  from  the  War  Department,  issued  an  order  for  their 
detention,  until  he  should  be  satisfied  that  they  could  proceed 
with  a  reasonable  prospect  of  escape  from  the  enemy's  cruisers. 
This  order  for  the  detention  of  the  vessels  was  accompanied  by 
an  offer  to  their  owners  that  if  they  should  be  unwilling  to  suffer 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


this  delay,  the  Government  of  the  Confederate  States,  in  the 
exercise  of  its  right  of  preemption  in  regard  to  the  cargoes 
(being  contraband  of  war),  would  pay  the  compensation  proper 
in  such  cases  according  to  the  law  of  nations.  It  is  true  that  the 
'  Bruce '  and  the  '  Napier '  entered  Wilmington  without  molesta 
tion  from  any  blockading  vessel,  and  it  is  said  without  any  notice 
that  any  blockade  existed;  and  it  may  be  said,  therefore,  that 
having  entered  a  port  when  no  blockading  force  was  in  sight, 
they  have  a  right  to  go  to  sea  with  their  cargoes  without  hin 
drance  from  the  enemy.  That  they  have  such  a  right  is  un 
doubted,  but  we  know  that  the  rights  of  neutrals,  and  the  usages 
of  nations  have  not  been  recently  respected  by  the  Government  of 
the  United  States. 

"  The  '  Hiawatha,'  with  a  cargo  owned  by  British  subjects 
cleared  from  the  port  of  Richmond,  having,  it  is  confidently 
asserted,  never  received  any  notice  of  a  blockade ;  yet  she  was 
seized  and  has  been  condemned  by  a  U.  S.  Court.  Admonished 
by  this  and  other  examples,  this  Government  was  clearly  justified 
in  supposing  that  the  enemy's  authorities  would  not  suffer  the 
1  Bruce '  and  '  Napier '  to  proceed  to  sea  without  hindrance, 
particularly  when  it  was  known  that  these  vessels  contained 
articles  of  which  they  stand  in  urgent  need  for  warlike  purposes. 
"  You  will  observe  from  the  foregoing  detail  that  this  Gov 
ernment  has  treated  the  cases  of  the  '  Bruce '  and  '  Napier '  with 
all  possible  indulgence  consistent  with  our  own  security,  and  that 
its  action  can  not  be  justly  considered  in  the  least  derogation  of 
that  protection  which  it  owes  to  the  legitimate  trade  of  neutrals 
within  its  ports. 

"  It  is  the  earnest  desire  of  this  Government  to  promote  and 
encourage,  by  all  the  means  in  its  possession,  the  most  intimate 
and  liberal  commercial  intercourse  with  neutral  powers.  It  is 
a  source  of  deep  regret  that  those  powers  have  not  availed  them 
selves  of  their  legitimate  right  to  trade  in  every  port  of  the  Con 
federate  States,  since  it  can  not  be  contended  that  at  any  time 
the  blockade  declared  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
has  been  efficient  or  binding  on  neutral  nations.  While  this 
Government  is  indisposed  to  complain  of  the  course  pursued  by 
the  Governments  of  the  great  European  powers  since  the  com 
mencement  of  the  war  between  the  Confederate  States  and  the 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


United  States,  it  can  not  be  denied  that  the  effect  of  the 
neutrality  observed  by  those  powers  has  proved  of  far  more 
disadvantage  to  the  Confederate  States  than  to  the  enemy. 

"  While  the  strict  letter  of  the  Declaration  of  Paris  in  rela 
tion  to  privateers  has  been  enforced  against  us,  to  our  manifest 
prejudice,  the  terms  of  that  agreement,  which  declare  that  block 
ades  to  be  binding  must  be  effective,  have  not  been  enforced  as 
against  our  enemy,  although  abundant  evidence  has  been 
afforded  that  no  port  in  the  Confederate  States  has  ever  been 
efficiently  blockaded.  Thus,  neutrality  has  been  strained  to  its 
utmost  limit  as  against  the  Confederate  States ;  while  clear  legal 
rights  have  not  been  asserted  as  against  our  enemies,  where  their 
assertion  would  have  been  to  our  advantage.  I  have  observed 
that  the  impression  prevails  to  some  extent  in  England  that  this 
Government  has  prohibited  the  exportation  of  cotton  by  sea  to 
neutral  and  friendly  nations.  It  would  be  well  that  you  should 
take  means  to  correct  this  error.  The  laws  of  the  Confederate 
States  warrant  no  such  prohibition,  and  further  proof  of  this  is 
afforded  by  the  recent  departure  from  Savannah  of  the  steam 
ship  '  Bermuda/  laden  with  cotton  and  bound  for  Liverpool. 
Congress  has  alone  prohibited  the  exportation  of  cotton  for  the 
use  of  the  enemy  or  through  the  enemy's  territory.  I  am  sir, 
"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  WM.  M.  BROWNE, 

"  Acting  Secretary  of  State." 

In  an  unofficial  letter  to  Mr.  Hunter,  then  Secretary  of 
State,  written  the  day  after  his  arrival, 

Mr.  Mason  said :  "  I  have  had  but  one  day  in  London,  and 
that  engrossed  by  visitors,  embracing  many  of  our  countrymen 
here,  with  many  English  gentlemen  who  sympathize  with  us.  In 
my  short  note  of  last  night,  I  could  tell  you  only  of  the  favorable 
impressions  we  received  everywhere  on  our  voyage,  of  sympathy 
from  the  British  naval  officers.  Now,  with  but  a  day's  experience 
in  London,  my  impressions  decidedly  are  that  although  the 
ministry  may  hang  back  in  regard  to  the  blockade  and  recogni 
tion  through  the  Queen's  speech,  at  the  opening  of  Parliament 
next  week,  the  popular  voice  through  the  House  of  Commons 
will  demand  both.  But  few  members,  it  is  said,  are  yet  in  town, 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


but  there  is  a  prevalent  desire  manifested  to  be  well  informed  as 
to  American  affairs,  and  I  have  said  to  those  who  have  called  on 
me,  that  I  should  be  happy  to  see  and  converse  with  any  gentle 
men  who  desired  such  information.  My  views,  of  course,  upon 
such  short  acquaintance  here,  must  be  crude,  but  I  shall  be  dis 
appointed  if  the  Parliament  does  not  insist  on  definite  action 
by  the  ministry,  inuring  to  the  relief  of  their  people,  as  well  as 
ours/' 

On  February  2d,  he  wrote  :  "  In  the  three  days  that  I  have 
been  here,  I  have  been  called  on  by  a  great  number  of  gentle 
men.  From  all  that  I  can  gather  here,  while  the  ministry  seem 
to  hang  fire,  both  as  regards  the  blockade  and  recognition,  the 
opinion  is  very  prevalent,  in  best  informed  quarters,  that  at  an 
early  day  after  meeting  of  Parliament,  the  subject  will  be  intro 
duced  into  the  House  of  Commons,  and  pressed  to  a  favorable 
vote.  The  motion  will  probably  come  from  a  moderate  Con 
servative,  in  the  form  of  an  amendment  to  the  '  Address/  and 
with  the  opposition,  will  carry  sufficient  Conservative  vote  to 
reach  a  majority." 

Again  on  February  7th,  1862,  in  his  second  dispatch  to  the 
Government  at  Richmond,  he  said  :  "  I  send  you  with  this  the 
Times  of  this  date,  containing  the  Queen's  message  and  the 
debate  on  it  in  Parliament.  The  former,  as  you  will  see,  contains 
no  further  reference  to  American  affairs  than  the  affair  of  the 
'  Trent/  It  is  thought  that  silence  as  to  the  blockade  was  in 
tended  to  leave  that  question  open. 

"  Mr.  Gregory  was  kind  enough  to  call  on  me  by  appoint 
ment,  and  find  me  a  place  in  the  House  of  Commons.  It  would 
seem  after  consultation,  members  favorable  to  our  interests 
thought  it  best  not  to  broach  them  in  the  House  in  the  form  of 
an  amendment  to  the  address,  as  I  thought  would  be  done  in  my 
No.  I,  but  the  question  will  come  up  in  both  Houses  in  the  same 
form  at  an  early  day.  Many  members  of  Parliament,  warmly  in 
our  interest,  have  called  on  me,  including  Mr.  Lindsay,  M.  P.  for 
Liverpool,  and  who  is  the  largest  ship-owner  in  England,  and  I 
was  introduced  to  others  at  the  House.  They  confer  freely  as 
to  what  may  be  best  for  our  interest.  They  say  the  blockade 
question  is  one  more  easily  carried  in  our  favor  just  now  than 
recognition,  in  which  I  agree,  and  their  efforts  will  be  mainly 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


directed  to  a  repudiation  of  the  blockade.  If  that  is  done,  recog 
nition  will  speedily  follow.  The  ministry  are  certainly  averse  to 
either  step  just  now.  They  seem  afraid  of  any  further  broil  with 
the  Government  at  Washington.  You  will  see  what  was  said 
by  Lord  Derby  in  the  Lords,  and  Disraeli  in  the  House.  There 
was  extreme  reluctance  with  all  parties  to  go  into  any  contro 
versial  question  on  the  address,  because  of  the  recent  death  of 
the  Prince  and  the  real  sorrow  of  the  Queen.  I  have  had  long 
conferences  with  Mr.  Gregory,  who  will  be  an  earnest  and 
efficient  coadjutor;  all  agree  that  I  could  not  have  a  more  useful 
or  safe  adviser.  A  call  will  be  made,  probably  in  both  Houses, 
for  any  information  in  possession  of  the  Government  touching 
the  efficiency  of  the  blockade.  I  have  the  returns  from  the 
Southern  ports  given  me  at  Richmond,  up  to  the  1st  of  Septem 
ber,  and  received  here  since  I  came,  for  the  months  of  September 
and  October.  I  shall  make  free  use  with  our  friends  in  Parlia 
ment  of  the  results  they  show,  and  when  in  communication  with 
the  foreign  office,  shall  send  them  to  Earl  Russell.  As  to  the 
latter,  Mr.  Gregory  has  kindly  offered  to  consult  with  judicious 
friends  and  advise  me  in  what  manner  it  may  be  best  to  ask  the 
interview,  always  considering  that  while  conforming  to  any 
proper  usage,  I  stand  in  no  attitude  as  a  suppliant,  or  as  asking 
any  favor." 

In  dispatch  No.  4,  dated  February  22d,  1862,  Mr.  Mason 
said  :  "  My  last  dispatches  Nos.  2  and  3,  both  dated  on  the  7th 
of  the  month  went  by  a  steamer  intended  to  attempt  the  block 
ade.  This  goes  by  an  opportunity  through  Mr.  Pringle  of  South 
Carolina,  who  will  make  the  like  attempt  in  the  Bermuda.  If  time 
admits,  I  will  send  you  informal  duplicates,  with  this,  of  my 
Nos.  2  and  3. 

"  In  my  No.  2,  I  told  you  that  I  had  addressed  a  note,  on 
that  day,  to  Earl  Russell  asking  an  interview,  and  on  the  same 
day  received  his  reply,  saying  that  he  would  receive  me,  on  Mon 
day  the  loth  instant,  unofficially  at  his  residence,  at  n  a.  m.  I 
enclosed  herewith  copies  of  those  notes. 

"  Mr.  Mason,  deputed  by  the  President  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America,  as  special  Commis 
sioner  to  the  Government  of  her  Britannic  Majesty,  has  the  honor  to  inform 
Earl  Russell  of  his  arrival  in  London. 

"Mr.  Mason  is  instructed  by  his  Government,  to  ask  that  Earl  Russell 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


would  admit  him  to  the  honor  of  an  interview,  at  such  time  as  may  be  con 
venient  to  his  Lordship. 

"  Mr  Mason  is  aware  that  the  Government  of  the  Confederate  States 
being  not  yet  recognized  by  the  Government  of  her  Majesty,  the  interview 
he  ventures  to  ask  must,  of  course  be  unofficial. 

"FENTON'S  HOTEL,  Saturday,  Feb.  8th,  1862. 
"  The  Right  Hon.  Earl  Russell, 

"Foreign  Office:"1 

(REPLY.)  "Earl  Russell  presents  his  compliments  to  Mr.  Mason,  and 
in  answer  to  his  note  of  this  day,  will  be  happy  to  receive  Mr.  Mason  unof 
ficially  at  Lord  Russell's  House,  No.  37  Chesham  Place,  at  n  o'clock  on 
Monday  morning,  the  roth  instant. 

"FOREIGN  OFFICE. 

"  February  8th,  1862." 

"  I  am  now  to  give  you  an  account  of  the  interview,  Earl 
Russell  received  me  in  a  civil  and  kind  manner,  and  expressed 
the  hope  that  I  had  not  suffered  on  the  protracted  voyage,  and 
its  incidents.  I  had  been  told,,  on  all  hands,  that  his  usual 
manner  was  cold  and  repulsive  —  not  likely  to  be  improved,  I 
thought,  by  the  character  of  our  interview,  —  yet  I  did  not  find 
it  so. 

"  I  told  him  that  I  had  brought  with  me,  my  credentials  as 
Special  Commissioner  to  England,  which,  if  he  desired,  I  would 
read  to  him.  He  said  that  would  be  unnecessary,  our  relations 
being  unofficial.  After  some  introductory  conversation,  as  to 
the  general  objects  of  my  mission,  I  told  him  that,  with  his  per 
mission,  I  would  read  to  him  portions  of  the  instructions  from 
my  Government  to  me,  not  in  their  form  of  instructions,  but  as 
embodying  the  views  which  my  Government  desired  to  be  laid 
before  his  ;  and  I  read  to  him  accordingly,  those  portions  of  the 
paper,  relating  to  recognition  and  the  blockade.  So  much  as 
related  to  the  question  of  cotton  supply  and  its  importance  to 
this  country,  I  thought  it  best  to  omit,  as  I  had  reasons  to  be 
lieve,  from  very  intelligent  sources,  that  it  might  be  considered 
obtrusive,  having  been  urged  until  England  had  become  a  little 
sensitive.  He  listened  with  apparent  patience  and  attention, 
making  no  remark  as  I  went  on.  I  then  resumed  the  conversa 
tion,  stating,  that  although  recognition  was  certainly  desirable, 
and,  we  thought,  fully  our  due,  yet  we  did  not  consider  it  the 
matter  of  first  moment;  that  we  well  knew  our  strength  and 
resources,  and  thus,  that  recognition  was  but  a  question  of  time, 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON.          2(>I 


in  the  solution  of  which,  perhaps  other  Governments  might  soon 
find  themselves  as  much  interested  as  we  were.  What  I  chiefly 
pressed  upon  him,  and  what  I  assumed  now  to  be  the  common 
sentiment  of  Europe,  was  that  in  no  possible  contingency,  would 
the  Confederate  States  come  under  a  common  government  with 
the  North.  That  none  could  doubt  we  had  ample  resources  of 
men  and  means  to  carry  on  the  war,  so  long  as  the  enemy  was 
in  the  field  against  us — with  entire  unanimity  of  sentiment — to 
remain,  as  we  then  were,  an  independent  people.  He  took  but 
little  part  in  the  conversation,  asking  only  one  or  two  questions ; 
one  was,  as  to  the  internal  condition  of  Kentucky,  Missouri,  and 
Tennessee,  and  he  referred  also  to  the  alienation  of  Northwestern 
Virginia.  I  told  him  that,  as  far  as  the  three  States  named  were 
concerned,  they  were  now  members  of  the  Confederate  States; 
that  we  knew  a  very  large  majority  of  their  people  were  with  the 
South,  and  none  who  knew  the  actual  condition  of  things, 
doubted  that  they  would  remain  so ;  and  that,  as  to  Northwestern 
Virginia,  the  pretence  of  a  separate  government  there  was  an 
empty  pageant,  credited  only  by  the  Government  at  Washing 
ton,  and  by  it  alone  for  the  purposes  of  delusion. 

"  On  the  whole,  it  was  manifest  enough  that  his  personal 
sympathies  were  not  with  us,  and  his  policy  inaction.  Before 
leaving  him,  I  told  him  that  I  had  received  a  dispatch  from 
Richmond,  containing  an  explanation  of  the  causes,  which  led  to 
the  detention,  by  the  military  authorities  of  Wilmington,  North 
Carolina,  of  the  *British  ships,  '  Napier '  and  '  Bruce/  which  ex 
planation  I  was  instructed  to  give,  if  they  were  asked  for;  I 
desired  only  to  inform  him  they  were  in  my  possession.  I  had 
risen  to  take  leave.  He  said  he  would  be  glad  to  hear  them, 
and  asked  me  to  resume  my  seat.  I  read  him  that  dispatch.  He 
remarked  that  the  detention  was  manifestly  from  military  con 
siderations  only,  and  the  explanation  sufficient. 

"  On  taking  leave,  I  said  to  him,  that  I  was  aware,  from  the 
published  dispatches,  that  both  France  and  England  had  held 
direct  communication  with  the  Government  at  Richmond,  in 
matters  interesting  to  them,  through  the  agency  of  their  consuls 
at  Charleston  and  Savannah,  and  that  I  referred  to  it  only  to  say 
that  I  should  remain  in  London,  and  perhaps  might  be  the 
*See  dispatch  No.  2,  dated  Richmond,  October  29th,  1861. 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


medium  of  like  communication,  should  future  occasions  occur.  I 
do  not  know  that  he  will  use  it,  but  should  he  do  so,  it  might 
be  pressed  to  our  advantage.  His  only  reply  was,  he  hoped  I 
might  find  my  residence  in  London  agreeable. 

"  I  should  add,  that  during  the  interview  I  told  him  that  I 
was  in  possession  of  official  returns  of  the  number  of  vessels, 
entered  and  cleared  at  the  Confederate  ports,  since  the  blockade 
was  declared,  and  which,  if  permitted,  I  would  send  him.  He 
said  he  would  be  glad  to  have  them,  and  I  sent  them  to  him 
accordingly.  They  contain,  however,  returns  only  for  Charleston 
and  Savannah,  up  to  the  3ist  of  October,  for  the  other  ports, 
only  to  August  and  September. 

"  Earl  Russell  seemed  utterly  disinclined  to  enter  into  con 
versation  at  all,  as  to  the  policy  of  his  Government,  and  only 
said,  in  substance,  they  must  await  events." 

DISPATCH  No.  5. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  LONDON,  February  28th,  1862. 
"  Hon.  R.  M.  T.  Hunter, 

"  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  I  send  with  this  a  duplicate  of  my  No.  4.  I  send  also 
papers  laid  before  Parliament  a  few  days  since,  but  now  just 
printed,  touching  the  blockade  ;  and  on  a  separate  sheet,  remarks 
on  them  —  part  in  cipher.  Also  duplicates  from  Mr.  Slidell, 
letters  for  the  War  Department  and  private  individuals,  with 
numbers  of  the  Times.  As  to  letters  for  private  persons,  I  find 
numbers  here  from  our  country,  unable  to  communicate  with 
home,  on  matters  of  pressing  interest  to  them,  and  I  do  not  feel 
at  liberty  to  refuse  them  my  aid. 

"  A  telegram  from  Madrid  in  the  Times  of  the  26th  instant, 
said  that  Captain  Semmes  of  the  '  Sumter  '  had  been  arrested 
at  Tangiers,  at  the  instance  of  the  American  consul  at  Gibraltar, 
and  the  Captain  of  the  United  States  ship  '  Tuscarora/  who  had 
gone  there  for  that  purpose.  At  latest  accounts  the  '  Sumter  '  was 
at  Gibraltar,  and  the  '  Tuscarora  '  at  Algesiras,  a  Spanish  port 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  bay.  I  communicated  this,  at  once, 
to  Mr.  Slidell,  and  have  his  reply  this  morning,  stating  that  he 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


263 


had  no  further  information  than  by  the  telegram  referred  to. 
Not  being  confirmed  through  any  other  quarter,  I  hope  it  is 
untrue ;  if  otherwise,  however,  Mr.  S.  and  I  will  endeavor  in  some 
way  to  interpose. 

"  I  am  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON. 

"  P.  S. — Since  the  above  was  written,  I  learn  that  Mr.  Grif- 
fifth,  M.  P.,  has  given  notice  of  a  motion  to  ask  the  Secretary 
for  Foreign  Affairs  if  information  has  been  received  that  the 
Captain  of  the  '  Sumter '  has  been  arrested  at  Tangiers ;  and  if 
so,  whether  it  is  supposed,  that  any  pressure  has  been  put  on 
the  Moorish  Government.  I  learn  further,  from  correct  sources, 
that  the  motion  was  not  pressed,  on  private  information  from 
the  Government  that  measures  had  been  taken  by  it  to  learn  the 
truth,  which  would  be  given  in  reply  to  the  question.  Thus  it  is 
certain  that  this  Government  has  taken  the  thing  in  hand. 

"  From  the  relations  between  England  and  Morocco,  arising 
out  of  the  late  loan,  none  doubt  that  a  word  from  the  Foreign 
Office  would  effect  their  release. 

'"  I  learn  further  that  on  this  day  week  (6th  March),  an 
enquiry  from  the  Conservative  party  agreed  on,  to  the  Govern 
ment,  will  bring  up  questions  on  the  doctrines  of  Earl  Russell's 
letter.  I  feel  authorized  to  say  further  that  the  Government  at 
Washington  has  been  sounded  on  the  question,  whether  a  single 
port  in  the  Confederate  States  could  not  be  exempted  from  the 
blockade  with  a  view  to  the  export  of  cotton,  etc. ;  no  answer 
yet  received.  I  give  you  the  foregoing  as  matters  to  be  con 
sidered  at  Richmond,  but  of  course,  not  to  go  in  public  channels, 
as  otherwise  sources  open  to  me  here  might  be  cut  off. 

"  J.  M.  M." 

Enclosed  with  dispatch  No.  5  was  this  letter  (part  in  cipher) 
from  Mr.  Mason  to  Mr.  Hunter,  dated  also,  February  28 : 

"  You  will  observe  in  the  papers  laid  before  Parliament 
(herewith)  the  remarkable  letter  of  Earl  Russell  to  Lord  Lyons, 
of  so  recent  date  as  the  I5th  of  this  month.  It  is  of  course  to  be 
taken  as  the  Government  exposition  of  the  law  of  blockade, 
established  by  the  Congress  at  Paris,  and  acceded  to  by  the  Con 
federate  States,  at  the  request  of  the  English  and  French  Gov- 


264 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


ernments.  I  should  read  in  connection  with  it  the  language 

used  by  M.  Billault  in  the  French  Senate,  on  the  instant, 

of  which  I  enclose  the  report  of  the  Paris  correspondent  of  the 
London  Times.  Monsieur  B.,  it  is  said,  is  the  admitted  exponent, 
in  the  Senate,  of  the  views  of  the  Emperor,  and  thus  spoke  by 
authority. 

"  In  this  connection,  it  would  seem,  that  the  doctrines  of 
Russell's  letter  had  been  previously  agreed  on  between  the  two 
Governments,  nor  could  it  well  be  otherwise,  when  we  consider 
the  entire  accord,  as  to  American  affairs,  existing  between  them. 
I  submit  it  to  you  as  the  event  of  latest  interest. 

"  In  political  circles,  it  is  thought  the  condition  of  the  Queen 
has  much  to  do  with  the  manifest  reluctance  of  the  Ministry  to 
run  any  risk  of  war  by  interference  with  the  blockade.  It  is 
said  that  she  is  under  great  constitutional  depression,  and  nerv 
ously  sensitive  to  anything  that  looks  like  war.  Indeed  much 
fear  is  entertained  as  to  the  condition  of  her  health. 

"  I  yet  hope  an  issue  will  be  made  in  Parliament  on  the 
doctrines  of  Earl  Russell's  letter,  but  at  present  it  is  a  hope  only." 

Dispatch  No.  6,  dated  March  nth,  1862,  is  of  sufficient  im 
portance  to  be  given  in  full.  It  said : 

"  The  recent  debate  in  the  two  Houses  of  Parliament,  on  the 
question  of  the  blockade,  clearly  demonstrated,  that  no  step  will 
be  taken  by  this  Government  to  interfere  with  it.  I  send  you 
with  this,  files  of  the  London  Times  in  continuation  of  those 
sent  with  my  No.  5,  containing  the  debate  at  large,  in  both 
Houses. 

"  It  came  on  last  night  in  the  House  of  Lords,  and  is  re 
ported  in  the  Times  of  to-day.  You  will  remark  in  Earl  Rus 
sell's  reply,  at  the  close,  he  expresses  the  hope,  if  not  the  belief, 
that  the  war  will  end  in  three  months,  and  looks  to  its  close,  by 
a  peaceable  separation  in  two  States.-  I  was  given  a  seat  on  the 
floor  of  the  House  and  some  two  or  three  of  the  Peers,  in  con 
versation  with  me,  construed  his  meaning  to  be,  that  the  existing 
separation  was  final ;  and  such,  I  have  no  doubt,  is  the  settled 
conviction  of  the  public  mind  of  this  country.  Still  the  ministry 
is  sustained,  and  as  it  would  seem,  by  almost  all  parties,  in  its 
refusal  either  to  question  the  legality  of  the  blockade,  or  to 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


265 


recognize  our  independence.    Many  causes  concur  to  this  end. 

"  First,  the  pervading  disinclination,  in  any  way,  to  disturb 
the  mourning  of  the  Queen.  The  loyalty  of  the  English 
people  to  their  present  Sovereign  is  strongly  mixed  up  with  an 
affectionate  devotion  to  her  person.  You  find  this  feeling  prev 
alent  in  all  circles  and  classes. 

'  Then,  as  regards  the  question  of  cotton  supply,  which  we 
had  supposed  would  speedily  have  disturbed  the  level  of  their 
neutral  policy.  This  state  of  things  manifestly  exists.  The  con 
stantly  increasing  supply  of  cotton,  with  a  corresponding  de 
mand  for  its  fabric,  for  a  few  years  past,  it  would  seem,  has  so 
stimulated  the  manufactories,  that  the  blockade  found  the 
markets  overstocked  with  fabrics,  and  very  soon,  the  price  of  the 
fabric  bore  a  very  diminished  relative  value  to  that  of  the  raw 
material. 

"  This  disproportionate  ratio  has  since  continued ;  the  price 
of  the  fabric,  though  constantly  rising,  still  not  keeping  pace 
with  the  rise  in  the  raw  material,  it  would  follow,  that  until  prices 
approached  a  level,  it  would  not  be  the  interest  of  the  manu 
facturer  to  cheapen  the  latter,  until  the  stock  of  the  former,  on 
hand  should  be  disposed  of.  Thus  it  is,  that  even  in  Lancashire 
and  other  manufacturing  districts,  no  open  demonstration  has 
been  made  against  the  blockade. 

"  True,  that  more  than  one-third  of  the  mills  have  been 
stopped,  and  the  rest  working  only  on  half  time,  still  the  owners 
find  it  to  their  account  not  to  complain,  and  they  silence  the 
working  classes  by  sufficient  alms,  in  aid  of  parish  relief,  to  keep 
them  from  actual  starvation.  The  supply  of  cotton,  however,  is 
now  very  low,  and  the  factitious  state  of  things,  above  referred 
to,  can  not  last  very  long1. 

"  The  better  to  keep  the  public  mind  quiet,  too,  on  the  sub 
ject  of  cotton  supply,  great  efforts  have  been  made,  as  you  are 
aware,  to  produce  the  belief,  that  in  any  event  adequate  supplies 
of  this  material  will  be  ensured  by  the  increase  of  its  culture 
in  India ;  still  I  do  not  find  that  much  faith  is  given  to  such 
promises,  by  those  who  ought  best  to  know. 

"  All  seem  to  agree,  that  the  hope  either  of  reunion  or  re 
construction  is  gone,  but  that  is  accompanied  by  the  idea, 
strongly  confirmed  by  our  recent  disasters  on  the  Cumberland 


2(5(5  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

River,  that  the  South  will  be  forced  to  yield  the  Border  States, 
or  at  least  Tennessee,  Kentucky,  Missouri,  and  Maryland,  to  the 
North;  and  that  the  Government  at  Washington  will  be  ready, 
in  the  course  of  two  or  three  months,  to  agree  to  the  separation 
on  these  terms;  looking  thus  to  a  speedy  end  to  the  war,  they 
are  the  more  disinclined  to  any  course  which  would  seem  to 
commit  this  country  to  either  side. 

"  Members  of  both  Houses  call  on  me  frequently,  seeking 
information,  and  I  am  always  sedulous  and  earnest  to  disabuse 
their  minds  of  all  belief  that  the  Confederate  Government  will 
lay  down  its  arms,  on  any  such  terms,  but  that,  cost  what  it  may, 
the  States  now  confederated  will  preserve  their  integrity,  con 
senting  only  to  part  with  any  of  the  Border  States,  when  it  shall 
appear,  by  the  free  and  unbiased  vote  of  the  people  of  such 
State,  that  they  prefer  to^cast  their  lot  with  the  North,  a  con 
tingency  which  none  in  the  South  believe  will  ever  arise. 

"  The  late  reverses  at  *Fort  Henry  and  Fort  Donelson  have 
had  an  unfortunate  effect  upon  the  minds  of  our  friends  here, 
as  was  naturally  to  be  expected.  I  assured  them  that  at  most, 
they  are  to  be  considered  only  as  driving  in  or  capturing  out 
posts,  by  the  invading  army,  and  by  no  means,  should  be  taken 
to  foreshadow  the  result  of  the  general  battle,  which  seems  im 
pending  on  our  Western  frontier. 

"  The  steamer  '  Annie  Childs/  late  from  North  Carolina, 
arrived  at  Liverpool  two  days  ago,  having  left  Wilmington, 
N.  C,  on  the  5th  of  February,  and  successfully  run  the  blockade, 
with  a  cargo  of  cotton  and  turpentine.  I  received  by  her,  private 
letters  from  home,  but  no  dispatches.  It  is  of  great  importance 
that  we  should  be  kept  advised  here,  as  far  as  practicable,  of 
the  conduct  and  prospects  of  the  war,  as  to  which  we  get  nothing 
from  the  South  but  meagre  and  distorted  accounts,  through  the 
Northern  press.  Perhaps  by  proper  instructions  to  the  collec 
tors  at  the  Southern  ports,  who  would  know  when  vessels  are 
about  to  leave  for  any  neutral  port,  they  might  be  directed  to 
send,  at  least,  the  latest  Southern  newspapers. 

"  I  have  seen  through  the  Northern  papers  that  Mr.  Hunter 
has  been  transferred  to  the  Senate ;  but  I  have  not  heard  who  has 


*The  official  dispatch  from  Richmond,  giving  reports  of  these  events, 
will  be  found  in  the  next  chapter. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


succeeded  him  in  the  Department  of  State,  and  thus  address  this 
dispatch  accordingly. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

Copy  of  Mr.  Slidell's  memorandum  of  Mr.  Lindsay's  inter 
view  with  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  spoken  of  in  Mr.  Mason's 
dispatch  of  April  2ist: 

"  Mr.  Lindsay  had  on  April  nth,  by  appointment,  an  inter 
view  with  the  Emperor,  having  received  on  the  previous  evening 
a  note  from  Mr.  Moquard,  his  private  secretary,  inviting  his 
presence  at  the  Tuilleries  at  I  p.  m.  The  Emperor  said  to  Mr. 
Lindsay  that  he  had  been  led  to  desire  the  interview  by  Mr. 
Thouvenal,  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  having  been  informed 
by  Mr.  Rouher,  Minister  of  Commerce,  of  a  conversation  which 
he  had  with  Mr.  Lindsay  that  morning. 

"  After  some  preliminary  conversation  about  the  navigation 
laws  of  France,  the  scheme  of  establishing  a  line  of  steamers 
from  Bordeaux  to  New  Orleans  under  the  patronage  of  the 
French  Government  was  spoken  of.  This,  of  course,  led  to  the 
American  question.  Mr.  Lindsay  spoke  of  the  Federal  blockade 
as  being  ineffectual,  and  not  in  accordance  with  the  Fourth 
Article  of  the  Declaration  of  the  Congress  of  Paris,  and  mem- 
tioned  facts  in  support  of  his  opinion ;  the  Emperor  fully  con 
curred  in  Mr.  Lindsay's  opinion,  and  said  he  would  long  since 
have  declared  the  inefficiency  of  the  blockade,  and  taken  the 
necessary  steps  to  put  an  end  to  it,  but  that  he  could  not  obtain 
the  concurrence  of  the  English  ministry,  and  that  he  had  been, 
and  was  still,  unwilling  to  act  without  it.  That  M.  Thouvenal 
had  twice  addressed  Lord  Cowley,  the  British  minister,  represen 
tations  to  this  effect,  but  had  only  received  evasive  responses. 
The  dates  of  those  representations  were  not  mentioned  by  the 
Emperor,  but  M.  Rouher  had  said  to  Mr.  Lindsay  that  the 
first  had  been  made  during  the  past  summer,  and  the  other  about 
three  weeks  since.  Mr.  Lindsay  then  adverted  to  the  present 
sufferings  of  the  labouring  classes  of  France  and  England, 
mainly  caused  by  the  interruption  of  the  supply  of  cotton  from 
the  Confederate  States,  sufferings  which  even  now  were  cal 
culated  to  excite  very  serious  apprehensions  in  both  countries, 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

but  which  were  from  week  to  week  becoming  more  aggravated, 
and  which  in  two  or  three  months  would  become  absolutely  in 
tolerable.  That  the  time  for  action  had  arrived,  for  if  the  remedy 
was  not  soon  applied,  the  most  fearful  consequences  might  be 
anticipated.  To  all  these  remarks  the  Emperor  gave  his  most 
unqualified  assent,  but  asked  what  was  the  remedy.  Mr. 
Lindsay  said  that  the  recognition  of  the  Confederate  States 
would  do  much  to  mitigate  the  danger;  that  if  the  two  powers 
were  not  prepared  to  act  immediately,  some  other  neutral  nations 
might  take  the  initiative,  and  that  being  thus  taken,  France  and 
England  might  invoke  the  example  and  follow  it.  He  named 
especially  Spain  and  Belgium,  but  the  Emperor  replied  that  he 
did  not  think  that  Spain  would  be  willing  to  assume  the  respon 
sibility  of  putting  herself  in  the  breach,  and  that  as  to  Belgium, 
England  was  the  proper  power  to  make  the  suggestion. 

"  Mr.  Lindsay  then  went  on  to  say,  that  not  only  the 
interest  of  Europe  required  the  war  to  be  put  a  stop  to,  but  that 
every  principle  of  humanity  demanded  prompt  intervention  to 
stop  so  dreadful  an  effusion  of  blood,  and  the  mutual  exhaustion 
of  both  parties ;  that  everybody  who  knew  anything  of  the  feel 
ing  of  hostility  between  the  two  sections  was  convinced  that  the 
Union  could  not  be  restored,  and  that  even  if  the  South  were 
overrun,  she  could  never  be  subjugated;  that  she  was  carrying 
on  a  most  unequal  contest,  rendered  still  more  unequal  by  the 
submission  of  neutral  powers  to  an  inefficient  blockade,  that 
while  professing  to  be  neutral,  they  were  not  so  in  fact,  as  the 
Northern  States  were  receiving  unlimited  supplies  of  arms, 
munitions  of  war,  clothing,  and  of  every  article  necessary  for 
the  support  of  their  armies,  while  the  South  was  effectually  cut 
off  from  supplies  of  every  kind,  which,  being  a  purely  agricul 
tural  people,  they  could  not  manufacture  for  themselves.  To 
these  remarks  the  Emperor  also  fully  assented.  Mr.  Lindsay 
went  on  to  say  that  the  North  was  not  making  war,  as  many 
pretended,  for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  but  to  subjugate  the 
South  in  order  to  reestablish  their  protective  tariff,  and  to 
restore  their  monopoly  of  Southern  markets.  That  for  this 
purpose  it  was  only  necessary  to  refer  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  inau 
gural  and  messages,  and  to  the  proclamation  of  his  generals ; 
he  referred  to  the  continued  existence  of  slavery  in  the  District 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


of  Columbia,  which  might  have  been  put  an  end  to  a  year  ago. 
That  he  knew  many  Northern  men,  and  had  a  very  extensive 
correspondence  with  them,  and  that  all  agreed  that  not  one 
Northern  man  in  ten  desired  the  abolition  of  slavery,  for  the  sim 
ple  reason  that  they  knew  it  would  be  destructive  of  their  own 
interests.  The  Emperor  said  that  he  believed  that  this  was  a 
true  statement  of  the  case;  what  then  was  to  be  done?  He 
could  not  again  address  the  English  Ministry  through  official 
channels  without  some  reason  to  believe  that  his  representa 
tions  would  receive  a  favourable  response,  that  he  was  prepared 
to  act  promptly  and  decidedly;  that  he  would  at  once  dispatch 
a  formidable  fleet  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  if  England 
would  send  an  equal  force ;  that  they  would  demand  free  ingress 
and  egress  for  their  merchantmen  with  their  cargoes  of  goods  and 
supplies  of  cotton,  which  were  essential  to  the  world.  He  au 
thorized  Mr.  Lindsay  to  make  this  statement  to  Lord  Cowley, 
and  to  ascertain  whether  he  would  recommend  the  course  in 
dicated  to  his  Government,  and  further  that  he  should  see  Lords 
Russell  and  Palmerston  to  confer  with  them  on  the  subject.  He 
asked  Mr.  Lindsay  to  defer  his  intended  departure  for  London 
until  Sunday  night,  and  fixed  Sunday,  n  a.  m.,  for  a  further 
hearing. 

DISPATCH  No.  8. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  LONDON,  April  2ist,  1862. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State: 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honour  to  transmit  to  you  a  despatch 
from  Mr.  Slidell,  which  I  brought  with  me  yesterday  from  Paris. 
I  went  to  Paris  with  the  gentleman  referred  to  by  Mr.  Slidell, 
when  he  returned  there  on  the  i6th  instant,  to  report  the  result 
of  his  mission  to  England.  That  gentleman  had  kindly  imparted 
to  me  here  what  had  passed  in  Paris  between  him  and 
(the  Emperor),*  reported  in  the  Memorandum  of  Mr.  Slidell 
herewith.  I  am  now  to  supply  what  passed  in  his  second 
interview  with  (the  Emperor). 

"  We  reached  Paris  on  the  I7th  instant,  and  the  next  day 

*Such  portions  of  this  dispatch  as  are  included  within  parentheses  were, 
in  the  original,  in  cipher. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


the  interview  took  place.  He  reported  to  (His  Majesty)  that 
(Earl  Russell)  had  declined  receiving  his  communication,  on 
the  score  that  he  could  not  communicate  with  a  foreign  Power 
except  through  the  regular  diplomatic  channels  —  nor  did  (Lord 
Palmerston)  send  for  him,  though  in  his  note  to  (Earl  Russell) 
he  said  he  was  equally  charged  to  communicate  his  mission  to 
the  former.  He,  by  permission  (of  the  Emperor),  however, 
reported  the  matter  to  Mr.  (Disraeli)  as  the  (leader  of  the  Con 
servatives).  (Lord  Derby)  was  too  ill  to  be  seen.  (The 
Emperor)  seemed  disturbed  at  the  manner  in  which  his  (agent) 
had  been  repulsed,  and  so  expressed  himself  freely  —  said  that 
the  two  former  communications  from  him,  on  American  affairs, 
through  his  (Ambassador  at  London),  had  been  answered  only 
evasively,  and  therefore,  he  did  not  choose  again  to  communicate 
(officially)  with  the  (British  Government)  on  that  subject,  unless 
previously  advised  that  his  proposition  would  be  received 
favourably  —  that  (England)  seemed  to  be  acting  in  a  strange 
manner  towards  (France)  —  that  since  the  friendly  interposition 
of  the  latter,  in  the  affair  of  the  ('  Trent/  England)  seemed 
less  disposed  to  cultivate,  or  to  continue  in  cordial  (relations) 
—  said  that  (Earl  Russell)  had  dealt  unfairly,  in  sending  to  (Lord 
Lyons)  his  previous  propositions  to  (England),  in  regard  to 
action  on  the  (blockade),  who  had  made  them  known  to  Mr. 
(Seward),and  this  latter  was  an  insuperable  objection  to  his  again 
communicating  (officially,  at  London,)  touching  American 
affairs,  until  he  knew  (England)  was  in  accord.  (Mr.  Lindsay) 
reported  to  (the  Emperor)  the  substance  of  his  interview  with 
(Disraeli),  which  was  an  assurance  that  the  (Conservative  party) 
were  of  the  same  opinion  with  him  in  regard  to  the  repudiation 
of  the  (blockade),  that  if  the  (Ministry)  should  coincide  with  the 
views  of  the  (Emperor)  their  action  would  have  a  unanimous 
(support).  But  that  he  (Disraeli)  had  strong  reasons  to  believe 
that  (Lord  Russell)  had  a  private  understanding  with  (Seward) 
in  regard  to  American  affairs.  This  latter,  particularly,  struck 
(His  Majesty)  as  a  key  to  the  conduct  of  (Lord  Russell).  I 
should  add  that  Mr.  (Lindsay),  after  his  first  interview  with  the 
person  named,  reported  all  that  had  passed  to  the  (British 
Ambassador)  at  Paris,  by  permission,  and  had  no  doubt  that  he 
had  at  once  sent  it  to  (Lord  Russell),  so  that  the  latter  knew 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 

fully  the  purpose  of  the  communication  to  be  made  by  (Mr. 
Lindsay)  when  he  declined  to  see  him.  (The  Emperor)  did  not 
commit  himself,  as  to  acting  separately,  though  (Disraeli)  had 
given  his  opinion  that  if  he  did  so  the  (British  Government) 
would  be  compelled  to  follow.  On  the  whole,  (Mr.  Lindsay)  is 
of  opinion  that  any  decisive  success  to  our  arms,  though  local, 
would  lead  (the  Emperor)  to  act  alone — or,  if  none,  then 
absence  of  success,  and  delays  on  the  part  of  the  enemy. 

"And  further,  that  in  any  event,  this  projected  movement 
must  and  will  bear  its  fruits,  and  that  speedily.  The  gentleman 
referred  to  is,  as  you  know,  a  man  of  highest  consideration 
here,  and  of  weight  in  (Parliament).  He  is  deeply  in  earnest, 
and  strongly  disposed  to  make  the  most  of  the  power  to  achieve 
what  he  is  after,  which  he  derives  from  his  backing,  on  the  other 
side  of  the  (channel.)  In  the  meantime,  the  cry  of  distress  is 
coming  up,  stronger  every  day,  from  the  manufacturing  districts, 
and  as  some  evidence  of  the  impression  it  is  making,  I  enclose 
a  slip  from  the  London  Times,  of  the  iQth  instant. 

"  I  enclose  Mr.  Slidell's  memorandum,  under  cover  with 
this,  and  have  had  it  copied  to  send  in  duplicate,  a  few  days 
hence.  Parliament  meets  again  on  the  28th  of  this  month,  and 
I  am  not  without  hope  that  this  new  complication  may  soon 
have  its  results,  and  the  Ministry  give  in.  My  last  was  my  No. 
7,  of  the  1 8th  of  March.  I  have  nothing  from  the  Department 
since  my  arrival  here.  Mr.  Mann  left  here  for  Brussels  on  the 
1 7th  instant.  I  must  add,  that  gentleman,  in  communication 
with  us,  strongly  enjoins  that  what  we  derive  from  him  should 
be  known  only  to  the  President  and  yourself. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.  9. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 
"  LONDON,  May  2,  1862. 

"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State: 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honour  to  transmit  to  you,  herewith,  a 
letter  addressed  to  me  by  Mr.  Spence,  of  Liverpool,  to  the  end 


272 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


that  it  might  be  communicated  to  the  Government  through  you. 
It  embodies  the  substance  of  a  conversation  he  had  with  me  a 
few  days  ago.  Mr.  Spence  is  the  author  of  a  book  entitled 
'  The  American  Union/  which  was  published  here  last  fall,  and 
has  already  gone  through  four  editions.  It  has  attracted  more 
attention  and  been  more  generally  read,  both  here  and  on  the 
Continent,  than  any  production  of  like  character;  of  the  many  that 
have  appeared. 

"  He  sent  a  copy  of  it,  through  me,  to  the  President,  some 
weeks  since,  which  I  hope  may  have  reached  him.  Its  general 
purpose  was  to  enlighten  the  European  mind  as  to  the  cause 
which  brought  about  the  dissolution — to  show  that  to  the  South 
it  was  inevitable — that  the  safety  and  welfare  of  the  South  re 
quired  it,  and  to  put  an  end,  at  once,  to  all  expectation  of 
reunion  or  reconstruction,  in  any  form.  Besides  this  work,  he 
has  been,  and  yet  is,  a  constant  contributor  to  the  London 
Times,  in  articles  of  great  ability  vindicating  the  South  against 
the  calumnies  from  the  Northern  Government  and  press,  and 
infusing  into  all  classes  in  England  sympathy  with  us.  His 
writings  show  that  he  is  a  man  of  large  research,  liberal  and 
expanded  views.  He  is  about  forty-five  or  forty-six  years  of  age, 
full  of  enterprise  and  an  able  and  experienced  merchant. 

*  "  It  would  seem  to  me  that  the  suggestions  contained  in 
his  letter  of  the  importance,  at  a  future  day,  to  the  Government, 
of  such  an  agency  as  he  suggests,  are  worthy  of  consideration. 
I  do  not  believe  it  could  be  confided  to  more  capable  or  efficient 
hands,  in  England,  and  on  the  score  of  desert,  would  be  a  well- 
merited  recompense  to  Mr.  Spence  for  his  persistent  and  valu 
able  labours  in  our  cause.  His  notion  of  change  in  the  style  of 
the  Confederacy,  fanciful  enough  to  us,  is  from  an  English  busi 
ness  point  of  view.  From  a  great  regard  for  the  meritorious 
services  of  Mr.  Spence,  I  hope  his  suggestion  may  be  kindly 
received,  and  shall  be  happy  to  be  the  medium  of  communicating 
to  him  the  views  of  the  President. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 


See  dispatch  No.  6  from  Richmond,  given  in  next  chapter. 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


DISPATCH  No.  10. 
"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  May  1 6th,  1862. 
"  Hon.  J .  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State: 

"  SIR  :  My  No.  9,  with  a  communication  intended  for  the 
Government  from  James  Spence,  Esq.,  of  Liverpool,  goes  by 
same  conveyance  as  this.  A  few  days  since  I  received,  under 
cover,  from  the  house  of  Messrs.  Frazer,  Trenholm  and  Com 
pany,  of  Liverpool,  a  dispatch  from  William  M.  Browne,  Esq., 
Secretary  of  State  ad  int.,  dated  I3th  of  March  last,  and  marked 
No.  5.  It  contained  nothing  but  an  account  of  the  then  recent 
victory  of  the  '  Virginia  '  over  the  Federal  squadron  in  Hampton 
Roads,  accompanied  by  the  official  report  of  the  engagement.  On 
my  arrival  here,  in  January  last,  I  found  two  dispatches  from  the 
Department,  dated  respectively  October  29  and  November  9th, 
1861,  and  marked  Nos.  2  and  3.  I  have  received  none  others, 
except  No.  5,  above  acknowledged,  and  thus  Nos.  i  and  4  are 
missing.  I  note  this,  less  the  Department  should  suppose  I  had 
been  inattentive  to  their  contents.  I  hear  of  occasional  arrivals 
at  Liverpool  from  the  Confederate  States.  Only  three  days  ago  a 
ship  arrived  to  Messrs.  Fraser,  Trenholm  and  Company,  with 
communications  from  the  War  Department,  for  Captain  Huse, 
its  agent  in  England,  but  with  nothing  either  for  Mr.  Slidell  or 
for  me.  I  am  very  well  aware,  whilst  unaccredited  here,  the 
Department  can  have  little  to  communicate,  in  the  form  of  in 
struction  or  advice — still,  it  would  be  desirable  to  hear  occasion 
ally  from  the  Government,  were  it  only  words  of  encourage 
ment  and  hope.  In  political  circles  here,  constant  inquiry  is 
made  as  to  what  I  hear  from  home ;  and  when  I  answer  that  I  get 
nothing,  a  doubt  seems  implied  that  the  Government  hesi 
tates  to  commit  itself  to  persistence  in  the  war,  in  the  midst 
of  the  trying  circumstances  in  which  it  is  placed.  True  I  leave 
nothing  undone  to  dispel  such  doubt ;  but  an  occasional  letter, 
even  referring  only  to  the  spirit  of  our  people,  and  the  determina 
tion  of  the  Government,  happen  what  may,  would  go  far  to 
reassure  our  more  timid  friends  in  England,  and  it  is  of  the 
last  moment  to  keep  the  public  mind  here  assured  that  the  war, 
so  disastrous  in  its  consequences  to  Europe,  will  go  on,  at 
any  cost  of  suffering  or  distress,  until  the  Federal  Government 


274 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


shall  lay  down  its  arms  and  leave  the  territory  of  the  South. 

"  My  No.  8,  of  the  2ist  of  April,  with  the  memorandum  from 
Mr.  Slidell  accompanying  it,  gave  to  the  Department  informa 
tion  of  apparent  grave  moment  from  France.  Lest  it  may  not 
have  reached  you  through  the  blockade,  I  have  entrusted  its 
substance  to  Mr.  Ward  (late  Minister  of  the  United  States  to 
China),  to  be  communicated,  orally,  to  the  President.  Mr.  W. 
also  bears  with  this  an  unofficial  note  from  me  to  the  President, 
referring  to  it.  All  is  mystery  with  us,  touching  the  late  visit 
of  *  M.  Mercier  to  Richmond,  as  connected  with  which  I  enclose 
an  extract  from  a  note  received  yesterday  from  Mr.  Slidell  at 
Paris,  dated  on  the  I4th. 

'  You  will,  of  course,  know  the  ostensible,  as  well,  I  pre 
sume,  as  the  real  purpose  of  the  visit  of  M.  Mercier;  but  not 
withstanding  the  disclaimer  of  M.  Thouvenal  to  Mr.  Slidell,  I 
must,  until  the  future  shall  show  the  contrary,  remain  of  opinion 
that  M.  Mercier  went  to  Richmond  under  orders  from  the 
Emperor  direct,  and  on  a  mission  which  he  did  not  choose 
should,  for  the  time,  at  least,  be  made  known  to  England. 

"  My  No.  8  will  have  shown  that  there  were  reasons  why 
intercourse  between  the  Emperor  and  the  Confederate  States 
should  not  be  conducted  through  the  usual  diplomatic  channels. 
He  may  have  chosen  that  M.  Thouvenal  should  not  be  able  to 
answer  Lord  Cowley's  inquiry  as  to  the  object  of  such  mission ; 
and  we  know  here  that  when  the  first  intelligence  came  that 
M.  Mercier  had  gone  to  Richmond,  Lord  Cowley  inquired  of 
M.  Thouvenal  what  it  meant,  and  was  answered  that  he  had  no 
information.  And  now,  this  theory  gets  further  confirmation 
in  the  fact  that  M.  Thouvenal  has  not  yet  heard  from  M.  Mercier, 
but  is  left  to  Lord  Lyon's  dispatches  to  his  Government  (as  he 
reports  to  Mr.  Slidell)  to  know  what  a  mission  of  his  own  Min 
ister,  and  of  such  grave  moment,  meant.  If  the  orders  went  from 
the  Emperor  direct,  the  return  dispatch  would  go  to  the 
Emperor  direct,  and  so  M.  Thouvenal  would  be  left  to  the  dis 
patches  of  Lord  Lyons. 

"  Nor  do   I   find  these  views   at   all   inconsistent  with  the 
alleged  mission  from  Mr.  Seward,  spoken  of  in  the  dispatches 
from  Lord  Lyons,  as  M.  Thouvenal  reported  them  to  Mr.  Sli- 
*See  dispatch  No.  6  from  Richmond,  given  in  next  chapter. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


dell,  that  I  should  take  as  the  ostensible,  while  the  real  mission 
was  known  only  to  the  Emperor  and  his  Minister,  and  I  pre 
sume  also  to  the  Government  at  Richmond.  I  venture  on  these 
speculations  only  that,  in  some  event,  the  suggestion  and  the 
reason  for  it,  that  the  purpose  of  M.  Mercier's  visit  was  not  dis 
closed  by  the  Emperor  to  any  one,  may  possibly  be  of  service 
to  you,  as  a  clue  to  anything  that  may  be  hidden.  I  send  you 
with  this,  late  files  of  the  London  Times,  from  which,  inter 
alia,  you  will  see  the  extent  of  the  distress  in  the  manufacturing 
districts,  and  the  way  it  is  dealt  with  by  the  Government. 
"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

"  54  DEVONSHIRE  STREET,  PORTLAND  PLACE, 

"  LONDON,  May  i6th,  1862. 
"  Hon.  Jefferson  Davis: 

"Mv  DEAR  SIR:  This  will  be  handed  you  by  Colonel 
Ward,  of  Savannah,  the  late  Minister  of  the  United  States  to 
China.  I  avail  myself  of  his  return  to  make  him  the  depositary 
of  the  substance  of  the  late  dispatches  of  Mr.  Slidell  and  myself, 
in  cipher,  to  the  Department  of  State,  in  the  event  of  their  not 
reaching  their  destination. 

"  Those  dispatches  were  not  sent  in  duplicate,  and  Colonel 
Ward  is  obliging  enough,  should  they  not  have  reached  the 
Department,  to  be  the  medium  of  communicating  them,  orally, 
to  you. 

"  The  great  importance  that  this  information  should  reach 
you  has  caused  me  to  entrust  it,  orally,  to  Colonel  Ward,  know 
ing  its  safety  with  him;  but  the  gentleman  from  whom  it  was 
derived  imparted  it  to  Mr.  Slidell  and  myself,  with  a  request  that 
it  should  not  be  known  to  any,  except  the  Secretary  of  State 
and  yourself,  which  please  regard.  We  have  heard  nothing  more 
from  that  quarter. 

"  Colonel  Ward  can  tell  you  fully  of  the  state  of  public 
feeling  in  England  and  on  the  Continent,  in  regard  to  American 
affairs. 

"  Here,  the  higher  and  the  educated  classes  strongly  sym 
pathize  with  the  South,  and  seem  to  deplore  the  coldness  and 
inaction  of  the  Government  ;  but  none  are  disposed  to  encourage 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


the  opposition  to  make  an  issue  with  the  Ministry  on  the  ques 
tion  either  of  recognition  or  of  the  blockade. 

"  The  fall  of  New  Orleans  will  certainly  exercise  a  depress 
ing  influence  on  counsels  here  for  intervention,  in  either  form; 
but  we  are  anxiously  and  hopefully  looking  for  success  to  our 
arms  both  in  Virginia  and  Tennessee.  In  the  event  of  both,  or 
even  either,  if  success  is  decisive,  I  should  look  for  some  decided 
impulse  toward  intervention. 

"  We  are  all  mystified  here  touching  the  late  visit  of  M. 
Mercier  to  Richmond;  and  to  you,  to  whom  its  objects  are  fully 
known,  our  speculations  would  be  superfluous  ;  still,  as  in  certain 
aspects  they  may  not  be  without  value,  I  have  ventured  to  give 
them,  in  my  dispatch  of  this  date,  to  the  Department  of  State. 
"  With  an  earnest  prayer  for  speedy  relief  to  our  suffering 
country,  and  best  wishes  for  your  health  and  welfare, 

"  I  am,  my  dear  sir, 

"  Very  respectfully,  etc., 
"  Truly  yours, 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.  12. 
"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMTSSION, 

"  LONDON,  June  23,  1862. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State: 

"  SIR  :  My  last  were  Nos.  10  and  n,  each  dated  on  the  i6th 
of  May.  No.  n  was  merely  sending  to  the  President  a  com 
munication  from  a  certain  Count  Brignola  containing  a  theoretic 
financial  scheme.  In  No.  10,  I  stated  that  dispatches  from  the 
Department  Nos.  i  and  4  had  not  been  received,  the  latest  being 
No.  5,  dated  on  the  I3th  of  March.  Since  then,  and  within  the 
last  few  days,  I  have  received  dispatch  No.  4,  dated  on  the  8th 
of  February,  from  your  predecessor,  the  Hon.  R.  M.  T.  Hunter, 
with  the  documents  referred  to  in  the  postscript  as  transmitted 
with  it. 

"  Looking  to  the  contingency  of  intervention  by  Great 
Britain  repudiating  the  blockade,  dispatch  No.  4  contained  the 
views  of  the  President  to  be  impressed  upon  the  Foreign  Min 
ister  here,  in  such  event.  As  things  stand  at  present,  there  is 
little  prospect  of  intervention  in  that  form,  either  by  Great 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


Britain  or  France.  The  President's  views,  however,  are  pre 
sented  with  great  force,  and  would  be  equally  impressive  and 
useful,  to  enforce  the  propriety  and  duty  of  recognizing  the 
independence  of  the  Confederate  States,  when  that  may  be  con 
templated,  and  as  instructed  by  the  dispatch,  they  shall  be  laid 
before  the  Minister  when  the  fitting  moment  may  arrive. 

"  In  my  No.  8,  of  the  2ist  of  April,  I  communicated  to  the 
Department  information  then  deemed  important  from  France, 
and  in  a  letter  to  the  President  of  the  i6th  of  May  (borne  by  a 
gentleman  to  whom  it  was  entrusted  and  who  was  worthy  of 
full  confidence),  I  told  him  that  the  bearer  was  a  depositary  of 
the  substance  of  that  information  to  be  communicated  orally  to 
him,  in  the  event  of  the  dispatch  referred  to  not  reaching  its 
destination.  Referring  to  its  substance  matter,  I  have  only  to 
add  that  nothing  further  has  transpired  concerning  it,  and  we 
are  thus  disappointed  in  the  hope  of  results  expected  from  it. 
The  occupation  of  the  principal  Southern  ports  by  the  enemy, 
and  the  increased  rigour  of  the  blockade  of  those  remaining  to 
us,  resulting  from  it,  gives  little  hope  now  of  any  interference  in 
regard  to  the  blockade,  and  leaves  only  the  question  of  recog 
nition.  In  this  connection,  I  must  add  that  even  the  recent 
seizure  of  British  ships,  under  the  British  flag,  and  freighted 
with  British  property,  on  the  high  seas,  on  voyages  from  ports 
in  England  to  Nassau,  and,  in  one  instance,  of  a  British  ship,  in 
same  manner  freighted,  bound  from  a  port  in  France  to 
Havana,  does  not  seem  to  have  claimed  trie  intervention  of  the 
British  Government.  In  each  of  these  cases  it  was  said  that  the 
cargo,  in  part  at  least,  was  alleged  by  the  captors  to  be  con 
traband.  They  were  referred,  under  strong  representations,  to 
the  Ministry  by  the  British  owners,  and  the  reply  given  was 
that,  on  reference  to  the  Law  Officers  of  the  Crown,  it  was 
determined  that  the  ships  must  abide  adjudication  in  the  Prize 
Courts. 

"  It  was  recently  strongly  rumored  here  that  France  had 
proposed  to  England  to  offer  their  joint  mediation  to  the  bellig 
erents  ;  but  on  a  question  put,  both  in  the  Houses  of  Lords  and 
Commons,  it  was  declared  by  Earl  Russell  in  the  former,  and 
Lord  Palmerston  in  the  latter,  that  no  such  proposition  had  been 
made  by  France,  and  further,  that  it  was  not  in  contemplation, 


278 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


by  this  Government,  to  offer  such  mediation  jointly  or  separately 
— Lord  Russell  adding  that  he  considered,  at  present,  it  would 
be  '  inopportune.' 

"  In  a  note  from  Mr.  Slidell,  dated  on  the  I7th  instant,  he 
says  that  the  determination  of  France  not  to  act  in  our  matters, 
without  the  concurrence  of  England,  is  unchanged.  Still,  it 
seems  to  be  well  understood  in  public  circles,  both  here  and  in 
France,  that  the  Emperor  is  fully  prepared  to  recognize  our 
independence,  and  is  officially  urging  its  expediency  upon 
England. 

"  I  am  in  full  and  frequent  communication  here  with  many 
able  and  influential  members  of  the  House  of  Commons,  who 
confer  with  me  in  perfect  frankness  and  candour,  and  who  are 
prepared  to  move  the  question  in  the  House  whenever  it  may 
be  found  expedient,  and  in  the  attitude  of  parties  here,  mean 
ing  the  Ministerial  and  the  Opposition,  as  the  Ministry  will 
not  move,  it  is  not  deemed  prudent  to  enable  it  to  make  the 
question  an  issue  with  the  Opposition,  and  so  motions  that  have 
been  projected  '  hang  fire.'  As  far  as  the  public  is  concerned, 
all  agree  that  there  has  been  a  complete  change  of  sentiment 
as  the  war  goes  on ;  both  my  own  intercourse,  which  is  becom 
ing  large,  and  information  derived  from  all  quarters  satisfy  me 
that  the  educated  and  enlightened  classes  are  in  full  sympathy 
with  us,  and  are  becoming  impatient  at  the  supineness  of  the 
Government.  The  stock  of  cotton  is  almost  exhausted,  and  it 
seems  fully  conceded  that  no  approximation  to  a  supply  can  be 
looked  for  in  any  quarter  other  than  the  Confederate  States. 
The  cotton  famine  (as  it  is  now  everywhere  termed)  prevailing 
and  increasing  in  the  manufacturing  districts,  is  attracting  the 
most  serious  attention.  Parochial  relief,  although  the  rates  have 
been  increased  beyond  anything  hitherto  known,  is  found  utterly 
inadequate  to  prevent  actual  starvation  of  men,  women,  and  chil 
dren,  who,  from  such  causes,  are  found  dead  in  their  houses. 
Private  contributions,  coming  largely  in  aid  of  parochial  relief,  do 
not  and  can  not  remove  the  sufferers  from  the  starvation  point ; 
and  very  soon  they  must  be  left  to  die,  unless  aid  is  afforded  from 
the  Treasury.  When  the  question  is  presented  in  this  form,  the 
causes  which  withhold  cotton  from  America  will  be  pressed 
in  our  favour,  with  increased  force,  on  the  public  attention.  I 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


enclose,  with  this,  a  recent  debate  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
in  which  the  sources  of  cotton  supply,  present  and  prospective, 
are  discussed  at  much  length. 

"  I  have  conferred  frequently  and  freely  with  Mr.  Slidell, 
on  the  expediency  of  making  a  renewed  request  to  the  Govern 
ments  of  France  and  England,  or  to  either,  for  recognition  of 
our  independence,  and  I  am  happy  to  say  that  a  cordial  under 
standing  exists  between  us  to  act  simultaneously  or  inde 
pendently,  as  our  joint  judgments  may  approve.  My  own 
strong  conviction  is  that  it  would  be  unwise,  if  not  unbecoming, 
in  the  attitude  of  the  Ministry  here,  to  make  such  a  request 
now  unless  it  were  presented  as  a  demand  of  right;  and  if  re 
fused — as  I  have  little  doubt  it  would  be — to  follow  the  refusal 
by  a  note,  that  I  did  not  consider  it  compatible  with  the  dignity 
of  my  Government,  and  perhaps  with  my  own  self-respect,  to 
remain  longer  in  England,  but  should  retire  to  the  Continent, 
there  to  await  the  further  instructions  of  the  Government. 
I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  I  contemplate  such  an  immediate 
step,  but  only  if  the  demand  be  made  and  refused,  to  remain 
longer  in  England,  as  the  representative  of  the  Government, 
would  seem  to  acknowledge  the  posture  of  a  supplicant,  and 
therefore  the  step  is  not  to  be  taken  without  the  most  grave  and 
mature  deliberation.  I  have  consulted  with  judicious  and 
enlightened  friends  here,  amongst  the  public  men  who  are 
earnestly  with  us,  and  they  advise  against  a  renewed  demand  at 
present,  whilst  they  admit  it  might  place  me  under  such  neces 
sity. 

"  One  of  the  documents  accompanying  the  dispatch  No.  4 
is  the  statement  of  Mr.  J.  W.  Zacherie,  of  New  Orleans,  relative 
to  the  outrage  perpetrated  on  him  while  on  board  the  vessel 
'  Eugenie  Smith/  but  I  am  not  instructed  to  lay  it  before  the 
Government  here,  and  therefore  await  further  directions. 
"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

"  54  DEVONSHIRE  STREET,  PORTLAND  PLACE, 

"  LONDON,  July  20,  1862. 

"  My  very  dear  Wife:  Although  my  fingers,  as  usual,  refuse 
their  office,  I  shall  try  to  make  my  script  intelligible.  I  have 


280  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


lately  had  the  great  indulgence  of  receiving  various  letters  not 
from  home,  but,  what  is  to  me  as  dear,  from  those  I  left  at  home, 
and  to  satisfy  you  that  it  is  not  vain  to  write  to  me  (malgre  the 
blockade),  enumerate  them,  according  to  their  dates.  From 
you,  my  dear  wife,  and  from  Anna,  at  Selma,  on  February  8th— 
those  were  long  delayed  and  reached  me  about  a  month  ago. 
May  25th;  from  you  at  Greensboro,  N.  C,  May  26th,  and  from 
Ida  at  Richmond,  May  I3th;  from  John  Ambler  at  Richmond, 
May  25th ;  from  you  at  Greensboro,  N.  C.,  May  26th  and  from 
Kate  of  same  date  at  Richmond.  Thus  my  latest  letters  are  of 
the  date  just  given,  but  you  may  imagine  how  welcome  they 
were,  as  they  assured  me  of  the  safety  and  welfare  of  those  I 
most  value  on  earth ;  but  since  then,  how  much  has  happened 
to  create  apprehensions  for  those  I  left  behind.  We  heard  in  due 
time  of  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks,  before  Richmond,  on  the  3ist 
of  May  and  ist  of  June,  and  yesterday  heard  of  the  apparently 
great  battle  before  Richmond  of  the  26th  and  27th  of  June. 
These  accounts  were  only  through  Yankee  sources,  i.  e.,  by  the 
New  York  papers,  but  they  tell  us  enough  to  assure  us  that  we 
achieved  a  great  victory — at  what  cost?  I  almost  fear  to  learn. 
Kate's  last  told  me  that  Jemmy,  at  his  own  request  and  for  more 
active  service,  had  been  transferred  from 'General  Anderson  to 
General  Griffith's  staff,  and  was  in  the  army  before  Richmond. 
I  am  sure,  before  the  enemy,  he  will  bear  himself  as  becomes 
him.  Of  Johnny  they  all  speak  as  he  doubtless  deserves.  God 
bless  and  preserve  these  boys ;  it  is  matter  of  daily  lamentation 
that  I  am  not  near  to  watch  and  guide  them.  Your  hegira  has 
deeply  interested  me:  from  Selma  to  Morven,  to  Charlottes- 
ville,  to  Richmond,  and  last  to  Greensboro,  N.  C.  Your  ex 
perience  of  the  buffetings  of  the  world  will  be  worth  an  age  of 
ordinary  life. 

"  The  Government  here  is  tardy  and  supine,  looking  to 
any  interference  against  the  Yankees,  but  the  increasing  dis 
tress  for  cotton,  and  the  late  apparent  decided  successes  before 
Richmond,  I  think  will  move  them.  As  I  have  said,  we  heard 
of  it  only  yesterday,  and  then  had  nothing  but  the  meagre  and 
garbled  accounts  furnished  by  the  New  York  papers — but  they 
were  enough  to  cause  a  stir.  I  have  had  visits  to-day  from  some 
of  the  most  eminent  and  distinguished  members  of  Parliament, 


LIFE    OF  'JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


advising  and  counselling  whether  it  was  now  prudent,  and  in 
what  way,  to  bring  the  subject  before  the  House  of  Commons. 
Of  course,  as  this  letter  is  liable  to  capture,  I  can  give  no  details, 
but  England  is  seriously  moved;  I  can  at  least  say  that  much, 
and  I  shall  look  now  speedily  for  intervention  in  some  form.  If 
I  am  right  on  the  decisive  results  of  the  late  affair  before  Rich 
mond,  I  hope,  my  dear  wife,  you  will  find  yourself  safe  in  return 
ing  there.  I  was  very  much  gratified  to  hear  of  your  kind  recep 
tion  by  our  friends,  and  that  you  are  satisfied  to  make  it  a 
home  until  better  can  be  done.  I  do  not  think  things  can  con 
tinue  as  they  have  been  very  much  longer,  and  then  I  look 
cheerfully  to  the  time  when  you  can  all  join  me  here. 

"  I  have  been  in  London  now  nearly  six  months,  and  it  has 
grown  wonderfully  in  favour;  as  a  stranger  at  first,  things  were 
found  formal  and  difficult,  but  as  time  elapsed  and  acquaint 
ances  extended,  I  have  found  far  the  larger  portion  of  the  elite 
but  the  type  of  our  best  Virginia  circles.  I  am  really  too  much 
occupied  in  returning  and  acknowledging  the  visits  of  the  im 
mense  number  who  call  daily,  and  of  the  highest  order  in  their 
classes.  Yesterday,  for  instance,  the  Marquis  of  -  -  called, 
(I  can't  give  name  for  fear  of  Yankee  interception),  and  not 
finding  me  at  home,  called  again  to-day  to  congratulate  me 
upon  the  success  at  Richmond.  I  visited  this  really  noble-man 
at  his  estate  in  the  country  in  the  Easter  holidays,  and  remained 
four  days;  nothing  could  have  been  more  cordial  and  genuine 
than  the  hospitality  I  have  received,  all  of  which  awaits  you  and 
our  dear  girls  when  the  time  comes  to  embark. 

JULY  3  1  st.  —  I  have  detained  the  above  waiting  for  an 
opportunity  to  get  it  off,  and  now  one  offers  which  I  trust  may 
bear  it  safely.  Since  the  first  date,  we  have  had  further  news 
of  the  glorious  series  of  battles  that  have  been  fought  and  won 
for  us  before  Richmond;  but  my  heart  bleeds  at  the  great  loss 
of  valuable  lives  they  have  cost  us,  and  I  am  all  anxiety  for  the 
fate  of  our  boys,  who,  I  presume,  were  in  the  fight.  When  I  shall 
hear  who  was  lost,  and  who  escaped,  the  Lord  only  knows.  I 
have  only  to  add  that  I  continue  in  abundant  health,  and  with 
constant  love  to  our  dear  circle,  am,  my  dear  wife, 

"  Ever  yours, 

"  I.  M.  MASON." 


2$ 2          LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Dispatch  from  Richmond  Tells  of  Victory  at  Hampton  Roads — Inaugura 
tion  of  Permanent  Government  Cabinet — Fall  of  Forts  Fisher  and  Don- 
elson — General  Buckner  Captured — Reverses  at  Nashville,  Columbus, 
Roanoke  Island — Capture  of  Newbern  and  Washington,  in  North  Caro 
lina — Feeling  of  Southern  People — Resolution  of  Congress  Never  to  Re- 
enter  Union— Battle  in  Arkansas — Generals  McCulloh  and  Mclntosh 
Killed — Inefficiency  of  Blockade — Mr.  De  Leon's  Mission— Recognition 
Would  End  the  War— Victory  at  Shiloh— General  A.  S.  Johnston 
Killed— Fall  of  Island  No.  10— New  Orleans  Taken— General  B.  F.  But 
ler — Visit  of  M.  Mercier  to  Richmond — Loss  of  Fort  Pillow,  Memphis 
and  Western  Tennessee— General  Bragg— Lieutenant  Commander  Brown — 
General  Jackson  in  Valley  of  Virginia — Battle  of  Seven  Pines — General 
J.  E.  Johnston  Wounded — General  Lee  in  Command — Battles  at  Rich 
mond  and  Manassas — Lee  Enters  Maryland — Takes  Harper's  Ferry- 
Battle  at  Sharpsburg — General  Loring's  Success  in  West  Virginia— Gen 
eral  Pope's  Orders — Letters  from  Earl  Shaftsbury. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  March  i3th,  1862. 
"  Hon.  James  E.  Mason,  etc.,  etc.: 

"  SIR  :  It  becomes  my  pleasing  duty  to  announce  to  you 
that  on  Saturday  and  Sunday  last,  the  8th  and  gth  inst.,  a  great 
naval  battle  was  fought  at  Hampton  Roads,  in  this  State,  be 
tween  the  James  River  Squadron,  consisting  of  five  vessels  and 
twenty-one  guns,  and  a  Federal  fleet  of  two  hundred  and  ten 
guns,  resulting,  without  serious  damage  to  a  single  Confederate 
vessel,  in  the  total  destruction  of  two  of  the  most  powerful 
frigates  of  the  United  States  Navy,  the  serious  disabling  of  two 
others,  the  sinking  of  two  gunboats,  the  capture  of  several  trans 
port  steamers,  and  the  defeat  and  utter  rout  of  the  remaining 
vessels  of  the  fleet,  amongst  which  were  the  steam  frigate  '  Roan 
oke,'  of  forty  guns,  and  the  ironclad  steamer  '  Monitor.'  The 
following  authentic  details  have  been  received : 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  8th,  at  1 1  o'clock,  the  Confederate 
States  ironclad  steam  sloop  '  Virginia  '  ( formerly  the  '  Merri- 
mac '),  of  ten  guns,  Flag  Officer  Franklin  Buchanan,  command 
ing,  attended  by  the  steam  tugs,  '  Beaufort '  and  '  Raleigh  '  of 
one  gun  each,  left  Norfolk  harbor  and  proceeded  towards  the 
enemy's  battery  at  Newport  News,  under  the  guns  of  which  were 
lying  the  Federal  frigate  '  Cumberland/  of  twenty-four  guns  of 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURK  AT    MASON. 


2*3 


heavy  calibre,  and  the  frigate  *  Congress '  of  fifty.  Steering 
directly  for  the  '  Cumberland  '  and  receiving  her  broadsides  at 
point  blank  range  without  the  slightest  injury,  the  '  Virginia  * 
(at  about  3.30  p.  m.)  struck  her  amidship  with  her  iron  prow, 
literally  cleaving  open  her  sides,  and  then  withdrawing,  opened 
upon  her  a  terrific  fire.  In  fifteen  minutes  the  '  Cumberland  ' 
sank,  having  on  board  three  hundred  and  sixty  souls,  of  whom 
not  more  than  one-third  escaped. 

"  The  '  Virginia  '  with  her  bow  gun  next  engaged  the  '  Con 
gress/  and  at  the  same  time  poured  frequent  broadsides  into  the 
battery  of  twenty  guns  at  Newport  News.  At  the  end  of  an 
hour's  contest  the  '  Congress  '  was  driven  ashore  in  a  sinking 
condition.  Her  colors  having-  been  hauled  down  and  a  white 
flag  run  up,  our  gunboats  were  dispatched  to  relieve  the  wounded 
of  the  crew.  Whilst  in  the  performance  of  the  humane  act  of 
taking  them  on  board  of  our  gunboats,  the  commander  of  the 
'  Congress/  in  a  spirit  of  unexampled  perfidy  and  barbarism,  and 
after  he  had  surrendered  the  frigate  and  given  us  his  sword, 
directed  the  remainder  of  the  crew  to  turn  the  guns  of  the  '  Con 
gress'  upon  our  gunboats.  His  command  was  obeyed,  and  by  that 
foul  act  of  treachery  Lieutenant  Minor  and  several  of  our  men 
were  wounded.  Our  vessels  then  opened  fire  upon  the  '  Con 
gress  '  and  burned  her  to  the  water's  edge.  During  the  engage 
ment  between  the  '  Virginia '  and  the  two  frigates,  the  '  Min 
nesota  '  of  forty  guns,  the  (  St.  Lawrence  '  of  fifty,  and  the  '  Roan- 
oke '  of  forty,  came  out  from  Old  Point  to  their  assistance. 
The  '  Minnesota  '  ran  aground  and  was  badly  damaged  by  the 
guns  of  our  vessels.  The  '  Roanoke '  and  '  St.  Lawrence '  put 
back  to  Old  Point.  Night  having  closed  in,  our  squadron  with 
drew  to  Sewell's  Point. 

"  On  Sunday  the  '  Virginia '  again  opened  fire  upon  the 
'  Minnesota/  but  on  account  of  the  shallow  water  could  only 
engage  her  at  a  distance.  The  '  Minnesota  '  was  finally  got  off, 
and  towed  in  a  sinking  condition  to  Old  Point.  During  this  day, 
the  enemy's  fleet  was  reinforced  by  the  '  Monitor/  an  iron-clad 
steam  battery  which  engaged  the  '  Virginia  '  for  several  hours 
at  close  quarters,  but  at  length  retreated  precipitately  to  the 
protection  of  the  guns  of  Fortress  Monroe.  In  this  brilliant 
engagement,  lasting  through  a  considerable  portion  of  two  days, 


284  LIFE    OF    JAME8    MURRAY    MASON. 


our  loss  was  but  seven  killed  and  seventeen  wounded.  Amongst 
the  wounded  were  Flag  Officer  Buchanan,  slightly,  and  Lieuten 
ant  Minor  severely,  the  latter  in  the  treacherous  manner  above 
related.  The  loss  on  the  Federal  side  can  not  be  less  than  six 
hundred.  I  herewith  enclose  an  official  report  of  the  battle  of  the 
8th  as  transmitted  on  that  day  to  the  Navy  Department. 
"  I  have  the  honour  to  be  sir, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  WM.  M.  BROWNE, 

"  Secretary  of  State  ad  interim." 

From  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State  Confederate  States, 
to  J.  M.  Mason,  Commissioner  of  the  Confederate  States  to 
Great  Britain,  received  in  London  June  29th,  1862. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  April  5th,  1862. 

"  SIR  :  The  inauguration  of  the  permanent  Government  of 
the  Confederate  States  having  taken  place  in  accordance  with 
the  Constitution  and  the  Laws  on  the  22d  February  last,  the 
President  determined  to  make  certain  changes  in  his  Cabinet, 
and  the  Department  of  State  was  confided  to  my  charge.  The 
Cabinet  was  formed  on  the  igth  ulto.,  and  is  constituted  as  fol 
lows,  viz : 

J.  P.  Benjamin,  of  Louisiana Secretary  of  State 

C.  G.  Memminger,  of  South  Carolina ....  Secretary  of  Treasury 

Thos.  H.  Watts,  of  Alabama Attorney  General 

Geo.  W.  Randolph,  of  Virginia Secretary  of  War 

S.  R.  Mallory,  of  Florida Secretary  of  Navy 

J.  H.  Reagan,  of  Texas Postmaster-General 

"  All  of  these  gentlemen  have  entered  on  the  discharge  of 
their  duties,  except  Hon.  Thos.  H.  Watts,  who  has  not  yet 
arrived  in  Richmond. 

"  In  assuming  the  charge  of  this  Department  under  the 
permanent  Government,  it  is  deemed  expedient  to  keep  the 
archives  separate  from  those  of  the  Provisional  Government. 
Hence  a  new  series  of  numbers  will  be  commenced  in  the  dis 
patches,  and  this  is  numbered  '  one.' 


LIFE  OF  JAMKS  MURRAY  MASON. 


285 


'  The  last  dispatch  of  my  predecessor  bears  date  on  the  8th 
February,  and  I  deem  it  useful  for  your  information  to  give  a 
brief  sketch  of  the  salient  events  which  have  occurred  since  that 
period,  and  shall  henceforth  endeavor  to  keep  you  promptly 
advised  of  the  current  history  of  public  affairs.  If  possible,  you 
shall  also  be  supplied  with  files  of  Southern  newspapers. 

"  The  reverses  to  our  arms  at  Forts  Henry  and  Donelson, 
and  >  at  Roanoke  Island  are  of  course  known  to  you,  but  the 
nature  and  extent  of  these  disasters  have  doubtless  been  so  ex 
aggerated  by  the  Northern  press  that  a  correct  summary  may 
be  of  use. 

"  Fort  Henry,  an  open  earthwork  situated  on  the  banks  of 
the  Tennessee,  mounting  eleven  guns,  was  on  the  8th  day  of 
February  attacked  by  a  fleet  of  the  enemy's  gunboats,  seven  in 
number  and  mounting  fifty-four  guns,  while  their  transports 
landed  an  army  of  twelve  thousand  men  with  a  view  to  the 
capture  of  our  small  force  of  less  than  three  thousand,  stationed 
there  for  the  defence  of  the  batteries.  The  contest  was  at  once 
seen  to  be  so  unequal  as  to  leave  nothing  to  be  done  but  to  with 
draw  with  the  least  possible  loss.  Under  these  circumstances, 
General  Tilghman,  in  command  of  the  Fort,  determined  to  hold 
it  with  some  eighty  men  to  the  last  moment,  in  order  to  cover 
the  retreat  of  the  army.  This  object  was  effected,  and  the  forces 
were  marched  in  safety  across  the  land  to  Fort  Donelson  on  the 
Cumberland  River  without  loss.  General  Tilghman  after  sus 
taining  the  bombardment  of  the  battery  for  several  hours,  and 
having  had  all  his  guns  dismounted  except  four,  was  compelled 
to  surrender  with  the  few  men,  less  than  sixty  in  number,  who 
remained  to  serve  the  guns. 

"  Fort  Donelson,  situated  on  the  bank  of  the  Cumberland 
River,  was  a  work  of  much  greater  importance  than  Fort  Henry, 
and  covered  the  approach  to  Nashville,  which  as  you  are  aware, 
is  accessible  to  boats  of  large  class  at  high  water.  General  A .  S. 
Johnston,  commanding  the  Western  Department,  was  fully  aware 
of  the  value  of  this  position,  and  lost  no  time,  nor  did  he  spare 
any  effort  for  its  defence.  His  whole  force,  however,  then  sta 
tioned  at  Bowling  Green,  was  nominally  but  30,000  men,  and  in 
effective  force  not  more  than  24,000.  He  had  in  his  front  General 
Buell,  with  an  army  of  60,000  men,  while  Fort  Donelson  was 


2$6  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

threatened  by  the  army  of  General  Grant,  with  a  like  number, 
and  by  the  gunboat  fleet  of  the  enemy  flushed  with  its  recent 
success  at  Fort  Henry.  The  fall  of  the  latter  fort  had  already 
rendered  imperative  the  abandonment  of  Bowling  Green,  as  the 
possession  by  the  enemy  of  the  Tennessee  River  cut  off  the  army 
of  General  Johnston  from  that  of  General  Polk  at  Columbus ; 
thus  leaving  it  free  to  the  enemy  to  attack  either  division  with 
his  entire  force.  Under  these  difficult  circumstances,  General 
Johnston  sent  to  the  aid  of  Fort  Donelson  rather  more  than  one- 
half  of  his  small  army,  retaining  the  remainder  to  cover  the  with 
drawal  of  his  stores  and  munitions  of  war,  and  to  check  the 
advance  of  General  Buell  and  prevent  his  direct  march  to  Nash 
ville.  After  four  days'  desperate  combat,  during  which  the 
enemy's  gunboat  fleet  was  greatly  damaged,  defeated  and  driven 
back,  the  constant  reinforcements  of  fresh  troops  by  which  our 
small  army  was  incessantly  assailed,  leaving  them  not  an  instant's 
repose,  finally  succeeded  in  reducing  them  to  such  a  state  of 
physical  exhaustion,  that  a  surrender  was  deemed  unavoidable ; 
and  although  a  considerable  body  of  our  men  made  good  their 
escape,  together  with  Generals  Floyd  and  Pillow,  the  two  senior 
generals,  the  enemy  succeeded  in  capturing  the  remainder  of  the 
force,  between  six  and  seven  thousand  in  number,  together  with 
General  Buckner  and  a  large  number  of  commissioned  officers. 
The  victory  was  dearly  bought,  as  the  loss  of  the  enemy  in  killed, 
wounded  and  prisoners  (the  latter  taken  in  a  victorious  sortie) 
can  not  have  been  less  than  5,000  men. 

"  The  capture  of  Fort  Donelson  necessarily  involved  the  fall 
of  Nashville,  which  was  soon  after  taken  possession  of  by  the 
enemy,  who  have  since  remained  masters  of  the  northern  part  of 
central  Tennessee. 

'  These  operations  rendered  the  evacuation  of  Columbus  a 
military  necessity,  its  position  on  the  Mississippi  being  too  far 
North  to  permit  our  shattered  forces  to  maintain  it  against  a 
land  attack  from  the  combined  forces  of  the  enemy,  and  the 
armament  was  accordingly  withdrawn  and  the  evacuation  con 
ducted  with  entire  success,  while  a  new  position  was  assumed 
at  Island  No.  10,  situated  about  twenty  miles  above  New  Madrid. 

"  In  the  meantime  General  Johnston,  reassembling  and  re 
organizing  the  scattered  remnants  of  the  army  of  Fort  Donelson, 


LIfK    OF    JAUES    MURRAY    MASON. 


287 


and  uniting  with  a  small  division  under  General  Crittenden,  has 
succeeded  in  accomplishing  one  of  the  most  masterly  movements 
of  the  war.  Anticipating  the  enemy,  who  by  their  enormous  fleet 
of  transports  on  the  Cumberland  and  Tennessee  have  the  means 
of  rapid  concentration  in  large  masses,  and  in  opposition  to  the 
advice  of  all  his  officers,  he  succeeded,  by  a  forced  march  across 
the  country,  in  moving  his  forces  with  all  their  baggage  train 
and  supplies  to  Decatur  in  Alabama,  which  he  reached  just  in 
time  to  find  himself  in  front  of  the  enemy  who  had  endeavored  by 
a  rapid  ascent  of  the  Tennessee  River  to  place  themselves  be 
tween  him  and  the  army  of  General  Polk,  now  commanded  by 
General  Beauregard.  This  movement  has  united  into  one  grand 
army,  the  forces  of  General  Johnston,  the  army  which  evacuated 
Columbus  now  commanded  by  General  Beauregard,  and  a  third 
force  of  about  10,000  men,  under  General  Bragg,  withdrawn  from 
Pensacola.  These  with  large  reinforcements  from  the  States  of 
Louisiana,  Alabama,  and  Mississippi  constitute  an  army  that 
can  not  now  number  less  than  80,000  men,  concentrated  at 
Corinth,  Miss.,  near  which  point  a  great  battle  is  hourly  im 
pending. 

"  In  the  meantime  our  position  at  Island  No.  10,  fortified 
and  reinforced,  has  been  the  object  of  unremitting  assault  from 
the  enemies'  gunboat  and  mortar  fleet,  but  after  fifteen  days'  in 
cessant  firing  accompanied  with  no  appreciable  loss  to  us,  and 
considerable  damage  to  their  fleet,  they  seem  to  have  abandoned 
in  despair  the  effort  to  descend  the  Mississippi  River  by  forcing 
the  passage,  and  to  be  now  awaiting  the  operations  of  the  land 
forces. 

"  The  fall  of  Roanoke  Island  occurred  on  the  8th  February. 
It  yielded  to  the  combined  attack  of  a  fleet  of  gunboats  and  an 
army  of  10,000  men,  which  succeeded  in  effecting  a  landing  and 
forcing  the  capitulation  of  our  troops,  about  2,500  in  number. 
This  disaster  derives  its  importance  from  the  basis  thus  afforded 
to  the  enemy  (commanding  as  he  does  the  navigation  of  the 
Pamlico  and  Albemarle  Sounds)  for  concentrating  forces  for  ex 
peditions  against  the  coast  of  North  Carolina,  but  chiefly  for  an 
attack  on  Norfolk  in  the  rear.  The  gathering  forces  of  the 
enemy  on  the  Peninsula  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fortress 
Monroe,  and  the  strong  reinforcements  pouring  incessantly 


288.  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

through  Hatteras  Inlet  to  the  aid  of  General  Burnside,  indicate 
an  intention  to  spare  no  effort  for  the  capture  of  Richmond,  and 
we  are  hourly  in  anticipation  of  heavy  engagements  in  this 
neighborhood. 

"  The  army  of  General  Burnside,  after  the  capture  of  Roan- 
oke  Island,  has  made  two  further  captures,  viz ;  the  towns  of 
Newbern  and  Washington  in  North  Carolina.  At  the  latter  place 
there  was  no  defence,  the  town  being  quite  insignificant,  the 
population  not  exceeding  1,200  or  1,500  souls;  but  at  Newbern 
a  very  gallant  defence  was  made  by  about  4,000  men  agamst  the 
combined  fleet  and  army  of  the  enemy,  and  although  our  forces 
were  compelled  to  retreat,  the  loss  of  the  enemy  can  not  have 
fallen  short  of  1,500,  while  the  results  of  the  capture  of  the  town 
are  unimportant. 

"  It  is  most  gratifying  to  observe  that  the  series  of  dis 
asters  of  which  I  have  just  given  you  an  impartial  narration, 
have  had  the  most  beneficial  effect  on  the  temper,  tone,  and 
spirit  of  our  people.  The  long  inaction  to  which  we  had  been 
condemned  by  the  inferiority  of  our  forces  had  produced  its  usual 
effects  on  our  troops.  A  feeling  of  listlessness ;  a  growing  belief 
that  there  would  be  little  more  fighting;  the  irksomeness  of  camp 
life  when  unvaried  by  active  service ;  the  prevalence  of  camp  dis 
eases  ;  the  desire  to  revisit  home  and  family ;  all  had  combined  to 
produce  a  state  of  things  under  which  our  army  was  wasting 
away,  and  the  spirit  of  volunteering  had  almost  died  out.  The 
change  has  been  magical.  Our  people  are  alive  to  the  magnitude 
of  the  contest.  A  stern  and  resolute  spirit  is  manifested  far  more 
promising  than  the  unreflecting  enthusiasm  under  which  the 
volunteers  first  rushed  to  our  standard. 

''  The  whole  people  are  at  war  with  our  deadly  foe.  Nothing 
is  wanted  but  an  ample  supply  of  arms  and  ammunition  to  place 
on  foot  the  most  formidable  army  of  modern  times.  Entire  con 
fidence  in  the  result  of  the  contest  is  felt  to  the  very  core  of  the 
national  heart,  and  you  need  entertain  not  the  slightest  hesitation 
in  giving  every  assurance  that  this  contest  can  by  no  possibility, 
and  under  no  stress  of  human  power,  end  in  aught  but  final  separa 
tion  between  the  contending  parties.  The  temper  of  Congress 
can  not  be  better  evinced  than  by  the  following  resolution,  unan 
imously  adopted  on  the  5th  of  March : 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


289 


"  '  Whereas,  The  United  States  are  waging  war  with  the 
Confederate  States  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  compelling  the 
latter  to  reunite  with  them  under  the  same  Constitution  and 
Government;  and  Whereas,  the  waging  of  war  with  such  an 
object  is  in  direct  opposition  to  the  sound  Republican  maxim 
that  '  All  government  rests  only  upon  the  consent  of  the  gov 
erned/  and  can  only  tend  to  consolidation  in  the  General  Gov 
ernment,  and  the  consequent  destruction  of  the  rights  of  the 
States ;  and  Whereas,  this  result  being  attained,  the  two  sections 
can  only  exist  together  in  relation  of  the  oppressor  and  the 
oppressed,  because  of  the  great  preponderance  of  power  in  the 
Northern  section,  coupled  with  dissimilarity  of  interests;  and 
Whereas,  we,  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  the  Confederate 
States,  in  Congress  assembled,  may  be  presumed  to  know  the 
sentiments  of  said  people,  having  just  been  elected  by  them; 
therefore  be  it 

"  '  Resolved,  That  the  Congress  do  solemnly  declare  and 
publish  to  the  world  that  it  is  the  unalterable  determination  of 
the  Confederate  States  (in  humble  reliance  upon  Almighty  God) 
to  suffer  all  the  calamities  of  the  most  protracted  war,  but  that 
they  will  never,  on  any  terms,  politically  affiliate  with  a  people 
who  are  guilty  of  an  invasion  of  their  soil  and  the  butchery  of 
their  citizens.' 

"  The  sole  important  success  obtained  by  us  during  the 
period  embraced  by  this  dispatch  is  the  naval  victory  in  Hamp 
ton  Roads,  on  the  8th  and  gth  ulto.,  of  which  full  details  were 
given  in  the  dispatches  of  the  Assistant  Secretary,  then  Secretary 
ad  interim,  under  date  of  I3th  March. 

"  Far  up  in  Northwestern  Arkansas  there  was  fought  on  the 
6th,  7th,  and  8th  of  March,  one  of  the  most  obstinate  battles 
recorded  in  history,  the  result  of  which,  although  highly  credit 
able  to  our  arms,  can  scarcely  be  claimed  as  a  victory.  General 
Earl  Van  Dorn,  in  command  of  the  trans-Mississippi  Depart 
ment,  having  succeeded  in  effecting  a  junction  between  the 
forces  of  General  McCulloch  and  those  of  General  Price,  who  had 
retreated  from  Missouri  before  overwhelming  numbers,  deter 
mined  to  give  battle  to  the  enemy,  notwithstanding  the  great  dis 
parity  in  arms  and  equipment  of  the  two  forces.  The  numbers 
on  the  two  sides  did  not  vary  materially,  being  near  30,000  each. 


2po  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


But  our  troops  were  principally  armed  with  shotguns,  squirrel 
rifles  (as  they  are  called  by  the  country  people),  and  in  many 
instances  not  even  with  them,  but  with  such  rude  weapons  as 
the  men  could  hastily  fashion  for  themselves.  The  first  day's 
combat  resulted  in  driving  the  enemy  from  their  position  by  a 
desperate  charge,  ending  near  dark,  and  our  troops  slept  on  the 
battle-field.  But  we  lost  precious  lives.  General  McCulloch  and 
his  second  in  command,  General  Mclntosh,  both  fell  at  the  head 
of  their  columns,  and  Colonel  Herbert,  commanding  the  Louis 
iana  troops,  was  wounded  and  made  prisoner.  The  combat  was 
renewed  next  day  by  a  fresh  attack  from  our  army  on  the  enemy, 
who  had  again  assumed  a  strong  position  some  two  or  three 
miles  beyond  the  battle-field  of  the  first  day.  The  result  of  this 
second  attack  was  less  favorable,  owing  to  the  discouragement 
produced  in  one  wing  of  the  army  by  the  loss  of  their  generals ; 
and  the  combat  ended  by  the  withdrawal  of  each  party  from  the 
field.  The  enemy  retreated  into  Missouri,  and  our  generals, 
after  giving  the  needful  repose  to  their  troops,  advanced  east 
ward  with  a  view  of  co-operating,  for  the  defence  of  the  Mis 
sissippi  River,  with  the  armies  of  General  Johnston  and  Beaure- 
gard.  I  subjoin  the  general  order  of  the  Commanding  General 
in  relation  to  the  battle : 

"  '  HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  TRANS-MISSISSIPPI  DISTRICT, 

"  '  VAN  BUREN,  ARK.,  March  i6th,  1862. 

" '  The  Major-General  commanding  this  District  desires  to 
express  to  the  troops  his  admiration  of  their  conduct  during  the 
recent  expedition  against  the  enemy.  Since  leaving  camp  in 
Boston  Mountains  they  have  been  incessantly  exposed  to  the 
hardship  of  a  winter  campaign,  and  have  endured  such  priva 
tions  as  troops  have  rarely  encountered.  In  the  engagements 
of  the  6th,  7th,  and  8th  inst.,  it  was  the  fortune  of  the  General 
commanding  to  be  immediately  with  the  Missouri  Division,  and 
he  can  therefore  bear  personal  testimony  to  their  gallant  bearing. 
From  the  noble  veteran,  who  led  them  so  long,  to  the  gallant 
S.  Churchill  Clark,  who  fell  while  meeting  the  enemy's  last 
charge,  the  Missourians  proved  themselves  devoted  patriots  and 
staunch  soldiers.  They  met  the  enemy  on  his  chosen  positions, 
and  took  them  from  him.  They  captured  four  of  his  cannon  and 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON.  2QI 


many  prisoners.  They  drove  him  from  his  field  of  battle  and 
slept  upon  it.  The  victorious  advance  of  McCulloch's  Division 
upon  the  strong  position  of  the  enemy's  front  was  inevitably 
checked  by  the  misfortunes  which  now  saddened  the  hearts  of 
our  countrymen  throughout  the  Confederacy.  McCulloch  and 
Mclntosh  fell  in  the  very  front  of  the  battle,  and  in  the  full  tide 
of  success.  With  them  went  down  the  confidence  and  hopes  of 
their  troops.  No  success  can  repair  the  loss  of  such  leaders. 
It  is  only  left  to  us  to  mourn  their  untimely  fall :  emulate  their 
heroic  courage,  and  avenge  their  death.  You  have  inflicted  upon 
the  enemy  a  heavy  blow.  But  we  must  prepare  at  once  to  march 
against  him  again.  All  officers  and  men  must  be  diligent  in 
perfecting  themselves  in  knowledge  of  tactics  and  of  camp  dis 
cipline.  The  regulations  of  the  army  upon  this  subject  must  be 
rigidly  enforced.  Officers  will  recite  daily  in  tactics,  and  all  must 
drill  as  many  times  daily  as  other  duties  will  permit.  In  every 
company  the  prescribed  roll-calls  will  be  made.  The  arms  will 
be  daily  inspected,  and  a  careful  attention  be  given  to  neat  police 
of  the  camp. 

"  '  Commanders  of  brigades  will  publish  and  strictly  enforce 
these  orders. 

"  ( By  order  of  Major-General  Earl  Van  Dornf 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"J.  P.  BENJAMIN." 

Another  dispatch  from  Richmond  was  received  at  same  time 
with  that  given  above ;  only  a  short  extract  is  here  quoted  as 
the  same  substance  is  repeated  elsewhere  in  the  dispatches : 
"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  April  8th,  1862. 

"  SIR  :  I  regret  to  inform  you  that  with  the  exception  of  a 
short  informal  letter  to  Mr.  Hunter,  written  immediately  on 
your  arrival  in  London,  the  Department  is  still  without  any  com 
munication  from  you.  It  is  not  doubted,  however,  that  you  must 
have,  more  than  once,  forwarded  dispatches  by  such  means  of 
conveyance  as  you  have  been  able  to  discover.  In  the  absence 
of  reliable  information  as  to  the  present  condition  of  public 
affairs  in  England  and  the  tone  and  temper  of  its  Government 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


and  people,  the  President  does  not  deem  it  advisable  to  make  any 
change  in  the  instructions  communicated  to  you  by  my  pred 
ecessor.  There  is,  however,  one  point  on  which  additional  remarks 
may  be  useful,  to  which  your  attention  is  now  invited. 

"  You  will  find  annexed  a  list  showing  the  number  and 
character  of  the  vessels  which  have  traded  between  our  ports 
and  foreign  countries,  during  the  months  of  November,  Decem 
ber,  and  January.  They  exceed  one  hundred  in  number  and 
establish  in  the  most  conclusive  manner  the  inefficiency  of  the 
blockade  which  it  has  pleased  neutral  nations  heretofore  to 
respect  as  binding  on  their  commerce. 

"  There  are  some  considerations  connected  with  this  subject 
that  do  not  seem  hitherto  to  have  been  brought  to  your  notice 
and  which  are  suggested  by  the  recently  published  reports  of  dip 
lomatic  correspondence  and  debates  in  the  English  Parliament. 

"  Prior  to  the  Treaty  of  Paris  the  test  of  the  validity  of  a 
blockade  had  not  become  matter  of  special  agreement  among 
the  leading  powers  of  the  earth.  *  *  *  *  *  j^-  was> 
however,  with  the  view,  as  declared  by  themselves,  of  putting  an 
end  to  '  deplorable  disputes  '  and  to  '  differences  of  opinion  be 
tween  neutrals  and  belligerents  which  may  occasion  serious  diffi 
culties  and  even  conflicts '  that  the  Plenipotentiaries  of  seven 
European  nations,  including  the  five  great  powers,  fixed  by  com 
mon  agreement  and  'solemn  declaration'  the  principle  that  'block 
ades,  in  order  to  be  binding,  must  be  effective,  that  is  to  say, 
maintained  by  a  force  sufficient  really  to  prevent  access  to  the  coast 
of  the  enemy." 

Again  from  Mr.  Benjamin  to  Mr.  Mason: 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  RICHMOND,  April  12. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  the  interests 
of  the  Confederacy  required  a  more  liberal  appropriation  of  the 
funds  of  the  Department  in  our  Foreign  Service.  With  enemies 
so  active,  so  unscrupulous,  and  with  a  system  of  deception  so 
thoroughly  organized  as  that  now  established  by  them  abroad, 
it  becomes  absolutely  necessary  that  no  means  be  spared  for  the 
dissemination  of  truth  and  for  a  fair  exposition  of  our  condition 
and  policy  before  foreign  nations.  It  is  not  wise  to  neglect  pub 
lic  opinion,  nor  prudent  to  leave  to  the  voluntary  interposition  of 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


friends,  often  indiscreet,  the  duty  of  vindicating  our  country 
and  its  cause  before  the  tribunal  of  civilized  man.  .The  Presi 
dent  shares  these  views,  and  I  have,  therefore,  with  his  consent 
and  under  his  instructions,  appointed  Edwin  de  Leon,  Esq., 
formerly  Consul-General  of  the  United  States  at  Alexandria, 
confidential  agent  of  the  Department,  and  he  has  been  sup 
plied  with  twenty-five  thousand  dollars  as  a  secret  service  fund 
to  be  used  by  him  in  the  manner  he  may  deem  most  judicious, 
both  in  Great  Britain  and  on  the  Continent,  for  the  special 
purpose  of  enlightening  public  opinion  in  Europe  through  the 
press.  Mr.  de  Leon  possesses  to  a  high  degree  the  confi 
dence  of  the  President  as  a  man  of  discretion,  ability,  and 
thorough  devotion  to  our  cause.  He  will  bear  to  you  this 
dispatch,  and  I  trust  you  will  give  to  him  on  all  occasions  the 
benefit  of  your  counsel,  and  impart  to  him  all  information  you 
may  think  it  expedient  to  make  public,  so  as  to  facilitate  him 
in  obtaining  such  position  and  influence  among  the  leading  jour 
nalists  and  men  of  letters  as  will  enable  him  most  effectually  to 
serve  our  cause  in  the  special  sphere  assigned  to  him. 

"  A  subject  of  extreme  importance  to  us  is  the  organization 
of  some  means  of  communication  between  Europe  and  the  Con 
federacy.  On  this  subject  I  have  addressed  Mr.  Slidell  at 
length,  believing  his  position  better  calculated  than  yours  to 
succeed  in  obtaining  facilities  from  the  dispatch  vessels  employed 
by  the  European  Governments,  as  it  is  understood  that  in 
France  the  principle  that  dispatches  are  contraband  of  war  is 
not  admitted  to  be  in  conformity  with  international  law.  The 
subject  is  called  to  your  attention  in  the  hope  that  you  may 
be  able  to  devise  some  means  of  private  conveyance,  however 
expensive,  by  which  we  may  overcome  the  great  disadvantage 
under  which  we  now  labor  in  this  respect. 

"  There  is  one  aspect  in  which  the  question  of  our  recognition 
by  European  powers  may  be  viewed,  which  the  President  is  desir 
ous  should  be  placed  prominently  before  Her  Majesty's  principal 
Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs. 

"  The  continuance  of  the  desolating  warfare  which  is  now 
ravaging  the  country  is  attributable  in  no  small  degree  to  the 
attitude  of  neutral  nations  in  abstaining  from  the  acknowledg 
ment  of  our  independence  as  a  nation  of  the  earth.  The  heat 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


of  popular  passion,  which  in  the  Northern  Government  controls 
public  policy,  will  not  permit  their  rulers  to  entertain  for  a 
moment  the  idea  of  separation  so  long  as  foreign  nations  tacitly 
assert  the  belief  that  it  is  in  the  power  of  the  United  States  to 
subjugate  the  South. 

"  National  pride,  the  hatred  engendered  by  this  war,  the 
exasperation  of  defeat  in  their  cherished  hope  of  subduing  the 
South,  all  combine  to  render  the  administration  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
powerless  to  accept  the  accomplished  fact  of  our  independence, 
unless  sustained  by  the  aid  of  neutral  nations.  So  long  as  Great 
Britain,  as  well  as  other  neutral  powers,  shall  continue  prac 
tically  to  assert,  as  they  now  do,  their  disbelief  of  our  ability  to 
maintain  our  Government,  what  probability  is  there  that  an  enemy 
will  fail  to  rely  on  that  very  fact  as  the  best  ground  for  hope  in 
continued  hostilities? 

"  Without  intending  that  their  policy  should  be  thus  dis 
astrous  in  its  results,  it  can  not  be  doubted,  on  reflection,  that 
the  delay  of  the  neutral  powers  in  recognizing  the  nationality  of 
the  South  is  exerting  a  very  powerful  influence  in  preventing 
the  restoration  of  peace  on  this  continent,  and  in  thus  injuriously 
affecting  vast  interests  of  their  own,  which  depend  for  pros 
perity  and  even  for  existence,  on  free  intercourse  with  the  South. 

"  There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  our  recognition 
would  be  the  signal  for  the  immediate  organization  of  a  large 
and  influential  party  in  the  Northern  States  favorable  to  putting 
an  end  to  the  war.  It  would  be  considered  the  verdict  of  an 
impartial  jury  adverse  to  their  pretensions.  All  hope  of  sub 
mission  from  a  nation  thus  recognized  would  be  felt  to  be  with 
out  foundation,  and  thus  a  few  words  emanating  from  Her 
Britannic  Majesty  would,  in  effect,  put  an  end  to  a  struggle 
which  desolates  our  country,  afflicts  mankind,  and  which,  how 
ever  protracted,  has  for  its  only  possible  result  that  very  recog 
nition  which  she  has  now  the  power  to  grant  without  detriment 
to  any  interest  of  the  British  people  or  throne. 
"  I  am,  sir;  very  respectfully, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 
"J.  P.  BENJAMIN." 

The  next  dispatch  (No.  6,  from  the  Department,)  was  not 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


among  Mr.  Mason's  papers,  but  was  obtained  from  the  Depart 
ment  at  Washington. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  RICHMOND,  July  19. 

"  SIR  :  I  received  on  the  5th  instant  from  the  Hon.  Mr. 
Ward,  late  United  States  Minister  to  China,  your  two  dis 
patches,  Nos.  9  and  10,  of  the  6th  and  I5th  of  May  respectively, 
being  the  first  communication  received  from  you  since  your  No. 
3,  of  February  7.  Mr.  Wetter  and  Mr.  Ficklin,  who  had  been 
entrusted  with  previous  dispatches  from  Europe,  both  arrived, 
but  were  compelled  to  destroy  their  dispatches  on  being  boarded 
by  the  enemy's  gunboats.  You  may  judge,  therefore,  with  what 
anxiety  we  look  for  news  from  your  mission. 

"  Being  thus  left  without  advices  and  having  no  opportunity 
of  sending  dispatches  with  a  reasonable  prospect  of  their  reach 
ing  you,  I  have  sent  nothing  since  the  departure  of  Mr.  de  Leon. 
As  he  arrived  safely  at  Nassau,  you  must  long  since  have  re 
ceived  the  dispatches  of  which  he  was  the  bearer. 

11  The  letter  of  Mr.  Spence,  inclosed  in  your  dispatch  of  the 
6th  of  May,  was  duly  communicated  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  and  after  conference  with  him,  I  beg  you  will  inform 
Mr.  Spence  that  this  Government  has  the  highest  appreciation 
of  his  valuable  and  disinterested  service  in  enlightening  public 
opinion  as  to  the  true  merits  of  the  contest  we  are  now  waging, 
and  as  to  the  condition,  motives,  and  objects  of  the  people  of 
the  Confederate  States.  The  President  also  desires  me  to  convey 
to  Mr.  Spence,  through  you,  his  acknowledgments  for  the  copy 
of  the  American  Union.  The  work  has  been  read  by  us  both, 
and  deserves  the  tribute  which  the  public  has  spontaneously 
paid  by  demanding  repeated  editions.  But  in  so  far  as  Mr. 
Spence's  suggestions  of  the  necessity  of  our  having  a  financial 
agent  abroad  are  concerned,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  of 
opinion  that  the  subject  is  now  premature.  It  is  by  no  means 
certain  that  we  shall  require  a  foreign  loan ;  indeed,  it  is  not 
even  very  probable,  and  the  Secretary  does  not  deem  it  now  wise 
or  prudent  to  anticipate  in  any  way  a  decision  as  to  the  line  of 
our  financial  policy  when  we  shall  have  established  our  relations 
with  the  people  of  Europe. 

"  I  have  nothing  to  add  to  the  subject  of  my  former  dis 
patches,  and  shall  confine  myself  to  informing  you  of  the  most 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


important  events  which  have  transpired  since  Mr.  de  Leon's 
departure.  I  shall  not,  however,  continue  the  connected  narra 
tive  of  my  former  dispatches,  as  the  great  delay  in  communi 
cation  completely  destroys  the  value  of  the  information. 

"  On  the  24th  of  April,  the  enemy's  fleet  succeeded,  under 
cover  of  a  very  dark  night,  in  passing  the  forts  below  New 
Orleans.  A  concurrence  of  most  unfortunate  events  alone  ren 
dered  this  possible.  A  storm  in  the  river  destroyed  a  portion 
of  the  floating  obstructions  which  connected  the  two  banks  of 
the  river  and  left  an  opening  through  which  the  fleet  passed 
without  being  seen  till  actually  past  the  forts.  The  fire-rafts, 
which  had  been  provided  for  lighting  the  river,  were  not  lighted, 
and  the  blame  of  the  omission,  unpardonable  as  it  was,  has  not 
yet  been  fixed,  the  naval  and  military  commanders  accusing 
each  other  of  the  fault.  The  steam  ram  '  Louisiana/  which 
alone,  if  in  good  order,  could  have  stopped  the  whole  fleet,  had 
her  machinery  temporarily  disabled  and  could  not  move.  These 
combined  circumstances  enabled  the  enemy  to  pass,  though  not 
without  heavy  loss.  The  forts  were,  however,  still  in  our  hands 
when  a  mutiny  broke  out  in  one  of  them,  the  guns  were  spiked 
by  the  mutineers,  and  General  Duncan  was  forced  to  surrender 
and  is  now  a  prisoner  on  parole.  On  arrival  of  the  enemy's  fleet 
before  New  Orleans,  a  surrender  was  demanded  but  refused, 
although  General  Lovell  had  withdrawn  all  his  forces,  being 
unable  to  resist  the  fleet  with  infantry  alone.  Upon  the  receipt 
of  the  news,  however,  that  the  forts  had  surrendered,  the  com 
mander  of  the  fleet  was  informed  that  no  further  resistance 
would  be  made,  and  in  a  few  days  afterwards  General  Butler, 
with  six  or  eight  thousand  men,  entered  the  city. 

"  The  press  of  the  civilized  world  has  already  informed  you 
of  the  nature  of  the  tyranny  exercised  over  that  unfortunate  city 
by  the  brutal  commander  who  temporarily  rules  over  it.  The 
order  inviting  his  beastly  soldiery  to  treat  the  ladies  of  New 
Orleans  as  '  women  of  the  town  pursuing  their  avocations  '  is  not 
only  authentic,  but  has  been  tacitly  approved  by  his  Government, 
which  has  in  no  manner  indicated  an  intention  to  disavow  its 
acts.  His  seizure  of  the  consulate  of  the  Netherlands,  with 
$800,000  in  gold,  belonging  to  Hope  and  Company,  of  Amster 
dam  ;  his  seizure  of  merchandise  of  neutral  merchants  on  the 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


ground  that  by  buying  this  merchandise  with  Confederate  notes, 
they  had  given  aid  and  comfort  to  the  rebellion ;  his  requiring 
an  oath  of  quasi-allegiance  from  all  foreigners;  his  insulting 
answers  to  the  most  temperate  letters  from  the  foreign  consuls ; 
his  decree  that  no  person's  property  or  personal  rights  should  be 
respected,  unless  an  oath  of  allegiance  was  first  taken ;  his  order 
sending  Mrs.  Phillips  to  solitary  confinement  on  Ship  Island  for 
laughing  when  a  procession  was  passing  her  house ;  his  murder 
of  Mumford  for  hauling  down  the  United  States  flag  before  the 
surrender  of  the  city ;  his  thousand  similar  acts  of  atrocity,  far 
exceeding  the  cruelties  of  Neapolitan  or  Austrian  commanders 
in  Italy,  all  combine  in  stamping  upon  him  and  on  the  Govern 
ment  which  sustains  and  supports  him,  indelible  infamy. 

"We  were  quite  startled  on  the  15th  April  by  a  dispatch 
from  Norfolk,  asking,  in  the  name  of  *  Count  Mercier,  permission 
to  visit  Richmond  in  a  private  capacity.  He  accordingly 
arrived  on  the  i6th,  and  immediately  came  to  see  me.  He  stated 
that  he  had  come  with  Seward's  consent  and  knowledge,  but  did 
not  say  that  Seward  had  asked  him  to  come.  He  represented 
that  he  entertained  an  earnest  desire  to  see  and  judge  for  himself 
the  temper  and  spirit  of  our  people  and  Government,  and  the 
prospect  of  the  duration  of  the  war. 

"  He  said  that  he  would  state  frankly  that  he  considered  the 
capture  of  all  our  cities  within  reach  of  the  water  as  a  matter  of 
certainty ;  that  it  was  purely  a  question  of  weight  of  metal,  and 
that  as  the  North  had  undoubtedly  a  vast  superiority  of  resources 
in  iron  and  other  materials  for  gunboats  and  artillery,  he  did 
not  deem  it  possible  for  us  to  save  any  of  our  cities,  and  he  asked 
me  to  say  frankly  what  I  thought  would  be  the  course  of  our 
Government  in  such  an  event.  I,  of  course,  took  it  for  granted 
that  his  visit  to  Richmond  had  some  motive  and  was  due  to  some 
cause  other  than  that  represented  by  him,  but  I  accepted  the 
interview  on  the  basis  chosen  by  him,  and  we  entered  into  a  long 
and  animated  conversation  as  mere  personal  acquaintances,  re 
newing  the  relations  which  formerly  existed  between  us  at 
Washington.  The  result  of  this  conversation  has  been  very 
fairly  stated  by  him,  and  he  left  Richmond  two  or  three  days 
later,  in  all  appearances  thoroughly  convinced  that  the  war 

*Minister  from  France  to  the  United  States. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


could  have  no  issue  but  our  independence,  although  he  thought 
it  might  last  a  long  time.  In  the  course  of  conversation  he 
remarked  that  it  would  be  a  matter  of  infinite  gratification  to 
himself  personally,  as  well  as  to  his  Government,  if  his  good 
offices  could  be  interposed  in  any  way  to  restore  peace,  and  said 
that  the  only  possible  solution  he  saw  was  political  independence 
combined  with  commercial  union.  '  But/  he  continued,  '  how 
can  anybody  talk  to  either  side?  I  dare  not  utter  to  you  a  sin 
gle  sentence  that  does  not  begin  by  the  word  independence,  nor 
can  I  say  a  syllable  to  the  other  side  on  any  basis  other  than 
Union/  I  replied  good-humoredly,  and,  still  keeping  the  con 
versation  on  the  footing  assumed  by  him  of  a  private  and  unof 
ficial  interview  between  old  acquaintances,  '  Why  should  you 
say  anything  to  either  side?  I  know  your  good  feeling  for  us, 
and  we  require  no  proof  of  it,  but  you  know  we  are  hot-blooded 
people,  and  we  would  not  like  to  talk  with  anybody  who  enter 
tained  the  idea  of  the  possibility  of  our  dishonoring  ourselves  by 
reuniting  with  a  people  for  whom  we  feel  unmitigated  contempt 
as  well  as  abhorrence.'  I  saw  nothing  further  of  him  except  in 
social  parties,  at  dinner,  and  in  a  farewell  visit  I  made  him  of  a  few 
moments  on  the  eve  of  his  departure.  I  do  not  know,  of  course, 
what  changes  may  have  been  made  in  his  opinions  about  the 
certain  capture  of  our  cities  by  our  recent  brilliant  success  at 
Charleston  and  Richmond,  and  the  abandonment  even  of  the 
attempt  to  take  Mobile,  Savannah,  or  Wilmington.  I  am  very 
much  inclined  to  believe  that  he  really  came  at  Seward's  request 
to  feel  the  way  and  learn  whether  any  possible  terms  would 
induce  us  to  reenter  the  Union.  If  that  was  the  case,  his  mis 
sion  was  a  signal  failure  and  has  resulted,  I  think,  in  good  to 
our  cause. 

"  After  the  battle  of  Shiloh,  our  army  continued  encamped 
at  Corinth,  and  although  so  reinforced  as  to  give  assurance  that 
a  brilliant,  aggressive  campaign  was  before  us,  General  Beaure- 
gard,  for  reasons  not  yet  satisfactorily  explained,  kept  his  whole 
forces  in  entrenchments  at  Corinth,  in  a  very  unhealthy  locality, 
without  attempting  anything  until  his  forces,  by  disease,  despond 
ency  and  discontent  at  long  inaction,  had  dwindled  down  from 
104,000  men  to  about  50,000. 

"  In    the    meantime    General    Halleck    had    advanced    by 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


regular  parallels,  as  though  besieging  a  fortress,  until  Beaure- 
gard  was  forced  to  a  retreat,  the  unfortunate  results  of  which 
were  very  soon  disastrously  apparent.  We  lost  Fort  Pillow, 
Memphis,  all  of  Western  Tennessee,  and  our  whole  line  of 
communication  by  the  railroad  from  Memphis  to  Chattanooga. 
His  health  was  bad,  and  on  his  leaving  the  army  on  a  surgeon's 
certificate  for  four  months,  the  President  found  it  necessary  to 
give  General  Bragg  the  permanent  command  of  the  Army  of  the 
West.  He  at  once  proceeded  to  reorganize  the  forces,  issued 
an  address  to  inspirit  them,  and  has  just  commenced  active 
operations,  which  we  are  confident  will  result  in  our  reoccupa- 
tion  of  Tennessee. 

"  General  Bragg  has  sent  General  Van  Dorn  to  Vicksburg 
with  a  force  of  some  ten  thousand  men,  and  that  gallant  officer 
has  succeeded  in  making  such  a  defense  of  that  important  point 
as  utterly  to  destroy  the  enemy's  project  of  opening  the  com 
merce  of  the  Mississippi  River,  or  even  of  maintaining  their 
communications  on  that  important  stream.  They  have  been 
repulsed  with  the  loss  of  several  of  their  boats  and  have  aban 
doned  their  attempts  to  take  the  town.  By  telegram,  just  re 
ceived,  we  learn  officially  that  the  Confederate  steamer  (iron 
clad)  '  Arkansas/  of  ten  guns,  has  just  issued  from  the  Yazoo 
River,  dashed  into  the  enemy's  fleet  of  sixteen  or  eighteen  ves 
sels,  including  two  sloops  of  war  and  four  ironclad  gunboats, 
and  has  utterly  routed  the  whole  fleet,  destroying  four  vessels 
and  disabling  several  others.  This  exploit  of  Lieutenant-Com 
mander  Brown  is  one  of  the  most  brilliant  of  the  war.  On 
the  whole,  our  campaign  in  the  West  is  of  the  most  promising 
character;  the  spirit  of  the  army  and  people  high  and  hopeful, 
and  you  may  confidently  expect  good  news  from  that  quarter. 

"  Early  in  May  the  campaign  in  the  Valley  of  Virginia 
assumed  a  new  aspect  under  the  daring  leadership  of  Major- 
General  Thomas  J.  Jackson.  Having  been  reinforced  by  a 
division  under  Major-General  Ewell,  he  commenced  an  active, 
aggressive  movement.  On  the  gth  May  he  attacked  and  routed 
the  army  of  General  Milroy  at  McDowell  (near  Staunton).  On 
the  24th,  25th,  and  26th  May,  in  three  successive  battles  at  Front 
Royal,  Lewiston,  and  Winchester,  he  cut  to  pieces  the  whole 
army  of  General  Banks,  and  drove  it  in  disgraceful  flight  across 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


the  Potomac,  creating  great  consternation  at  Washington,  and 
a  cry  of  alarm  from  President  Lincoln,  who  made  hasty  and 
urgent  appeals  for  help  from  the  militia  of  the  several  States 
to  save  his  Capital.  And  on  the  8th  and  Qth  June,  he  defeated  the 
army  of  Shields  at  Port  Republic.  By  the  celerity  of  his  marches. 
the  promptness  of  his  movements  and  the  vigor  of  his  assaults, 
he  cost  the  enemy  the  loss  certainly  of  not  less  than  30,000 
men  in  this  series  of  battles,  besides  a  vast  quantity  of  cannon, 
ammunition  and  supplies  of  all  sorts,  which  fell  into  his  hands 
and  were  secured  for  our  services.  In  these  battles  Brigadier- 
General  Richard  Taylor,  of  Louisiana,  particularly  distinguished 
himself,  and  has  been  warmly  recommended  by  his  commander 
for  promotion.  On  the  i6th  June,  the  enemy,  in  heavy  force, 
made  a  desperate  attempt  to  carry  one  of  our  entrenched  ad 
vanced  posts  at  Secessionville,  on  James  Island  in  Charleston 
harbor.  After  repeated  and  determined  assaults  they  were  re 
pulsed,  with  a  loss  of  667  men,  as  stated  in  their  own  reports, 
and  have  since  withdrawn  all  their  forces  from  the  neighborhood 
of  the  city  and  are  encamped  under  the  protection  of  the  guns 
of  their  fleet. 

"  On  the  3  ist  May,  General  Joseph  E.  Johnston  attacked 
the  troops  of  the  enemy  in  their  position  on  the  Williamsburg 
road,  on  the  south  side  of  the  Chickahominy  near  the  Seven 
Pines.  The  enemy's  force  was  about  25,000.  The  enemy  were 
driven  from  their  position,  their  entrenchments  stormed,  bat 
teries  captured,  and  their  camp  occupied  by  our  forces.  On  the 
next  day,  the  ist  June,  the  enemy  made  a  vigorous  assault  on 
our  troops  in  the  position  captured  by  us  on  Saturday,  but 
were  decisively  repulsed  after  a  fight  of  some  four  hours.  The 
loss  of  the  enemy  in  killed  and  wounded  and  prisoners  in  these 
two  battles  was  about  14,000;  the  Confederate  loss  was  about 
6,000.  General  Joseph  E.  Johnston  was  severely  wounded  in 
the  battle  of  the  3 ist,  and  the  command  of  the  army  devolved  on 
Major-General  G.  A.  Smith.  On  the  evening  of  ist  June,  the 
President,  who  had  remained  on  the  field  during  the  whole  of  the 
fighting  on  both  days,  assigned  the  command  of  the  army  to 
General  Robert  E.  Lee,  who  has  gloriously  vindicated  the  wis 
dom  of  the  choice  and  secured  undying  renown  by  the  grand  bat 
tle  and  victory  at  Richmond. 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


"  No  sooner  had  General  Lee  assumed  command  than  he 
changed  the  whole  face  of  affairs  in  front  of  Richmond.  He 
formed  the  design  of  turning  the  right  wing  of  the  enemy,  cut 
ting  him  off  completely  from  the  base  of  his  supplies  on  the  York 
and  Pamunky  Rivers,  and  driving  him  from  his  entrenchments. 
With  this  view,  and  the  more  effectually  to  mask  his  designs,  he 
sent  several  brigades  from  his  army  to  join  General  Jackson's 
army  in  the  Valley  of  Virginia,  and  he  succeeded  in  creating 
the  impression,  both  with  our  people  and  the  enemy,  that 
Jackson  was  to  advance  into  Maryland  and  attack  Washington. 
The  troops  sent  to  Jackson  were,  however,  met  before  crossing 
the  mountain  by  his  whole  army,  which  thus  reinforced,  was 
rapidly  marched  to  Ashland,  on  the  Central  Railroad,  just  north 
of  Richmond.  Jackson's  army  was  then  thrown  across  the 
Chickahominy,  turning  the  enemy's  right  wing  on  the  afternoon 
of  Thursday,  26th  of  June.  So  successful  had  been  this  movement 
of  General  Lee,  that  the  enemy  was  actually  engaged  in  throw 
ing  up  entrenchments  to  resist  the  hourly  expected  attack  of 
Jackson  at  Harper's  Ferry,  on  the  fourth  day  after  Jackson  had 
attacked  the  right  wing  of  McClellan  on  the  banks  of  the 
Chickahominy.  I  can  not  add  to  the  great  length  of  this  dis 
patch  by  a  description  of  the  battle  at  Richmond.  I  confine  myself 
to  stating  that,  in  an  uninterrupted  series  of  engagements,  our 
army,  about  80,000  strong,  met  the  enemy,  admitted  to  have  con 
sisted  of  95,000  effective  men ;  that  the  army  of  McClellan  was 
driven  from  its  entrenchments,  which  were  of  the  most  complete 
and  formidable  character  that  have  ever  been  erected;  that  this 
enemy  was,  as  it  were,  lifted  out  of  his  entrenchments  and 
hurled  to  a  distance  of  thirty-five  miles ;  that  the  battle  and  pur 
suit  lasted  seven  days;  that  nothing  but  the  most  desperate 
efforts  of  the  enemy,  aided  by  a  country  covered  with  swamps 
and  thick  woods,  and  affording  constant  positions  of  formidable 
strength  for  defence,  saved  McClellan's  Grand  Army  of  the 
Potomac  from  utter  annihilation ;  that  the  enemy,  when  at  last 
reaching  the  banks  of  the  James  River  and  taking  shelter  under 
his  fleet  of  gunboats,  was  a  routed  and  disorderly  mob ;  that  the 
loss  of  the  enemy  is  admitted  to  be  30,000  in  killed,  wounded 
and  prisoners,  but  it  is  believed  to  be  much  greater ;  that  we 
have  captured  upwards  of  ten  thousand  prisoners,  have  in 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


our  possession  fifty-one  pieces  of  his  splendid  artillery,  and 
on  Saturday  night,  the  I2th  instant,  had  already  received 
in  Richmond  31,400  stands  of  small  arms  and  are  still 
rapidly  collecting  them  from  the  whole  line  of  retreat,  so 
that  the  number  taken  will  scarcely  fall,  short  of  40,000 
stands;  that  the  quantity  of  supplies  of  all  sorts  which  have 
fallen  into  our  hands  is  enormous,  our  wagons  being  still 
employed,  in  large  numbers,  hauling  the  spoils  to  Richmond, 
and  that  the  amount  of  destruction  by  the  enemy  of  his  own 
stores  and  supplies  is  such  as  almost  to  exceed  belief.  This 
grand  victory  was  dearly  purchased,  yet  its  price  was  less  than 
was  anticipated.  It  is  hoped  that  our  total  loss  in  killed  and 
wounded  will  not  count  up  more  than  15,000,  and  a  large  num 
ber  of  these  are  slightly  wounded.  Our  only  loss  in  general  offi 
cers  was  Brigadier-General  Griffith  killed,  and  Brigadier-Gen 
eral  Elzey  wounded,  but  getting  well.  Of  the  enemy's  generals, 
we  captured  Major-General  McCall  and  Brigadier-General 
Reynolds,  while  Brigadier-General  Meade  was  killed,  two  other 
generals  severely  wounded  and  two  others  slightly  injured. 

"  I  need  scarcely  enlarge  upon  the  effects  of  such  a  mag 
nificent  victory  on  ourselves  as  well  as  on  the  enemy.  As 
regards  the  latter,  you  will  be  able  to  form  your  own  conclu 
sions  from  the  Northern  papers,  which  openly  avow  the  impos 
sibility  of  obtaining  the  30,000  men  called  for  by  Lincoln  with 
out  a  forced  draft,  and  which  will  tell  the  story  of  an  impending 
financial  crash  in  the  prices  current  of  gold  and  sterling  ex 
change,  the  former  being  at  17  per  cent,  premium  and  the  latter 
at  28  per  cent,  to  30  per  cent.  This  Government  and  people 
are  straining  every  nerve  to  continue  the  campaign  with  renewed 
energy  before  the  North  can  recover  from  the  shock  of  their  bitter 
disappointment,  and  if  human  exertion  can  compass  it,  our  ban 
ners  will  be  unfurled  beyond  the  Potomac  in  a  very  short  time. 

"  Our  sky  is  at  least  bright,  and  is  daily  becoming  resplen 
dent.  We  expect  (we  can  scarcely  suppose  the  contrary  possible) 
that  this  series  of  triumphs  will  at  last  have  satisfied  the  most 
skeptical  of  foreign  cabinets  that  we  are  an  independent  nation, 
and  have  the  right  to  be  so  considered  and  treated.  A  refusal 
by  foreign  nations  now  to  recognize  us  would  surely  be  far  less 
than  simple  justice  requires.  On  this  theme,  however,  I  feel 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


that  it  is  quite  unnecessary  to  say  more  than  to  assure  you  of 
the  entire  reliance  felt  by  the  President  and  the  Department,  that 
you  will  spare  no  effort  to  avail  yourself  of  the  favorable  oppor 
tunity  presented  by  our  recent  success  in  urging  our  right  to 
recognition.  We  ask  for  no  mediation,  no  intervention,  no  aid  ; 
we  simply  insist  on  the  acknowledgment  of  a  fact  patent  to  the 
world.  Of  the  value  of  recognition  as  a  means  of  putting  an  end 
to  the  war,  I  have  spoken  in  a  former  dispatch.  In  our  finances 
at  home,  its  effects  would  be  magical,  and  its  collateral  advan 
tages  would  be  innumerable. 

"  It  is  not  to  be  concealed  that  a  feeling  of  impatience  and 
even  of  resentment  is  beginning  to  pervade  our  people,  who  feel 
that  in  the  refusal  of  this  legitimate  demand  the  nations  of  Europe 
are  in  point  of  fact  rendering  active  assistance  to  our  enemies, 
and  are  far  from  keeping  the  promise  of  strict  neutrality  which 
they  held  out  to  us  at  the  beginning  of  the  war. 

"  Not  having  time  to  write  at  length  to  Mr.  Mann  by  the 
present  conveyance,  which  has  offered  itself  quite  suddenly,  I 
must  beg  you  to  communicate  to  him  a  copy  of  that  part  of  my 
dispatch  which  does  not  refer  especially  to  your  mission. 

"  I  am  gratified  to  inform  you  that  the  health  of  the  Presi 
dent  is  better  than  I  have  known  it  to  be  for  years  past.  He 
was  on  the  field  in  person  during  all  the  engagements  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Richmond. 

"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN, 
"  Secretary  of  State. 

"  Hon.  James  M.  Mason,  etc.,  London." 

A  dispatch  from  Mr.  Benjamin  to  Mr.  Mason,  dated  Rich 
mond,  September  26th,  1862,  gives  a  narrative  of  military  events, 
which  is  here  omitted,  and  then  continues  as  follows  : 

"  In  your  dispatch  of  the  23d  of  June,  you  intimate  a  purpose 
of  withdrawing  to  the  Continent  to  await  the  instructions  of  the 
Government  in  the  event  of  a  refusal  of  recognition  by  the 
English  Government  after  a  formal  demand  which  you  contem 
plated  making.  The  debates  in  Parliament  show  that  the  demand 
was  made  by  you  (as  well  as  by  Mr.  Slidell  of  the  French  Gov 
ernment)  and  was  followed  by  a  refusal  on  the  part  of  the  British 
Ministry  to  accede  to  our  claim.  We  therefore  anxiously 


304 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


await  the  receipt  of  your  subsequent  dispatches,  not  know 
ing  whether  you  persisted  in  your  design  of  withdrawal 
or  have  determined  to  await  in  England  the  instructions 
of  the  President.  It  is,  of  course,  not  possible  that  the 
President  can,  until  your  correspondence  shall  have  been  sub 
mitted  to  him,  determine  as  to  the  propriety  of  such  with 
drawal.  A  measure  so  decided  could  not,  as  stated  by 
yourself,  be  adopted  without  the  most  grave  and  mature  con 
sideration;  and  while  the  President  fully  concurs  in  your  opin 
ion  that  both  the  dignity  of  this  Government  and  the  self-respect 
of  its  accredited  representative  in  England  would  not  permit 
that  any  attitude  susceptible  of  being  construed  into  that  of  a 
supplicant  should  be  assumed,  many  contingencies  may  arise 
in  which  the  presence  (or  immediate  proximity)  of  an  accredited 
minister  near  the  British  Sovereign  would  prove  of  great  impor 
tance  and  value,  to  the  public  interest.  Cases  may  readily  be 
imagined  where  the  Cabinet  of  Saint  James,  influenced  by  the 
continuance  of  marked  successes  on  our  part,  might  determine 
on  the  final  step  of  recognition,  and  change  their  purpose  on 
the  arrival  of  unfavorable  intelligence  during  the  delay  caused 
by  the  absence  of  our  Minister.  Your  presence  for  the  purpose 
of  correcting  false  opinions,  disseminating  favorable  impressions 
of  our  Government  and  people,  as  well  as  for  affording  a  com 
mon  center  or  rallying  point  for  consultation  of  the  parties  rep 
resenting  the  various  interests  favorable  to  our  cause,  can  not 
be  otherwise  than  important;  nor  is  it  at  all  in  conflict  with 
established  usage  that  Commissioners  accredited  for  the  pur 
pose  of  securing  the  recognition  of  a  new  power  should  be 
delayed  much  longer  even  than  we  have  been,  before  their  just 
claims  were  admitted.  In  suggesting  these  reflections,  which 
have  doubtless  occurred  to  yourself,  it  is  by  no  means  intended 
to  intimate  that  the  circumstances  under  which  you  were  placed 
may  not  have  fully  justified  the  intended  step  if  you  have  really 
taken  it,  but  rather  with  a  view  to  enforce  your  own  conclu 
sions,  if  the  matter  is  still  in  abeyance,  that  it  ought  not  to  be 
adopted  without  very  grave  and  weighty  reasons. 

"Herewith  you  will  receive  the  President's  message  and 
accompanying  documents,  including  the  measures  taken  for  the 
repression  of  the  enormities  threatened  by  the  enemy  under 
the  command  of  General  Pope. 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


"  I  am  gratified  to  inform  you  that  some  seventy  of  Gen 
eral  Pope's  officers,  including  General  Prince,  were  captured  by 
General  Jackson  at  the  battle  of  Cedar  Run,  soon  after  the 
issue  of  the  President's  retaliatory  order,  and  were  excepted 
out  of  the  exchange  of  prisoners  of  war  and  held  in  close 
custody.  This  wholesome  severity  produced  the  desired  effect, 
and  on  official  assurances  received  from  the  enemy,  that 
General  Pope's  order  was  no  longer  in  force  and  that  he  had 
been  removed  from  command,  the  captured  officers  were  paroled 
for  exchange.  As  I  have  observed  that  in  some  of  the  English 
journals  the  facts  have  been  strangely  perverted,  and  the 
action  of  the  President  censured  as  wanting  in  humanity, 
it  is  desired  that  some  proper  means  be  adopted  by  you 
for  giving  publicity  to  the  facts.  The  confinement  of  the 
officers,  notwithstanding  the  threat  of  great  rigor,  was  the 
same  as  that  of  all  the  other  prisoners  of  war,  and  no  other 
severity  was  exercised  toward  them  than  a  refusal  to  parole 
them  for  exchange  till  Pope's  murderous  orders  were  set  aside. 

"  It  may  not  be  improper  to  call  your  attention,  for  such 
use  as  may  occur,  to  the  enormous  losses  suffered  by  the  enemy 
during  the  present  campaign,  and  to  which  history  furnishes  no 
parallel  except  the  disastrous  retreat  from  Moscow.  I  give  you 
the  following  estimate,  which,  without  any  pretence  to  exact 
accuracy,  is  reduced  much  below  what  is  believed  to  be  the  real 
state  of  the  case,  from  sources  of  information  derived  mainly 
from  the  enemy's  own  confessions.  The  list  includes  not  only 
the  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners,  but  the  losses  of  the  enemy  by 
sickness  (which  was  truly  terrible)  and  desertion: 

"  i.— McClellan's  army  lost  100,000 

"  He  landed  on  the  Peninsula  with  nearly  100,000  men,  was 
afterwards  reinforced  to  158,000,  and  left  with  a  remnant  of  about 
55,000  men. 
"  2. — Pope's  army,  in  the  battle  of  Cedar  Run  and  of 

Manassas  Plains  30,000 

"  3. — The  armies  of  Banks,  Milroy,  McDowell,  Shields, 
and  Fremont,  in  the  battles  of  the  Valley  of 
Virginia  30,000 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 

"  4. — Halleck's  army  in  the  West,  originally  220,000, 
was  reduced  by  battles  at  Shiloh  and  elsewhere, 
by  sickness  and  desertion,  to  less  than  100,000 

men ;  but  let  the  loss  be  stated  at  only 100,000 

"  5. — On  the  coast  of  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina 
and  Georgia,  Florida  and  Louisiana,  principally 

by  sickness  and  desertion,  at  least 10,000 

"  6. — In  North-  and  South-western  Virginia 5,000 

"  7. — In  the  battle  of  Boonesboro'  and  Sharpsburg.  . .  .    15,000 

"  8. — In  the  surrender  at  Harper's  Ferry 1 1,000 

"  9. — In  the  battle  of  Boteler's  Mills 2,500 

"  10. — In  the  army  of  General  Morgan  at  Cumberland 

Gap      5,ooo 

"  ii. — In  the  battle  of  Richmond,  Kentucky 7,000 

"  12. — In  the  surrender  at  Mumfordsville   5,ooo 

"  13. — In  the  campaigns  of  Morgan  and  Forrest  and 
other  partisan  leaders  in  Kentucky  and  Ten 
nessee  4,000 

"  14. — In  the  Trans-Mississippi  campaign,  including  par 
tisan  warfare  in  Missouri  and  Kansas 25,000 

"  In  this  enormous  number  I  am  not  able  to  state  what 
general  officers  were  included,  but  in  the  single  battle  of  Sharps- 
burg,   of  the    i6th   and   I7th   instants,   eleven   generals   of  the 
enemy  were  killed  or  wounded,  among  them  four  major-generals. 
"  I  am,  sir,  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN, 
"  Secretary  of  State  Confederate  States." 

FROM  PRESIDENT  DAVIS  TO  GENERAL  R.  E.  LEE. 

"RICHMOND,  VIRGINIA,  July  31. 

"  SIR  :  On  the  23d  of  this  month  a  cartel  for  general  ex 
change  of  prisoners  of  war  was  signed  between  Major-General 
D.  H.  Hill,  in  behalf  of  the  Confederate  States,  and  Major-Gen- 
eral  John  A.  Dix,  in  behalf  of  the  United  States.  By  the  terms 
of  that  cartel  it  is  stipulated  that  all  prisoners  hereafter  taken 
shall  be  discharged  on  parole  until  exchanged.  Scarcely  had 
that  cartel  been  signed  when  the  military  authorities  of  the 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


United  States  commenced  a  practice  of  changing  the  character 
of  the  war  from  such  as  becomes  civilized  nations  into  a  cam 
paign  of  indiscriminate  robbery  and  murder.  The  General  Order 
issued  by  the  Secretary  of  War  of  the  United  States,  in  the 
City  of  Washington,  on  the  very  day  that  the  cartel  was  signed 
in  Virginia,  directs  military  commanders  of  the  United  States 
to  take  the  private  property  of  our  people  for  the  conveniences 
and  use  of  their  armies,  without  compensation. 

"  The  General  Order  issued  by  Major-General  Pope  on  the 
23d  of  July,  the  day  after  the  signing  of  the  cartel,  directs  the 
murder  of  our  peaceful  inhabitants  as  spies,  if  found  quietly 
tilling  the  farms  in  his  rear,  even  outside  of  his  lines,  and  one 
of  his  Brigadier-Generals,  Steinwehr,  has  seized  upon  innocent 
and  peaceful  inhabitants  to  be  held  as  hostages,  to  the  end  that 
they  may  be  murdered  in  cold  blood  if  any  of  his  soldiers  are 
killed  by  some  unknown  persons  whom  he  designated  as  '  bush 
whackers.'  Under  this  state  of  facts,  this  Government  has 
issued  the  inclosed  General  Order,  recognizing  General  Pope 
and  his  commissioned  officers  to  be  in  the  position  which  they 
have  chosen  for  themselves  —  that  of  robbers  and  murderers,  and 
not  that  of  public  enemies,  entitled,  if  captured,  to  be  considered 
prisoners  of  war.  We  find  ourselves  driven  by  our  enemies  by 
steady  progress  towards  a  practice  which  we  abhor,  and  which 
we  are  vainly  struggling  to  avoid.  Some  of  the  military  authori 
ties  of  the  United  States  seem  to  think  that  better  success  will 
attend  a  savage  war  in  which  no  quarter  is  to  be  given  and  no 
sex  or  age  to  be  spared  than  has  hitherto  been  secured  by  such 
hostilities  as  are  alone  recognized  to  be  lawful  by  civilized  men 
in  modern  times. 

"  For  the  present  we  renounce  our  right  of  retaliation  on 
the  innocent,  and  shall  continue  to  treat  the  private  enlisted 
soldiers  of  General  Pope's  army  as  prisoners  of  war  ;  but,  if  after 
notice  to  the  Government  at  Washington  of  our  continuing 
repressive  measures  to  the  punishment  only  of  commissioned 
officers  who  are  willing  participants  in  these  crimes,  the  savage 
practices  are  continued,  we  shall  reluctantly  be  forced  to  the  last 
resort  of  accepting  the  war  on  the  terms  chosen  by  our  foes,  until 
the  outraged  voice  of  a  common  humanity  forces  a  respect  for 
the  recognized  rules  of  war.  While  these  facts  would  justify 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY 


our  refusal  to  execute  the  generous  cartel  by  which  we  have 
consented  to  liberate  an  excess  of  thousands  of  prisoners  held 
by  us  beyond  the  number  held  by  the  enemy,  a  sacred  regard  to 
plighted  faith,  shrinking  from  the  mere  semblance  of  breaking 
a  promise,  prevents  our  resort  to  this  extremity. 

"  Xor  do  we  desire  to  extend  to  any  other  forces  of  the 
enemy  the  punishment  meted  above  to  General  Pope  and  such 
commissioned  officers  as  choose  to  participate  in  the  execution 
of  his  infamous  orders. 

"  You  are  therefore  instructed  to  communicate  to  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States  the  contents 
of  this  letter,  and  a  copy  of  the  enclosed  General  Order,  to  the 
end  that  he  may  be  notified  of  our  intention  not  to  consider  any 
officer  hereafter  captured  from  General  Pope's  army  as  prisoners 
of  war.  Very  respectfully  yours, 

"  TEFF.  DAVIS. 

"  General  R.  E.  Lee,  Commanding,  etc." 

The  following  letters  to  Mr.  Mason  from  Earl  Shaftesbury 
serve  as  an  example  of  this  "  Outraged  voice  of  a  common 
humanity  " : 

"  SPA,  August  iQth,  1862. 

"  SIR  :  The  recent  news  from  America  contains  an  order 
by  General  Pope  for  the  devastation  of  the  Virginia  Valley,  and 
for  the  total  disregard,  by  his  troops,  of  all  the  rights  of  private 
property.  It  contains,  moreover,  the  details  of  a  public  meeting, 
held  at  Washington,  where  President  Lincoln  himself,  strange 
to  say,  took  the  chair,  and  which,  under  his  sanction,  passed 
among  others,  the  following  resolutions  :  '  We  deliberately  and 
solemnly  declare  that  rather  than  witness  an  overthrow  of  the 
Union,  we  would  prosecute  the  present  war  until  our  towns  and 
cities  should  be  devastated,  and  we  and  all  that  are  dear  to  us 
should  have  perished  with  our  possessions.  Let  the  Union  be 
preserved,  or  the  country  be  made  a  desert. 

"  *  We  are  convinced  that  the  leaders  of  the  rebellion  will 
never  return  to  their  allegiance,  and,  therefore,  they  shall  be 
regarded  and  treated  as  irreclaimable  traitors,  who  are  to  be 
stripped  of  their  possessions,  deprived  of  their  lives,  or  expelled 
from  the  countrv.' 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 

"  Much  as  I  was  prepared  to  expect  from  this,  as  it  is 
termed  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  '  injurious  and  unnecessary  civil  war/ 
I  was,  I  confess,  taken  aback  by  such  an  expression  of  deliberate 
ferocity  from  the  lips  of  a  civilized  and  Christian  people.  I 
have  no  authority  to  speak  in  the  name  of  England,  nor  can  I, 
at  this  season  and  distance  of  place,  collect  any  great  number  of 
opinions,  but  I  am  certain  that  the  first  sentiment  of  the  bulk 
of  my  countrymen,  on  reading  these  documents,  will  be  a  prayer 
to  God  that  the  Confederate  States  may  not  be  tempted  to 
enter  upon  reprisals,  and  that  the  war,  if  war  there  must  be,  may 
be  conducted,  on  one  side,  at  least,  according  to  those  military 
rules  which  humanity  has  suggested  and  observed  for  the  miti 
gation  of  this  fearful  scourge  of  individuals  and  nations.  I 
believe  that  such  a  course  will  be  very  effective.  The  late  Lord 
Amherst,  who  had  filled  the  great  office  of  Governor-General 
of  India,  told  me  that,  at  the  outset  of  the  Burmese  war,  a  Sepoy, 
having  been  taken  prisoner  by  the  enemy,  was  crucified  and 
left  on  the  line  of  march  as  a  terror  to  our  troops.  Some  were 
for  reprisals ;  but  the  commanders  of  the  forces  were  wiser  men. 
They  took  the  opposite  course.  Having  treated  some  of  their 
captives  with  mercy  and  kindness,  they  set  them  at  liberty.  The 
contrast  was  felt  even  by  those  savages,  and  that  Sepoy  was  the 
first  and  last  instance,  so  far  as  he  knew,  of  such  atrocity.  God 
grant  that  your  Government  may  follow  this  merciful  example 
and  spare  England,  and  all  Europe,  another  shock,  and  another 
doubt  whether  the  world,  which  just  now  had  such  bright  pros 
pects,  is  not  rolling  back  into  primitive  barbarism. 
"  I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  SHAFTESBURY. 
" Mason,  Esq.,  Delegate  from  the  Confederate  States.'1 

"  September  23,  1862. 

"  DEAR  SIR:  I  am  deeply  thankkil  to  read  in  the  Times  of 
the  20th,  that  the  Confederate  Provost  Marshal  has  issued  an 
order  the  very  reverse  of  General  Pope's.  He  has  done  what 
I  ventured  to  suggest  to  you  should  be  done,  and  done  it,  too, 
on  the  spot,  as  the  spontaneous  act  of  his  Government.  This 
is  Christianlike  and  politic.  I  saw  Mr.  Slidell  in  Paris. 

"  God  grant  that  this  unhappy  war  may  now  be  closed. 

"  Your  obedient  servant.. 
"  /.  Mason,  Esq."  "  SHAFTESBURY. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


CHAPTER  XL 

Mr.  De  Leon  Arrives  in  London — Emperor  Ready  and  Anxious  for  Recog 
nition;  Has  Pressed  It  Upon  England — Mr.  Slidell  Makes  Formal  De 
mand  for  Recognition — Mr.  Mason  Makes  Similar  Demand  of  Earl  Rus 
sell,  which  is  Refused — Russell  Declines  Interview — Correspondence  with 
Earl  Russell — Russell's  Position  Based  on  Seward's  Report  of  Disaffec 
tion  in  South — Discourtesy  of  Earl  Russell — Protest  Against  England's 
Position  on  Blockade— Views  of  President  Davis  on  the  Attitude  of  the 
British  Ministry — British  Cabinet  Not  Considered  a  Fair  Exponent  of 
the  Sentiments  and  Opinions  of  the  British  Nation — President  Deems  it 
Proper  Mr.  Mason  Should  Remain  at  His  Post  but  Should  Refrain  from 
Further  Communication  with  Earl  Russell  Unless  it  Should  be  Invited. 

Dispatch  No.  13,  from  Mr.  Mason,  referred  only  to  a  com 
munication  he  had  recently  received  from  Germany,  and  which 
he  enclosed.  Said  communication  contained  instructions  for  the 
preparation  of  a  newly  invented  explosive  powder,  containing 
neither  nitre  nor  sulphur.  The  invention  to  be  kept  a  secret, 
pending  negotiations  with  the  Governments  of  Europe  regarding 
its  introduction,  but  it  was  placed  at  the  command  of  the  Confed 
erate  States,  should  they  approve  its  use,  on  terms — "  a  just 
compensation  should  be  made,  at  a  future  day,  to  the  inventors." 

DISPATCH  No.  14. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  LONDON,  July  3Oth,  1862. 
"  Hon.  ] .  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State: 

"  SIR  :  I  had  the  honour  to  receive  on  the  2Qth  of  June, 
your  respective  dispatches  Nos.  i,  2,  3,  4,  and  5,  brought  by  Mr. 
de  Leon,  and  dated  respectively  on  the  5th,  8th,  I2th,  and  the 
two  latter  on  the  I4th  of  April.  Your  dispatch  No.  I  was  of 
much  value  here,  as  it  corrects  accounts  of  the  various  battles 
fought  previous  to  its  date.  The  English  papers  having  fur 
nished  only  the  false  statements  of  many  of  those  battles  taken 
from  the  Northern  press,  I  thought  it  advisable  to  have  ex 
tracts  from  the  dispatch, 'referring  to  the  most  important  of 
them,  published  here — of  course,  not  stating  whence  they  were 
derived,  but  vouched  for,  only,  as  from  a  source  in  the  South 
entitled  to  confidence. 

"  Your  No.  2  refers,  first ;  to  the  interpretation  apparently 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


put  upon  the  convention  of  Paris  by  Earl  Russell,  in  his  letter  to 
Lord  Lyons,  of  the  i5th  of  February  last. 

"  Second,  to  the  character  of  the  blockade  and  the  interrup 
tion  of  all  commerce  between  neutral  powers  and  the  Confed 
erate  States,  by  armed  cruisers  off  the  coast ;  and  suggesting  the 
inquiry  whether  this  Government  could  not  be  induced  to  re 
quire  that  the  blockade  ports  should  be  designated ;  and  third, 
contains  a  disclaimer  of  any  policy  in  the  Confederate  Govern 
ment  to  prohibit  or  discourage  the  export  of  cotton.  With  in 
structions  to  lay  the  views  of  the  President  on  these  subjects,  as 
set  forth  in  the  dispatch,  before  the  Government  here,  and  to 
press  them  on  its  consideration. 

"  I  accordingly  addressed  a  letter  to  Earl  Russell  on  the 
7th  day  of  July  instant,  of  which,  and  of  the  reply  thereto,  by  Mr. 
Layard,  Under  Secretary,  I  have  the  honour  to  transmit  copies 
herewith. 

"  You  will  remark  that  in  mine  to  Earl  Russell,  I  quoted 
from  your  dispatch,  the  just  surprise  of  the  President  at  the 
terms  of  his  letter  to  Lord  Lyons,  with  the  distinct  request  that 
he  would  place  it  in  my  power  to  solve  the  doubt  implied  by  the 
terms  of  that  letter  in  regard  to  the  convention  of  Paris. 

"  And,  again,  that  as  instructed,  and  for  the  reasons  there 
assigned,  I  make  a  specific  inquiry  as  to  the  practicability  of 
requiring  blockaded  ports  to  be  designated;  and  yet  the  only 
notice  taken  of  the  letter  is  the  formal  note  of  the  Under  Sec 
retary,  acknowledging  its  receipt ;  but  without  allusion  even,  far 
less  an  answer,  to  the  request  it  contained.  This  must  mean  that 
the  Confederate  Government  not  having  been  acknowledged,  has 
no  right  to  put  questions  to  the  Government  here,  even  in  regard 
to  a  public  act  entered  into  by  the  former  at  the  request  of  the 
latter.  In  the  dispatch  referred  to,  you  establish  a  right  to  make 
the  inquiry  as  to  the  grave  addition  made  by  the  Government 
here  to  the  convention  of  Paris,  on  the  fact,  that  the  Confederate 
Government  accepted  the  terms  of  that  convention  at  the  invita 
tion  of  this  Government,  and  yet  the  British  Government  refuses 
an  answer.  It  is  difficult  to  hold  intercourse  under  such  circum 
stances,  and  unless  otherwise  instructed,  I  shall,  as  at  present 
advised,  endeavor  in  any  future  communications,  so  to  frame 
them  as  not  to  admit  of  a  like  discourtesy. 


3I2  LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


"  The  fact  is,  I  entertain  no  doubt  that  the  British  Govern 
ment  does  not  mean  to  abide,  except  at  its  pleasure,  by  the  terms 
of  the  convention  of  Paris ;  neither  the  party  in  power,  nor  the 
opposition  treat  with  any  favour  the  principle  there  established 
in  regard  to  blockade ;  but  notwithstanding  the  clear  and  definite 
terms  of  the  convention,  hold  it  as  subject  to  policy.  Such  is 
British  faith. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  transmit  also,  herewith,  copy  of  a 
letter  I  addressed  to  Earl  Russell,  dated  on  the  iyth  of  July, 
instant,  in  regard  to  certain  expressions  therein  referred  to, 
which  fell  from  Lord  Palmerston  and  himself,  on  American 
affairs,  in  reply  to  questions  put  to  them,  respectively,  in  Parlia 
ment  ;  and  which,  I  hope,  will  have  the  approval  of  the  President. 
It  is  notorious  here  that  the  Emperor  of  the  French  is  both  ready 
and  anxious,  either  to  recognize  the  independence  of  the  Con 
federate  States,  at  once,  as  an  act  pure  and  simple;  or  to  effect 
the  same  object  by  a  tender  of  good  offices  as  mediator  with  the 
reserve — if  such  offer  be  declined  by  the  United  States,  that 
recognition  should  follow — and  has  earnestly  pressed  England 
to  unite  with  him  in  one,  or  the  other  measure.  It  is  true  that 
both  Lord  Palmerston  and  Lord  Russell  have  denied  that  any 
such  propositions  have  been  made  by  France;  but  it  is  equally 
true,  or  so  generally  believed,  that  for  diplomatic  reasons,  such 
propositions,  though  really  pressed  on  England,  were  made  un 
officially,  and  thus,  the  ministers  felt  at  liberty  to  answer  as  they 
have  done. 

"  One  object  of  my  letter  was  to  place  on  the  files  of  the 
Foreign  Office,  a  disclaimer  on  the  part  of  the  Confederate 
States,  of  any  authority  in  the  ministry  to  impute  to  them  a  feel 
ing  that  would  be  offended  bv  an  offer  of  mediation. 

"  Another  object  was  to  enter  such  disclaimer,  in  advance 
of-  a  motion  of  which  Mr.  Lindsay  had  given  notice  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  looking  to  such  offer  of  mediation. 

"  Mr.  Lindsay's  motion  was  in  the  following  words : 

"  '  That  in  the  opinion  of  the  House,  the  States  which  have 
seceded  from  the  Union  of  the  Republic  of  the  United  States 
have  so  long  maintained  themselves  under  a  separate  and 
established  Government,  and  have  given  such  proof  of  their  de 
termination  and  ability  to  support  their  independence,  that  the 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


propriety  of  offering  mediation  with  the  view  of  terminating 
hostilities  between  the  contending  parties,  is  worthy  of  the  seri 
ous  and  immediate  attention  of  Her  Majesty's  Government.' 

"  The  terms  of  the  motion  you  will  find  very  much  diluted ; 
they  were  adopted,  however,  after  much  consideration  and  con 
sultation,  as  those  most  likely  to  avoid  any  collateral  issues  by 
objectants,  and  yet  strong  enough  to  mould  the  policy  of  the 
Government. 

"  I  send,  herewith,  the  debate  on  the  motion  taken  from  the 
London  Times,  and  at  which  I  was  present.  The  motion  was  not 
pressed  to  a  vote,  because  no  reasonable  assurance  could  be 
obtained,  after  Lord  Palmerston's  protest,  that  it  would  be  suc 
cessful. 

"  It  is  vexatious  and  mortifying  enough,  to  find  that  the 
Government  here  can  not  be  driven  to  a  decided  position.  There 
is  no  question  but  that  the  public  sentiment  of  England  is 
decidedly  with  us,  and  yet  among  the  most  enlightened  and  con 
siderate  men,  both  in  and  out  of  Parliament,  though  participa 
ting  in  it,  are  found  those  who  yet  insist  that  the  responsibility, 
being  with  the  Executive,  the  Ministry  should  determine  its  own 
policy. 

"  I  have  advised  Mr.  Slidell  of  the  opportunity  to  send  this 
dispatch,  so  that  I  hope  he,  too,  will  be  able  to  avail  himself  of  it. 
I  was  informed  by  Mr.  Slidell  a  few  days  since  that  he  had  had 
an  interview  with  the  Emperor,  after  which  he  had  determined 
to  send  a  formal  note  to  M.  Thouvenal  asking  for  recognition, 
and  suggesting  I  should  make  a  like  demand  here,  in  order 
that  when  the  fact  of  his  request  should  be  communicated  by 
the  French  Government  to  Earl  Russell  the  latter  could  not 
reply  that  no  such  request  had  been  made  of  this  Government. 
Mr.  Slidell  has  promised  to  send  me  notes  of  what  passed  at  his 
interview  with  the  Emperor,  as  well  as  of  an  interview  which  he 
subsequently  had  with  M.  Thouvenal,  but  I  have  not  yet  received 
them.  I  am  not  aware,  therefore,  of  the  circumstances  which 
led  him  to  the  request  at  this  time,  but  his  judgment  of  the 
propriety  of  doing  so,  after  his  interview  with  the  Emperor,  was, 
of  course,  conclusive  with  me. 

"  Mr.  Slidell  presented  his  letter  to  M.  Thouvenal  on  the 
23d  of  July,  instant,  and  I  transmit  herewith  a  c'opy  of  my  letter 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MVRRAJ   MASON. 


of  like  import  to  Earl  Russell,  dated  on  the  24th,  and  delivered 
to  him  on  that  day.  It  was  accompanied  by  a  private  note, 
dated  on  the  same  day,  asking  for  an  interview,  copy  of  which 
I  also  transmit  herewith,  but,  up  to  this  time,  I  have  received  no 
answer  to  either.  Thus  the  matter  stands  at  present." 

"  JULY  3ist. 

"  I  had  written  so  far  on  yesterday,  and  to-day  received  from 
Mr.  Slidell  his  dispatches  for  the  Department,  and  which,  by  his 
permission,  I  have  read.  They  accompany  this.  I  should 
think  with  him,  that  if  England  still  holds  back,  there  are  incen 
tives  to  the  Emperor  which  may  lead  him  to  take  the  advance. 
I  have  as  yet,  although  seven  days  have  elapsed  since  my  letter 
to  Earl  Russell  asking  for  recognition  and  my  note  requesting 
an  interview  have  been  sent  in,  received  no  answer. 

"  It  may  be  that  England  will  not  answer  until  full  com 
munication  has  been  had  with  France,  but  I  see  no  like  reason 
for  delay  in  an  interview,  if  that  is  to  be  granted. 

"  Your  No.  3  imparted  to  me  the  object  of  Mr.  de  Leon's 
mission,  in  regard  to  which  I  had  a  full  conversation  with  him. 
As  the  most  intelligent  counsel  and  active  coadjutor,  I  put  him 
in  communication  with  Mr.  Spence,  who  was  good  enough  to 
come  to  London  to  meet  him.  You  will  have  known  Mr.  Spence 
as  the  most  efficient  and  able  advocate  here,  through  the  press, 
of  Southern  interests. 

"  In  the  same  dispatch,  No.  3,  is  contained  the  President's 
views,  very  strongly  expressed,  of  the  indirect  effect  produced 
on  the  people  and  Government  at  the  North  by  the  failure  of  Euro 
pean  Powers  to  recognize  our  independence,  in  that  it  implies 
a  tacit  belief  in  the  Powers  of  the  possible  subjugation  of  the 
Southern  States.  It  was  chiefly  to  present  those  views  to  Her 
Majesty's  Government  that  I  asked  for  the  interview  with 
Earl  Russell.  They  are  certainly  cogent,  and  would  have 
effect  with  a  Government  not  willingly  deaf ;  but  as  my  communi 
cations  with  this  Government  may  be  called  for  in  Parliament, 
before  it  is  prorogued,  I  thought  it  better  to  present  them 
orally  than  to  embody  them  in  my  letter  to  Earl  Russell. 
Should  the  interview  be  declined,  I  will  send  them  in  a  supple 
mental  note  to  the  Foreign  Office. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


"  I  observe  in  Air.  Slidell's  dispatches  that  he  has  applied 
to  the  French  Government  for  permission  to  send  and  receive 
dispatches  through  the  public  ships  of  France ;  if  allowed,  I  sup 
pose  I  may  have  access  to  them  through  him.  Beyond  this,  I 
know  of  no  other  mode  of  certainty,  with  reasonable  dispatch,  in 
communicating  with  the  Department,  unless  it  can  be  done  as 
follows :  The  mails  from  here  to  Nassau,  as  I  learn,  go  via  New 
York,  in  a  sealed  bag,  and  whilst  in  transitu  are  in  charge  of 
British  functionaries.  I  presume  it  would  not  be  objected  that  we 
should  send  dispatches  under  cover  to  Government  agent  at 
Nassau  by  this  route,  although  this  latter  is  not  certain.  From 
Nassau  they  could  be  taken  by  a  fast  steamer  of  light  draft,  to  be 
put  on  such  service  by  the  Government. 

"  Parliament  is  to  be  prorogued  on  the  5th  of  August.  There 
is  great  uneasiness  in  regard  to  the  increasing  famine  in  the 
cotton  districts,  beyond  the  reach  of  existing  poor  rates,  now 
increasing  fearfully  every  day,  and  with  the  certainty  of  being  far 
worse  as  winter  approaches, — a  state  of  things  that  must  enter, 
whether  avowed  or  no,  into  the  deliberations  of  the  ministry,  in 
its  action  on  our  affairs. 

"  It  seems  conceded  that  Lord  Derby  could  take  the  helm 
at  his  pleasure,  but  there  are  political  reasons  which  deter  him 
from  ousting  Palmerston  at  present.  Indeed  it  is  intimated  that 
he  is  under  a  committal  to  the  Queen  not  to  move  against  the 
existing  Government  during  the  period  of  her  mourning.  The 
Queen  has  not  been  in  London  since  my  arrival  here,  now  six 
months  ago ;  but  passes  and  repasses  from  Osborne  to  Windsor 
and  Balmoral.  She  remains  in  great  seclusion,  and  it  is  more 
than  whispered  that  apprehension  is  entertained  lest  she  lapse 
into  insania." 

"  AUGUST  2D. 

"The  last  preceding  pages  bear  date  of  the  3ist  of  July. 
After  they  were  written,  I  received  a  note  from  Earl  Russell 
dated  on  that  day,  of  which  I  enclose  a  copy.  You  will  see  that 
the  reason  assigned  for  the  delay  in  answering  my  note  of  the 
3 ist  of  July,  was  that  he  might  submit  a  draft  of  the  answer  to 
the  Cabinet  on  Saturday,  to-day,  August  2d.  I  have  little  hope 
that  it  will  be  satisfactory,,  still  it  may  be  of  importance  that  it 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


should  reach  you  by  the  earliest  opportunity,  and  I  have  been 
able  to  make  arrangements  to  delay  the  departure  of  Mr.  Fearn, 
until  Tuesday,  the  5th  instant,  in  the  hope  that  it  will  be  in  time 
to  accompany  this  dispatch. 

"  You  will  see,  too,  that  Lord  Russell  has  declined  the  inter 
view  I  proposed,  because  he  '  does  not  think  any  advantage 
would  arise  from  it/  I  have  no  further  solution  of  the  apparently 
uncourteous  act. 

"  Thus  cut  off,  I  thought  it  best,  in  a  supplement  to  my  letter 
of  the  24th  of  July,  to  bring  before  him  the  views  presented  in 
your  last  Instructions  and  to  ask  that,  as  supplemental,  they 
might  be  considered  as  part  of  the  letter  of  the  24th  of  July. 
The  supplement,  as  you  will  see,  bears  date  of  the  ist  of  August, 
the  day  following  the  receipt  of  his  note,  and  was  sent  to  him 
on  the  same  day,  so  that  it  might  be  before  the  Cabinet  on  the 
day  following." 

"  AUGUST  4TH. 

"  On  Saturday  night,  the  2d  instant,  I  received  the  answer 
of  Lord  Russell  which  he  led  me  to  expect  would  not  come  in 
to-day.  I  annex  a  copy  herewith.  His  note  apprised  me  that  it 
was  to  be  submitted  to  the  Cabinet  Council,  and  is  to  be  taken 
therefore,  as  the  judgment  of  the  Government.  You  will  remark, 
that  after  some  recital,  the  conclusion  is  made  to  rest  upon  the 
statements  in  Mr.  Seward's  dispatch,  that  '  a  large  portion  of  the 
once  disaffected  population  has  been  restored  to  the  Union,  and 
now  evinces  its  loyalty  and  firm  adherence  to  the  Government: 
now  in  insurrection  is  under  five  millions ;  and  that  the  Southern 
Confederacy  owes  its  main  strength  to  the  hope  of  assistance 
from  Europe.'  It  results  that  the  Government  here  shuts  its 
eyes  to  accumulating  proofs  coming  by  every  arrival  from  the 
North  showing  that  the  Northern  mind  is  now  satisfied  that  there 
is  no  Union  feeling  at  the  South ;  that  in  every  city  that  has  been 
seized,  after  vain  attempts  to  seduce  its  population,  the  Generals 
have  been  obliged  to  disband  the  municipal  authorities,  from 
their  refusal  to  give  in  their  adherence ;  to  imprison  all  the  lead 
ing  citizens,  because  of  their  like  refusal;  that  wherever  the 
armies  approach  the  population  recedes,  and  fraternizes  nowhere 
— I  say  the  Government  shuts  its  eyes  to  all  this,  and  relies  on 
the  mendacity  of  Mr.  Seward,  as  the  excuse  for  its  position.  It 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


is  said  that  the  Cabinet  were  much  divided  on  the  question.  I 
can  venture  to  predict  nothing,  but  if  our  expectations  from 
France  should  not  be  disappointed,  it  may  yet  be  that  they  may 
be  dragged  into  an  ungraceful  reversal  of  their  decision. 

"  I  have  under  consideration  the  propriety  of  a  reply  to  Earl 
Russell,  commenting  freely,  but  respectfully  on  its  positions,  ex 
posing  Mr.  Seward,  and  adducing  proofs  of  the  statements  on 

which  I  relied.  „  T  , 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

"  54  DEVONSHIRE  STREET,  PORTLAND  PLACE, 

"  LONDON,  July  7th,  1862. 
"  The  Right  Hon.  Earl  Russell, 

"  Pier  Majesty's  Secretary  of  State 

"For  Foreign  Affairs. 

"  MY  LORD  :  I  am  instructed  by  a  recent  dispatch  from  the 
Secretary  of  State  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America,  to  bring 
to  the  attention  of  your  Lordship  —  what  would  seem  to  be  an 
addition  engrafted  by  Her  Majesty's  Government  on  the  prin 
ciple  of  the  Law  of  Blockade,  as  established  by  the  Convention 
of  Paris,  in  1856,  and  accepted  by  the  Confederate  States  of 
America,  at  the  invitation  of  Her  Majesty's  Government. 

"  In  the  instructions  to  me,  the  text  of  the  Convention  of 
Paris  is  quoted  in  the  following  words  :  '  Blockades  in  order  to 
be  binding  must  be  effective  —  that  is  to  say,  maintained  by  a  force 
sufficient,  really,  to  prevent  access  to  the  coast  of  the  enemy.' 

"  And  the  dispatch  of  the  Secretary  of  State  then  proceeds  : 

"  'The  Confederate  States  after  being  recognized  as  a  bel 
ligerent  power  by  the  Governments  of  France  and  Great  Britain, 
were  informally  requested  by  both  those  powers  to  accede  to  this 
declaration  as  being  a  correct  exposition  of  international  law. 
Thus  invited,  this  Government  yielded  its  assent.' 

"  Great  then  was  the  surprise  of  the  President,  at  finding  in 
the  published  correspondence,  before  alluded  to  (referring  to 
the  papers  laid  before  Parliament  touching  the  American  block 
ade)  the  following  expressions  of  Earl  Russell,  in  his  letter  to 
Lord  Lyons  of  the  I5th  of  February  last: 

"  '  Her  Majesty's  Government,  however,  are  of  opinion,  that 
assuming  that  the  blockade  was  duly  notified;  and  also  that  a 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


number  of  ships  is  stationed  and  remains,  at  the  entrance  of  a 
port,  sufficient,  really  to  prevent  access  to  it,  or  to  create  an 
ei'idcnt  danger  of  entering  or  lea-ring  it,  and  that  the  ships  do  not 
voluntarily  permit  egress,  or  ingress,  the  fact  that  various  ships 
may  have  passed  through  it,  as  in  the  particular  instance  referred 
to,  will  not,  of  itself,  prevent  the  blockade  from  being  an  effectual 
one  by  international  law.' 

"  You  must  perceive  that  the  words  I  have  italicized  are 
an  addition  to  the  definition  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris  of  1856. 

"  If  such  be  the  interpretation  placed  by  Great  Britain  on 
the  Treaty  of  1856,  it  is  just  that  this  Government  should  be 
so  officially  informed.  Certain  it  is,  that  this  Government  did 
not.  nor  could  it  anticipate,  that  the  very  doctrine  in  relation  to 
blockade  formerly  maintained  by  Great  Britain,  and  which  all 
Europe  supposed  to  be  abandoned  by  the  Treaty  of  1856,  would 
again  be  asserted  by  that  Government. 

"  The  language  of  Her  Majesty's  Secretary  of  State  for 
Foreign  Affairs  may  not  have  been  intended  to  bear  the  con 
struction  now  attributed  to  it,  but  it  is  evidently  susceptible  of 
this  interpretation;  and  we  can  not  be  too  cautious  in  guarding 
our  rights,  in  a  matter,  which  must  in  the  future  as  well  as  the 
present,  so  deeply  involve  the  interests  of  the  Confederacy. 

"  As  a  warrant  for  the  assertion  in  the  dispatch  of  the  Sec 
retary,  that  the  superadded  words  promulged  a  doctrine  in  rela 
tion  to  the  blockade,  formerly  maintained  by  Great  Britain,  I 
am  referred,  by  him,  to  the  text  of  the  treaty  between  Great 
Britain  and  Russia,  in  1801,  as  follows  : 

"  '  That  in  order  to  determine  what  characterizes  a  block 
aded  port,  that  denomination  is  given,  only,  where  there  is,  by 
the  disposition  of  the  power  which  attacks  it,  with  ships  sta 
tionary  or  sufficiently  near,  an  evident  danger  in  entering.'  —  Art. 
Ill,  Sec.  4. 

"  The  force  and  effect  of  these  superadded  words,  it  must  be 
plain  to  your  Lordship,  has  materially  and  most  prejudically 
affected,  and  must  continue  so  to  affect,  during  the  existing  war, 
the  interests  of  the  Confederate  States  ;  nor  could  this  be  better 
shown,  than  by  the  illustration  adopted  in  the  letter  referred  to. 
from  your  Lordship  to  Lord  Lyons,  that, 

'  The  tact  that  various  ships  may  escape  through  it  (the 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


blockade)  will  not,  of  itself,  prevent  the  blockade  from  being  an 
effectual  one  by  the  international  law.' 

"  It  may  be  readily  admitted  that  the  fact  that  various  ships, 
entering  or  leaving  a  port,  have  successfully  escaped  a  block 
ading  squadron  does  not  show  that  there  may  not  have  been  '  an 
evident  danger  '  in  so  entering  or  leaving  it ;  but  it  certainly  does 
show  that  the  blockade  was  not,  in  the  language  of  the  Treaty  of 
Paris,  maintained  by  a  force  sufficient,  really,  to  prevent  access 
to  the  coast  of  the  enemy. 

"  I  have,  therefore,  the  honour  to  request,  for  the  informa 
tion  of  my  Government,  that  your  Lordship  will  be  good  enough 
to  solve  the  doubt  entertained  by  the  President  of  the  Confeder 
ate  States,  as  to  the  construction  placed  by  the  Government  of 
Her  Majesty  on  the  text  of  the  Convention  of  Paris,  as  accepted 
by  the  Government  of  the  Confederate  States,  in  the  terms  here 
inbefore  cited — that  is  to  say :  whether  a  blockade  is  to  be  con 
sidered  effective,  when  maintained  at  an  enemy's  port  by  a  force 
sufficient  '  to  create  an  evident  danger  of  entering  it  or  leaving 
it '  and  not  alone  where  '  sufficient,  really,  to  prevent  access/ 

"  On  the  subject  of  the  alleged  blockade,  I  have  received 
from  the  Department  of  State  of  the  Confederate  States,  and 
am  instructed  to  lay  before  your  Lordship,  as  Her  Majesty's 
Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  the  accompanying  lists 
of  vessels  entered  and  cleared  at  the  port  of  Charleston,  S.  C, 
in  the  months  of  November  and  December,  1861  ;  at  Galveston, 
Texas,  for  the  months  of  December,  1861,  and  January  and  Feb 
ruary,  1862;  at  New  Orleans,  La.,  for  the  months  of  November 
and  December,  1861,  and  February,  1862;  at  Pensacola,  Fla., 
for  the  months  of  December,  1861,  and  January  and  February, 
1862;  at  Appalachicola,  Fla.,  for  the  months  of  December,  1861, 
and  January,  1862;  and  at  Port  Lavaca,  Texas,  in  January,  1862. 

"  The  doctrines  of  international  law  certainly  are,  that  war 
does  not  put  an  end  to  commerce  between  a  belligerent  and 
neutrals,  except  at  ports  and  places  actually  blockaded,  and  yet 
in  the  strange  and  anomalous  pretensions  of  the  United  States, 
apparently  acquiesced  in  by  neutral  powers,  all  commerce  be 
tween  neutrals  and  the  Confederate  States  is  prohibited  along  an 
entire  coast  line  of  some  twenty-five  hundred  miles.  Armed 
vessels  cruise  along  the  coast,  and  capture  neutrals  that  fall  in 


320 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


their  way,  on  the  allegation  that  the  entire  coast  is  under  block 
ade.  The  Confederate  States,  as  is  known,  have  never  been  com 
mercial — their  carrying  trade  being  almost  entirely  in  the  hands 
of  other  nations.  Were  it  otherwise,  little  effect  would  be  pro 
duced  upon  their  commerce  by  this  misnamed  blockade.  As  it 
is,  the  few  ships  and  other  vessels  owned  by  them,  have  from  the 
beginning  of  the  war,  been  actively  and  profitably  employed  in 
carrying  their  products  to  foreign  ports,  and  in  bringing  back 
supplies.  Not  one  in  ten,  in  the  large  number  of  voyages  so 
made,  it  is  believed,  have  been  captured ;  and  had  that  respect 
been  exacted  for  neutral  rights,  which  the  law  of  nations  pro 
vides,  commerce  between  Europe  and  the  Confederate  States 
would  have  been,  comparatively,  but  little  interrupted:  and  in 
this  view,  I  am  instructed  to  enquire  whether  it  may  not  be 
practicable  to  require  of  the  blockading  power  to  specify,  from 
time  to  time,  the  ports  claimed  to  be  actually  blockaded.  Besides 
the  large  ports  (few  in  number  in  the  Confederate  States)  there 
are  numbers  of  smaller  towns  accessible  from  the  sea,  where  com 
merce  continues  to  be  carried  on  with  foreign  nations  in  the  few 
vessels  possessed  by  Confederate  owners;  and  were  blockaded 
ports  designated,  these  latter  would  at  once  be  open  to  the  com 
merce  of  the  world  in  everything  not  contraband.  How  far  this 
would  be  advantageous  to  neutral  powers,  it  remains  for  them  to 
determine.  The  article  of  cotton  alone  taken  from  such  ports 
which  are  not,  and  have  not  been  actually  blockaded,  but  com 
merce  with  which  is  intercepted  by  armed  cruisers  occasionally 
passing  along  the  coast,  would  go  far  to  supply  the  pressing 
demands  of  European  manufacturers. 

"  In  this  connection,  I  am  instructed  emphatically  to  dis 
claim  any  policy  in  the  Confederate  States  Government  to  pro 
hibit  or  discourage  the  export  of  cotton.  It  has  been  the  policy 
of  the  enemy  to  propagate  such  belief ;  and  perhaps,  to  some  ex 
tent,  it  may  have  obtained  credence  in  Europe.  On  the  contrary, 
I  am  instructed  to  assure  Her  Majesty's  Government  that  if 
Europe  is  without  American  cotton,  it  is  because  Europe  has  not 
thought  it  proper  to  send  her  ships  to  America  for  cotton.  Were 
the  blockading  power  required,  strictly  to  designate  the  ports  and 
places  blockaded,  and  to  maintain  the  same  by  adequate  force; 
from  those  other  ports,  thus  clearly  ascertained  to  be  open  to 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


trade,  any  amount  of  cotton  required  would  be  freely  offered  in 
exchange  for  the  manufactures  of  Europe.  There  is  no  lack 
of  this  great  article  of  export  in  the  interior  of  the  Southern 
States.  It  has  not  been  brought  to  the  seaboard,  because  there 
was  little  demand  for  exportation,  and  it  would  otherwise  be 
subject  to  depredation  by  the  enemy.  Wherever  they  approach, 
it  is  destroyed  by  fire  to  prevent  its  falling  into  their  hands — but 
let  the  blockaded  ports  be  designated,  as  required  by  public  law, 
and  it  will  freely  flow  to  the  coast,  at  other  points,  thereby 
opened  to  the  trade  of  the  world. 

"  There  is  one  subject  further,  in  connection  with  this 
alleged  blockade,  to  which  I  am  directed  to  call  the  attention  of 
Her  Majesty's  Government.  It  is,  that  vessels  of  war  of  the 
United  States  are  stationed  off  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
with  orders  not  to  permit  shipments  of  cotton  to  be  made  from 
the  Mexican  port  of  Matamoras.  It  is  claimed  that  cotton  taken 
from  the  Confederate  States  at  Matamoras  is  lawful  subject  of 
capture.  In  proof  of  this  I  have  the  honour  to  transmit  here 
with,  a  copy  of  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  J.  A.  Quintero,  the 
Commercial  Agent  of  the  Confederate  States  at  Matamoras,  to 
the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  Confederate  States. 

"  I  need  not  say  to  your  Lordship,  that  although  a  maritime 
blockade  may,  in  some  sense,  be  frustrated  by  the  carriage  of 
merchandise,  through  the  medium  of  interior  communication, 
from  a  blockaded  to  a  neutral  port,  when  shipped  from  the  latter, 
it  is  no  breach  of  blockade ;  yet  this  is  now  done  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Rio  Grande,  a  river  forming  the  boundary  between  Mexico 
and  the  Confederate  State  of  Texas. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  respect, 
(<  Your  Lordship's  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  M.  MASON, 

''Special  Commissioner  0}  the  Confederate  States  at  London." 

11  54  DEVONSHIRE  STREET,  PORTLAND  PLACE, 

"  The  Right  Hon.  Earl  Russell,  "  L°NDON'  July  J7th>  l862 

"  Her  Majesty's  Secretary  of  State 

"  For  Foreign  Affairs. 

"  MY  LORD  :  In  late  proceedings  of  Parliament,  and  in  reply 
to  inquiries  made  in  each  House,  as  to  the  intention  of  Her 


322  LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

Majesty's  Government  to  tender  offices  of  mediation  to  the  con 
tending  powers  in  North  America,  it  was  replied,  in  substance, 
by  Lord  Palmerston  and  your  Lordship,  that  Her  Majesty's 
Government  had  no  such  intention  at  present,  because,  although 
this  Government  would  be  ever  ready  to  offer  such  mediation, 
whenever  it  might  be  considered  that  such  interposition  would 
be  of  avail,  it  was  believed  by  the  Government  that  in  the  present 
inflamed  or  irritated  temper  of  the  belligerents  any  such  offer 
might  be  misinterpreted,  and  might  have  an  effect  contrary  to 
what  was  intended. 

"  I  will  not  undertake,  of  course,  to  express  any  opinion  of 
the  correctness  of  this  view  of  Her  Majesty's  Government,  so  far 
as  it  may  apply  to  the  Government  or  people  of  the  United 
States.  But  as  the  terms  would  seem  to  have  been  applied 
equally  to  the  Government  or  people  of  the  Confederate  States  of 
America,  I  feel  warranted  in  the  declaration,  that  whilst  it  is  the 
unalterable  purpose  of  that  Government  and  people  to  maintain 
the  independence  they  have  achieved,  whilst  under  no  circum 
stances  or  contingencies  will  they  ever  again  come  under  a  c'om- 
mon  government  with  those  now  constituting  the  United  States ; 
and  although  they  do  not,  in  any  form,  invite  such  interposition, 
yet  they  can  see  nothing  in  their  position  which  could  make 
either  offensive  or  irritating,  a  tender  of  such  offices  on  the  part 
of  Her  Majesty's  Government,  as  might  lead  to  the  termination 
of  the  war — a  war  hopelessly  carried  on  against  them,  and  which 
is  attended  by  a  wanton  waste  of  human  life  at  which  humanity 
shudders. 

"  On  the  contrary,  I  can  entertain  no  doubt  that  such  offer 
would  be  received  by  the  Government  of  the  Confederate  States 
of  America  with  that  high  consideration  and  respect  due  to  the 
benign  purpose  in  which  it  would  have  its  origin. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be  very  respectfully, 
"  Your  Lordship's  obedient  servant, 

"  T.  M.  MASON. 
'  Special  Commissioner  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America." 

"  FOREIGN  OFFICE,  July  loth,  1862. 

"  SIR  :  I  am  directed  by  Earl  Russell  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  7th  instant,  and  its  enclosures 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


respecting  the  blockade  of  the  Southern  coast  of  North  America. 
"  I  am  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

"  A.  H.  LA  YARD. 
"  /.  M.  Mason,  Esq., 

"  54  Devonshire  Street,  Portland  Place" 

"  FOREIGN  OFFICE,  July  24th,  1862. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honour  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
your  letter  of  the  I7th  instant,  respecting  the  intention  expressed 
by  Her  Majesty's  Government  to  refrain  from  any  present  offer 
of  mediation  between  the  contending  parties  in  North  America, 
and  I  have  to  state  to  you  in  reply,  that  in  the  opinion  of  Her 
Majesty's  Government,  any  proposal  to  recognize  the  Southern 
Confederacy  would  irritate  the  United  States,  and  any  proposal 
to  the  Confederate  States  to  return  to  the  Union  would  irritate 
the  Confederates. 

"  This  was  the  meaning  of  my  declarations  in  Parliament 
upon  the  subject. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

"  RUSSELL. 
"  J.  M.  Mason,  Esq., 

"  54  Devonshire  Street,  Portland  Place" 

"  54  DEVONSHIRE  STREET,  PORTLAND  PLACE, 

"  July  24th,  1862. 
"  The  Right  Hon.  Earl  Russell, 

"  Her  Majesty's  Secretary  of.  State 

"  For  Foreign  Affairs. 

"  MY  LORD  :  In  the  interview  I  had  the  honour  to  have 
with  your  Lordship  in  February  last,  I  laid  before  your  Lord 
ship,  under  instructions  from  the  Government  of  the  Confederate 
States,  the  views  entertained  by  that  Government  leading  to  the 
belief  that  it  was,  of  right,  entitled  to  be  recognized  as  a  separate 
and  independent  power  and  to  be  received  as  an  equal  in  the 
great  family  of  nations. 

"  I  then  represented  to  your  Lordship  that  the  dissolution  of 
the  United  States  of  North  America,  by  the  withdrawal  there 
from  of  certain  of  the  confederates,  was  not  to  be  considered  as 
a  revolution,  in  the  ordinary  acceptation  of  that  term — far  less 
was  it  to  be  considered  as  an  act  of  insurrection  or  rebellion ;  that 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


it  was,  both  in  form  and  in  fact,  but  the  termination  of  a  con 
federacy  which,  during  a  long  course  of  years,  had  violated  the 
terms  of  the  federal  compact  by  the  exercise  of  unwarranted 
powers,  oppressive  and  degrading  to  the  minority  section;  that 
the  seceding  parties  had  so  withdrawn  as  organized  political  com 
munities  ;  and  had  formed  a  new  confederacy,  comprising  then  as 
now,  thirteen  separate  and  sovereign  States ;  embracing  an  area 
of  eight  hundred  and  seventy  thousand,  six  hundred  and  ten 
square  miles  ;  and  with  a  population  of  twelve  millions.  This  new 
confederacy  has  now  been  in  complete  and  successful  operation 
as  a  Government,  for  a  period  of  nearly  eighteen  months ;  has 
proved  itself  capable  of  successful  defence  against  every  attempt 
to  subdue  or  destroy  it;  and  in  a  war  conducted  by  its  late  con 
federates  on  a  scale  to  tax  their  utmost  power,  has  presented, 
everywhere,  a  united  people,  determined  at  every  cost  to  main 
tain  the  independence  they  had  affirmed. 

"  Since  that  interview,  more  than  five  months  have  elapsed, 
and  during  that  period  events  have  but  the  more  fully  confirmed 
the  views  I  then  had  the  honour  to  present  to  your  Lordship. 
The  resources,  strength,  and  power  in  the  Confederate  States, 
developed  by  those  events,  I  think,  authorize  me  to  assume  as 
the  judgment  of  the  intelligence  of  all  Europe,  that  the  separa 
tion  of  the  States  of  North  America  is  final,  that  under  no  possible 
circumstances  can  the  late  Federal  Union  be  restored ;  that  the 
new  Confederacy  has  evinced  both  the  capacity  and  the  deter 
mination  to  maintain  its  independence ;  and  therefore,  with  other 
powers,  the  question  of  recognizing  that  independence  is  simply 
a  question  of  time. 

"  The  Confederate  States  ask  no  aid  from,  nor  intervention 
by  foreign  powers.  They  are  entirely  content  that  the  strict 
neutrality  which  has  been  proclaimed  between  the  belligerents 
shall  be  adhered  to,  however  unequally  it  may  operate  (because 
of  fortuitous  circumstances)  upon  them. 

"  But  if  the  principles  and  morals  of  the  public  law  be,  when 
a  nation  has  established  before  the  world  both  its  capacity  and 
its  ability  to  maintain  the  Government  it  has  ordained,  that  a 
duty  devolves  on  other  nations  to  recognize  such  facts ;  then, 
I  submit  that  the  Government  of  the  Confederate  States  of 
America,  having  sustained  itself  unimpaired,  through  trials 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


greater  than  most  nations  have  been  called  to  endure,  and  far 
greater  than  any  it  has  yet  to  meet,  has  furnished  to  the  world 
sufficient  proof  of  stability,  strength,  and  resources,  to  entitle  it 
to  a  place  among  the  independent  nations  of  the  earth. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect, 
"  Your  Lordship's  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  M.  MASON, 
"  Special  Commissioner  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America." 


"  54  DEVONSHIRE  STREET,  PORTLAND  PLACE, 

"  July  24th,  1862. 

"  Mr.  Mason  presents  his  compliments  to  Earl  Russell,  and 
if  agreeable  to  his  Lordship,  Mr.  Mason  would  be  obliged  if 
Earl  Russell  would  allow  him  the  honor  of  an  interview,  at 
such  time  as  may  be  convenient  to  his  Lordship. 

"  Mr.  Mason  desires  to  submit  to  Earl  Russell  some  views 
connected  with  the  letter  he  has  the  honor  to  transmit  here 
with,  which  he  thinks  may  be  better  imparted  in  a  brief  conversa 
tion. 
"  The  Right  Hon.  Earl  Russell, 

"  Pier  Majesty's  Secretary  of  State 

"  For  Foreign  Affairs.1' 


"  FOREIGN  OFFICE,  July  31,  1862. 

"  Earl  Russell  presents  his  compliments  to  Mr.  Mason :  he 
begs  to  assure  Mr.  Mason  that  it  is  from  no  want  of  respect  to 
him  that  Lord  Russell  has  delayed  sending  him  an  answer  to 
his  letter  of  the  24  ult.  Lord  Russell  has  postponed  sending  that 
answer  in  order  that  he  might  submit  a  draft  of  it  to  the  Cabinet 
on  Saturday  next.  It  will  be  forwarded  on  Monday  to  Mr. 
Mason. 

"  Lord  Russell  does  not  think  any  advantage  would  arise 
from  the  interview  which  Mr.  Mason  proposes,  and  must  there 
fore  decline  it." 


3*6 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


"  54  DEVONSHIRE  STREET,  PORTLAND  PLACE, 

"  August  i,  1862. 
"  The  Right  Hon.  Earl  Russell, 

"  Her  Majesty's  Secretary  of  State 

"  For  Foreign  Affairs." 

"  MY  LORD:  In  the  interview  I  had  the  honor  to  propose 
in  my  late  note,  I  had  intended  briefly  to  submit  the  following 
views,  which  I  thought  might  not  be  without  weight  in  the 
consideration  to  be  given  by  Her  Majesty's  Government  to  the 
request  for  recognition  of  the  Confederate  States,  submitted  in 
my  letter  of  the  24th  July  ultimo.  I  ask  leave,  now,  to  present 
them  as  supplemental  to  that  letter.  If  it  be  true,  as  there 
assumed,  that  in  the  settled  judgment  of  England,  the  separation 
of  the  United  States  is  final,  then  the  failure  of  so  great  a  power 
to  recognize  the  fact  in  a  formal  manner  imparts  the  opposite 
belief,  and  must  operate  as  an  incentive  to  the  United  States 
to  protract  the  contest. 

"  In  a  war  such  as  that  pending  in  America,  where  a  party  in 
possession  of  the  Government  is  striving  to  subdue  those  who, 
for  reasons  sufficient  to  themselves,  have  withdrawn  from  it,  the 
contest  will  be  carried  on  in  the  heat  of  blood  and  popular  ex 
citement  long  after  it  has  become  hopeless  in  the  eyes  of  dis 
interested  parties. 

"  The  Government  itself  may  feel  that  its  power  is  inadequate 
to  bring  back  the  recusant  States,  and  yet  be  unable  at  once  to 
control  the  fierce  elements  which  surround  it  whilst  the  war 
rages.  Such,  it  is  confidently  believed,  is  the  actual  condition  of 
affairs  in  America. 

"  It  is  impossible,  in  the  experience  of  eighteen  months  of 
no  ordinary  trial,  in  the  small  results  attained,  and  in  the  manifest 
exhaustion  of  its  resources,  that  any  hope  remains  with  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States,  either  of  bringing  about  a  restora 
tion  of  the  dissevered  Union,  or  of  subjugating  those  who  have 
renounced  it.  And  yet  the  failure  of  foreign  Powers  formally 
to  recognize  the  actual  condition  of  things  disables  those  in 
authority  from  conceding  the  fact  at  home. 

"  Again,  it  is  known  that  there  is  a  large  and  increasing 
sentiment  in  the  United  States  in  accordance  with  these  views — 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


a  sentiment  which  has  its  origin  in  the  hard  teachings  of  the 
war  as  it  has  progressed. 

"  It  was  believed  (or  so  confidently  affirmed)  that  there  was 
a  large  party  in  the  Southern  States  devoted  to  the  Union,  whose 
presence  and  power  would  be  manifested  there,  as  soon  as  the 
public  force  of  the  United  States  was  present  to  sustain  it.  I 
need  not  say  how  fully  the  experience  of  the  war  has  dispelled 
this  delusion. 

"  Again,  it  was  believed,  and  confidently  relied  on,  that  in 
the  social  structure  of  the  Southern  States  there  was  a  large  popu 
lation  of  the  dominant  race  indifferent,  if  not  hostile,  to  the  basis 
on  which  that  structure  rests — in  which  they  were  not  interested, 
and  who  would  be  found  the  allies  of  those  whose  mission  was 
supposed  to  be,  in  some  way,  to  break  it  up.  But  the  same 
experience  has  shown  that  the  whole  population  of  the  South  is 
united,  as  one  people  in  arms  to  resist  the  invader. 

"  Nothing  remains,  then,  on  which  to  rest  any  hope  of  con 
quest  but  a  reliance  on  the  superior  numbers,  and  supposed 
greater  resources,  of  the  Northern  States.  I  think  the  results  of 
the  late  (or  pending)  campaign  have  proved  how  idle  such  specu 
lations  were,  against  the  advantages  of  a  people  fighting  at  home, 
and  bringing  into  a  common  stock  of  resistance,  as  a  free  will 
offering,  all  that  they  possessed,  whether  of  blood  or  of  treasures 
— a  spectacle  now  historically  before  the  world. 

"  It  is  in  human  experience  that  there  must  be  those  in  the 
United  States  who  can  not  shut  their  eyes  to  such  facts;  and 
yet,  in  the  despotic  power  now  assumed  there  by  the  Govern 
ment,  to  give  expression  to  any  doubt  would  be  to  court  the 
hospitalities  of  the  dungeon.  One  word  from  the  Government 
of  Her  Majesty  would  encourage  those  people  to  speak,  and  the 
civilized  world  would  respond  to  the  truths  they  would  utter — 
that  for  whatever  purpose  the  war  was  begun,  it  was  continued 
now  only  in  a  vindictive  and  unreasoning  spirit,  shocking  alike  to 
humanity  and  to  civilization. 

''That  potent  word  would  simply  be  to  announce  a  fact  which 
a  phrenzied  mind  only  could  dispute — that  the  Southern  States, 
now  in  a  separate  Confederacy,  had  established  before  the  world 
its  competency  to  maintain  the  Government  of  its  adoption,  and 
its  determination  to  abide  bv  it. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


'  "  To  withhold  it  would  not  only  seem  in  derogation  of  truth, 
but  would  be  to  encourage  the  continuance  of  a  war,  hopeless  in 
its  objects,  ruinous  alike  to  the  parties  engaged  in  it,  and  to  the 
prosperity  and  welfare  of  Europe. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  request  that  your  Lordship  will  receive 
this  as  supplemental  to  my  letter  of  the  24th  of  July,  and  subscribe 
"  With  great  respect,  your  Lordship's  obedient  servant, 

"  T.  M.  MASON, 
"  Special  Commissioner  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America'1 

LORD  RUSSELL'S  REPLY. 

"  FOREIGN  OFFICE,  August  2,  1862. 

"  SIR  :  I  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of  the  24th 
of  July  and  ist  instant,  in  which  you  repeat  the  considerations 
which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Government  of  the  so-called  Con 
federate  States  entitled  that  Government  to  be  recognized  of 
right,  as  a  separate  and  independent  power,  and  to  be  received 
as  an  equal  in  the  great  family  of  nations. 

"  In  again  urging  these  views  you  represent,  as  before,  that 
the  withdrawal  of  certain  of  the  Confederates  from  the  Union  of 
the  States  of  North  America  is  not  to  be  considered  as  a  revolu 
tion  in  the  ordinary  acceptance  of  that  term,  far  less  an  act  of 
insurrection  or  rebellion,  but  as  the  termination  of  a  confed 
eracy  which  had,  during  a  long  course  of  years,  violated  the 
terms  of  the  Federal  Compact. 

"  I  beg  leave  to  say  in  the  outset,  that  upon  this  question  of 
a  right  of  withdrawal,  as  upon  that  of  the  previous  conduct  of  the 
United  States,  Her  Majesty's  Government  has  never  presumed 
to  form  a  judgment.  The  interpretation  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  and  the  character  and  proceedings  of  the  Presi 
dent  and  Congress  of  the  United  States  under  the  Constitution, 
must  be  determined,  in  the  opinion  of  Her  Majesty's  Government, 
by  the  States  and  people  in  North  America,  who  have  inherited, 
;and  have,  until  recently,  upheld  that  Constitution.  Her 
.Majesty's  Government  decline,  altogether,  the  responsibility  of 
.assuming  to  be  judges  in  such  a  controversy. 

"  You  state  that  the  Confederacy  has  a  population  of  twelve 
millions,  that  it  has  proved  itself  for  eighteen  months  capable  of 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


successful  defence  against  every  attempt  to  subdue  or  destroy  it, 
that  in  the  judgment  of  the  intelligence  of  all  Europe  the  sepa 
ration  is  final  and  that  under  no  possible  circumstances  can  the 
late  Federal  Union  be  restored. 

"  On  the  other  hand,  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United 
States  has  affirmed,  in  an  official  dispatch,  that  a  large  portion  of 
the  once  disaffected  population  has  been  restored  to  the  Union, 
and  now  evinces  its  loyalty  and  firm  adherence  to  the  Govern 
ment;  that  the  white  population  now  in  insurrection  is  under 
five  millions,  and  that  the  Southern  Confederacy  owes  its  main 
strength  to  the  hope  of  assistance  from  Europe. 

"  In  the  face  of  the  fluctuating  events  of  the  war,  the  alter 
nations  of  victory  and  defeat,  the  capture  of  New  Orleans,  the 
advance  of  the  Federals  to  Corinth,  to  Memphis,  and  the  banks  of 
the  Mississippi  as  far  as  Vicksburg,  contrasted  on  the  other 
hand  with  the  failure  of  the  attack  on  Charleston,  and  the  retreat 
from  before  Richmond,  placed,  too,  between  allegations  so  con 
tradictory  on  the  part  of  the  contending  powers,  Her  Majesty's 
Government  are  still  determined  to  wait. 

"  In  order  to  be  entitled  to  a  place  among  the  independent 
nations  of  the  earth,  a  State  ought  to  have  not  only  strength  and 
resources  for  a  time,  but  afford  promise  of  stability  and  perma 
nence.  Should  the  Confederate  States  of  America  win  that  place 
among  nations,  other  nations  might  justly  acknowledge  an  inde 
pendence  achieved  by  victory,  and  maintained  by  a  successful 
resistance  to  all  attempts  to  overthrow  it.  That  time,  however, 
has  not,  in  the  judgment  of  Her  Majesty's  Government,  yet 
arrived.  Her  Majesty's  Government,  therefore,  can  only  hope 
that  a  peaceful  termination  of  the  present  bloody  and  destructive 
contest  may  not  be  distant. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble 
servant, 

"  RUSSELL. 
"  7.  M.  Mason,  Esq." 


The  Government  at  Richmond,  having  received  Mr.  Mason's 
communication,  inclosing  the  foregoing  correspondence,  replied 
in  Dispatch  No.  9,  a  part  of  which  is  here  inserted : 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  State,  to  J.  M.  Mason,  Commissioner 
Confederate  States  to  Great  Britain. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  OF  AMERICA, 
"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 
"  RICHMOND,  October  3ist,  1862. 

"  SIR  :  I  proceed  to  lay  before  you  his  (the  President's) 
views  in  relation  to  the  discourteous  and  even  unfriendly  atti 
tude  assumed  by  the  British  Cabinet  in  the  correspondence 
between  yourself  and  Earl  Russell.  It  results  clearly  from  the 
tenor  of  these  dispatches : 

"  ist. — That  the  British  Cabinet,  after  having  invited  the 
Government  to  concur  in  the  adoption  of  certain  principles  of 
international  law,  and  after  having  obtained  its  assent,  assumed  in 
official  dispatches  to  derogate  from  the  principles  thus  adopted, 
to  the  prejudice  of  the  rights  and  interests  of  this  Confederacy ; 
and  that,  upon  being  approached  in  very  respectful  and  temperate 
terms  with  a  request  for  an  explanation  on  a  matter  of  such  deep 
concern  to  the  people  of  this  country,  that  Cabinet  refuses  a 
reply. 

"  2d. — That  Her  Majesty's  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign 
Affairs  curtly  refuses  an  unofficial  interview  with  the  accredited 
agent  of  this  Government,  requested  '  for  the  purpose  of  submit 
ting  some  views  (on  a  subject  of  the  highest  importance)  which 
may  be  better  imparted  in  a  brief  conversation.' 

"  3d. — That  in  answer  to  your  communication  placing  cer 
tain  well  known  historical  facts  before  the  British  Cabinet  as  the 
basis  of  our  claim  for  the  recognition  of  our  independence,  it  has 
pleased  Her  Majesty's  Government  to  quote  from  a  dispatch 
from  Mr.  Seward  statements  derogatory  to  this  Government  and 
without  foundation  in  fact. 

"  On  the  first  of  these  points  it  is  to  be  observed  that  Her 
Majesty's  Government  can  have  no  just  grounds  for  refusing  an 
explanation  of  its  conduct  towards  the  Confederacy  because  of  the 
absence  of  a  recognition  of  our  independence  by  the  other  nations 
of  the  world.  It  was  not  in  the  character  of  a  recognized  in 
dependent  nation,  but  in  that  of  a  recognized  belligerent 
that  the  two  leading  powers  of  Western  Europe  approached 
this  Government  with  a  proposition  for  the  adoption  of  certain 
principles  of  public  law  as  rules  which  should  govern  the  mutual 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON.  ^7 

relations  between  this  people  as  belligerents  and  the  nations  of 
Europe  as  neutrals  during  the  pending  war.  Two  of  these  rules 
were  for  the  special  benefit  of  Great  Britain,  as  one  of  these 
neutral  nations.  We  agreed  that  her  flag  should  cover  enemy's 
goods  and  that  her  goods  should  be  safe  under  enemy's  flag.  The 
former  of  these  two  rules  conceded  to  her  as  a  neutral,  rights 
which,  during  her  entire  history  she  had  sternly  refused  when 
herself  a  belligerent,  with  the  exception  of  a  temporary  waiver 
during  her  last  war  with  Russia.  To  these  stipulations  in  her 
favor  we  have  adhered  with  a  fidelity  so  scrupulous  that  now, 
when  we  are  far  advanced  in  the  second  year  of  the  war,  we  are 
without  even  complaint  of  injury  from  a  single  British  subject 
arising  out  of  any  infringement  of  our  obligations.  Great  Britain 
on  her  part  agreed  that  no  blockade  should  be  considered  bind 
ing  unless  '  Maintained  by  a  force  sufficient  really  to  prevent 
access  to  the  coast  of  the  enemy.'  On  the  very  first  occasion 
which  arose  for  the  application  of  this,  the  only  stipulation  that 
could  be  of  practical  benefit  to  this  country  during  the  war, 
Her  Majesty's  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  in  an  offi 
cial  dispatch  published  to  the  world,  appends  a  qualification 
which  in  effect  destroys  its  whole  value,  and  when  appealed  to 
for  an  explanation  for  this  apparent  breach  of  faith  remains 
mute.  This  silence  can  only  be  construed  into  an  admission 
that  Her  Majesty's  Government  is  unable  satisfactorily  to  explain, 
while  it  is  unwilling  to  abandon  the  indefensible  position  which  it 
has  assumed.  This  Government  is  the  better  justified  in  reaching 
this  conclusion  from  the  open  avowal  by  a  British  Peer  in  debate 
in  Parliament  that  if  England  were  involved  in  war  the  first  thing 
she  would  do  would  be  to  retreat  from  the  protocols  of  Paris.  In 
view  of  these  facts,  the  President  desires  that  you  address  to 
Earl  Russell  a  formal  protest,  on  the  part  of  this  Government, 
against  the  pretension  of  the  British  Cabinet  to  change  or  modify, 
to  the  prejudice  of  the  Confederacy,  the  doctrine  in  relation  to 
blockade,  to  which  the  faith  of  Great  Britain  is,  by  this  Govern 
ment,  considered  to  be  pledged.  You  will  justify  this  protest  by 
prefacing  it  with  a  statement  of  the  views  just  presented,  and  you 
will  accompany  it  with  the  announcement  that  the  President 
abstains  for  the  present  from  taking  any  further  action  than  the 
presentation  of  this  protest,  accompanied  by  the  expression  of  a 


332 


LIFE   OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


regret  that  such  painful  impressions  should  be  produced  on  his 
mind  by  this  unexpected  result  of  the  very  first  agreement  or 
understanding  between  the  Confederate  States  and  Great  Britain. 

"  On  the  second  point,  of  a  refusal  to  accord  you  a  personal 
interview,  the  President  can  not  persuade  himself  that  it  arose 
from  personal  discourtesy,  but  believes  it  rather  to  be  attributable 
to  apprehension  by  Earl  Russell  of  the  displeasure  of  the  United 
States.  You  may  perhaps  not  be  aware  that  on  a  former  occa 
sion,  when  a  conference  took  place  between  Earl  Russell  and 
your  predecessors,  the  Minister  of  the  United  States  near  the 
Court  of  St.  James  assumed  to  call  Her  Majesty's  Secretary  of 
State  for  Foreign  Affairs  to  account  for  admitting  those  gentle 
men  to  an  interview,  and  threatened  that  a  protraction  of  relations 
with  them  would  be  viewed  by  the  United  States  as  '  hostile  in 
spirit  and  require  some  corresponding  action  accordingly ' ;  that 
Earl  Russell  yielded  to  this  assumption  and  made  deferential 
explanation  of  his  reception  of  our  Commissioners,  closing  by 
saying  '  that  he  had  no  expectation  of  seeing  them  any  more/ 
The  whole  statement,  as  contained  in  Mr.  Adams's  published  dis 
patch  to  Mr.  Seward  of  I4th  June,  1861,  will  satisfy  you  that 
Earl  Russell  does  not  feel  himself  at  liberty  to  converse  with  you 
without  incurring  the  displeasure  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States.  This  explanation  of  the  refusal  to  receive  your 
visit,  however,  does  not  preclude  the  necessity  of  determining  the 
propriety  of  your  remaining  in  London,  although  it  relieves  the 
refusal  of  any  feature  either  of  personal  discourtesy  or  inten 
tional  offence  to  this  Government.  This  question  will  be  better 
considered  after  a  review  of  the  next  topic,  which  is  the  answer 
made  by  Earl  Russell  to  your  demand  for  recognition. 

"  The  proprieties  of  official  intercourse  render  it  embarrass 
ing  to  qualify,  in  appropriate  language,  the  affirmations  of  Mr. 
Seward  which  Her  Majesty's  Government  has  deemed  proper  to 
oppose  to  your  statement  of  historical  facts.  If  you  had  stated 
those  facts  as  matters  of  personal  knowledge  there  would,  no 
doubt,  have  been  just  ground  for  deeming  it  far  from  compli 
mentary  to  yourself  to  have  an  affirmation  from  Mr.  Seward 
presented  as  an  offset  to  yours.  But  your  statement  of  facts  was 
a  mere  presentation  of  what  has  now  become  history ;  what  was 
as  well  known  to  the  British  Cabinet  as  to  yourself,  and  suscep- 


LIFE  OP  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


tible  of  verification  by  all  mankind.  The  quotation,  therefore, 
by  the  Foreign  Office  of  an  extract  from  Mr.  Seward's  letter, 
containing  untruthful  allegations,  is  to  be  taken  rather  as  indi 
cating  the  absence  of  any  well-founded  reason  for  withholding 
compliance  with  our  just  demand  for  recognition,  than  personal 
discourtesy  to  yourself.  But  the  spirit  of  the  whole  corres 
pondence  between  yourself  and  Earl  Russell,  his  refusal  to  reply 
to  your  request  for  explanation  on  the  subject  of  the  blockade, 
his  declining  to  grant  you  an  interview,  his  introducing  into  his 
answer  to  your  demand  for  recognition  Mr.  Seward's  affirma 
tions,  both  unfounded  and  offensive  to  this  Government,  all 
combine  to  force  upon  the  President  the  conviction  that  there 
exists  a  feeling  on  the  part  of  the  British  Ministry  unfriendly  to 
this  Government.  This  would  be  conclusive  in  determining  him 
to  direct  your  withdrawal  from  your  mission,  but  for  other  con 
siderations  which  have  brought  him  to  a  different  conclusion. 

"  The  chief  of  these  is  the  conviction  entertained  that  on  this 
subject  the  British  Cabinet  is  not  a  fair  exponent  of  the  senti 
ments  and  opinions  of  the  British  nation.  Not  only  from  your 
own  dispatches,  but  from  the  British  press  and  from  numerous 
other  sources  of  information,  all  tending  to  the  same  result,  we 
cannot  resist  the  conclusion  that  the  public  opinion  of  England, 
in  accordance  with  that  of  almost  all  Europe,  approaches 
unanimity  in  according  our  right  to  recognition  as  an  indepen 
dent  nation.  It  is  true  that  in  official  intercourse  we  can  not  look 
to  any  other  than  the  British  nation  ;  but  it  is  equally  true  that 
in  a  government  so  dependent  for  continued  existence  on  its  con 
formity  with  public  opinion,  no  Ministry,  whose  course  of  policy 
is  in  conflict  with  that  opinion,  can  long  retain  office. 

"  It  is  certain,  therefore,  that  there  must  very  soon  occur 
such  a  change  of  policy  in  the  Cabinet  of  St.  James  as  will 
relieve  all  embarrassments  in  your  position  arising  from  the 
unfriendly  feelings  toward  us,  and  the  dread  of  displeasing  the 
United  States,  which  have  hitherto  been  exhibited  by  Earl  Rus 
sell.  In  such  event,  it  would  be  of  primary  importance  that  you 
should  be  on  the  spot  to  render  your  services  available  to  your 
country  without  hazard  of  delay  ;  and  in  the  meantime,  you  are 
aware  of  the  contingencies  which  are  now  constantly  occurring 
that  render  your  presence  in  London  valuable  in  effecting  ar- 


334 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


rangements  that  could  not  otherwise  be  accomplished  by  the 
agents  of  the  different  departments  now  in  Great  Britain. 

"  On  the  whole,  therefore,  it  is,  by  the  President,  deemed 
proper  that  you  continue  to  occupy  your  present  post  until  fur 
ther  instructions,  but  that  you  confine  yourself  to  the  simple  pre 
sentation  of  the  protest,  in  terms  that  shall  not  seem  to  imply 
any  expectation  of  an  answer ;  and  that  you  refrain  from  any 
further  communication  with  Earl  Russell  until  he  shall  himself 
invite  correspondence,  unless  some  important  change  in  the 
conduct  and  policy  of  the  British  Cabinet  shall  occur,  rendering 
action  on  your  part  indispensable.  ********* 
"  I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  T-  P.  BENJAMIN." 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Mr.  G.  N.  Saunders — Commander  Sinclair — Suggested  that  Money  Could 
be  Commanded  by  Use  of  Obligation  for  Delivery  of  Cotton  by  the  Gov 
ernment — Emperor  Strong  for  Recognition — England's  Scant  Courtesy 
and  French  Polished  Civility — Private  Memoranda  Tells  of  English  Sym 
pathy  and  Interest,  and  also  of  Hospitality  and  Kindness  Extended  to 
Him — Acting-Midshipman  Andrews,  in  Command  of  the  Sumter,  Killed 
by  Master's-Mate  Hester — English  Scheme  to  Raise  Money  on  Cotton — 
French  Proposal  for  Loan — Line  of  Steamships  Betvveen  Europe  and  Con 
federacy — Agreement  with  Erlanger  &  Co. — Emancipation  Proclamation 
Met  with  General  Contempt  and  Derision — Cotton  Famine  Fearful — The 
Cruiser  "Sumter"  Sold  to  a  British  House — English  Property  Taken  by 
the  "Alabama"  and  Earl  Russell's  Position  Thereon. 

DISPATCH  No.  16. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"LONDON,  September  18,  1862. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honour  to  enclose  herewith  copy  of  a 
letter  of  this  date,  addressed  by  me  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  as  germane  to  the  subject  of  this  despatch. 

"  Mr.  G.  N.  Saunders,  who  arrived  here  recently,  called 
upon  me  and  exhibited  to  me  a  contract  with  the  Navy  Depart 
ment,  authorizing  him  to  build  certain  ships  for  its  use,  and 
containing  an  engagement  of  that  department  to  pay  for  them 
in  cotton,  deliverable  at  any  port  in  possession  of  the  Con 
federate  States,  at  prices  current  there  at  time  of  delivery. 

"  Mr.  Saunders  had  submitted  this  contract  to,  and  invited 
the  co-operation  of,  the  house  of  Messrs.  W.  S.  Lindsay  & 
Company,  of  London,  whose  reputation  may  probably  be  known 
to  you;  but  I  may  add  that  it  is  fully  and  justly  established  in 
public  confidence,  and  entirely  in  the  interests  of  the  South ;  nor 
could  the  matter  be  in  better  hands  here. 

"  At  Mr.  Saunders'  request,  I  had  an  interview  with  that 
house,  and  learned  from  them  that,  whilst  they  confidently 
believed  the  money  that  was  required  could  be  obtained,  upon 
the  engagement  of  the  Navy  Department  to  deliver  cotton  in 
the  manner  proposed,  and  at  the  time  specified  in  the  contract, 
yet  that  it  could  not  be  done,  unless  at  a  stipulated  price;  and 
that  after  full  consideration  of  the  subject  in  all  its  bearings, 


336 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY    MASON. 


and  more  especially  to  the  rate  of  exchange  arising  out  of  the 
condition  of  the  South  during  the  war,  they  fixed  the  price  at 
eight  cents  in  coin,  and  they  were  willing  to  undertake  the 
operation  on  those  terms.  They  said  further,  that  if  I,  as  the 
representative  of  the  Government,  would  modify  the  contract 
by  fixing  such  price  (although  fully  aware  that  I  had  no  special 
authority  to  do  so)  they  would  undertake  the  operation,  and 
believed  it  could  be  carried  through. 

"  Although  perfectly  willing  to  assume  any  responsibility 
that  might  be  necessary  here  to  further  the  public  service,  yet 
in  this  instance  I  thought  it  best  to  decline  the  proposal ;  and 
the  more  readily,  as  we  thought  that  little  time  would  be  lost 
in  remitting  the  question  to  the  Department.  And  it  has 
accordingly  been  arranged  that  Mr.  Saunders  shall  go  back  for 
that  purpose,  pursuing  a  route  that  we  think  gives  the  best  pros 
pect  of  success  in  getting  in. 

"  I  have  to  report  further  that  Commander  Sinclair,  of  the 
Navy,  came  here  a  month  or  six  weeks  ago,  with  an  order  from 
the  Navy  Department  to  purchase  or  build  a  ship,  under  instruc 
tions  that  funds  would  be  supplied  him  for  that  purpose  out 
of  means  placed  in  the  hands  of  Captain  Bullock ;  but  he  found 
on  his  arrival  that  all  those  funds  had  been  committed  to  exist 
ing  arrangements,  and  he  was  thus  left  powerless.  There  was 
to  be  taken  into  consideration,  too,  the  difficulty,  if  not  impos 
sibility,  of  commanding  exchange  in  the  Confederate  States, 
even  at  the  high  rates  prevailing,  which  we  understand  were 
about  two  for  one,  there  being,  in  fact,  nothing  here  to  draw 
upon.  Under  these  circumstances,  and  to  enable  him  to  build 
the  ship  at  once,  I  agreed  to  approve  an  arrangement  to  be  made 
with  the  house  of  Messrs.  Lindsay  &  Company,  and  endorse  a 
printed  form  as  the  form  which  the  transaction  will  assume. 
You  will  observe  that  my  endorsement  on  the  bond,  imports 
only,  that  it  is  issued  under  competent  authority,  and  as  a  con 
sequence,  that  its  obligation  will  be  met  by  the  Government. 
I  deduced  this  from  the  terms  of  the  order  to  Captain  Sinclair, 
which  gave  him  authority  to  build,  or  purchase  under  an  urgent 
necessity,  leaving  everything  to  his  discretion,  coupled  with  the 
unexpected  failure  of  means.  It  was  clearly  and  fully  under 
stood  that  I  had  no  authority  to  commit  the  Government,  the 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 

contractors  taking  the  risk  of  the  latter  making  it  good.  And 
I  had,  again,  the  less  hesitation,  as  the  Navy  Department  hav 
ing  established  policy  of  paying  in  cotton,  the  only  real  responsi 
bility  was  as  to  the  price ;  and  the  sum  required  being  but  sixty 
thousand  pounds  sterling,  this  engagement  could  not  embarrass 
the  Government  in  any  future  like  operation. 

"  I  hope,  therefore,  that  what  I  have  done  will  meet  the 
approbation  of  the  Government. 

"  I  am  fully  aware  of  the  great  difficulties  the  Government 
must  have  in  placing  the  funds  in  Europe  necessary  for  its  use, 
because  of  the  cessation  of  commerce  and  the  interrupted  com 
munication.  I  venture  to  suggest,  therefore,  that  money  may  be 
commanded  here  by  the  use  of  obligations  for  delivery  of  cot 
ton  by  the  Government  on  the  terms  and  in  the  manner  ex 
pressed  in  the  paper  inclosed;  that  is  to  say,  that  the  delivery 
shall  be  made  at  any  port  in  possession  of  the  Confederate 
States  when  demanded  by  the  holder  of  the  bond,  after  reason 
able — say  thirty  or  more  days'  notice,  or  within  three  months 
or  more  after  a  peace. 

"  I  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  four  or  five  millions 
sterling,  or  more,  if  required,  could  be  commanded  in  this  form, 
from  the  cotton  spinners  alone.  It  is  perfectly  well  understood 
that  this  class  is  redundant  with  money  arising  out  of  the  large 
profits  made  from  stocks  on  hand  when  the  scarcity  of  cotton 
developed  itself — money  that  would  be  immediately  invested 
in  cotton  when  it  should  be  again  accessible. 

"  Should  the  Government  think  it  proper  to  entrust  this 
service  to  me,  I  shall  take  great  interest  in  performing  it.  The 
form  of  the  bond  inclosed  will  convey  the  idea,  but  I  think  the 
price  of  cotton  should  be  left  at  discretion — the  Government 
fixing  a  maximum.  M  j  haye  the  honor  tQ  be>  ^ 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.  17. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  LONDON,  September  18,  1862. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  heard  from  one  or  two  accredited  quarters 
that  this  question  (Recognition)  is  again  to  come  under  the 


.338 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


consideration  of  the  British  Cabinet  in  October,  and  the  same 
report  has  reached  Mr.  Slidell. 

"  In  this  posture  of  affairs,  I  can  but  hope  that  the 
reconsideration  of  the  British  Cabinet  is  brought  about  at  the 
instance  of  the  Emperor;  and  if  this  is  so,  I  have  little  doubt 
that  a  favorable  response  will  be  strongly  pressed  upon  it  by  him. 

"  There  is  no  doubt  but  the  Emperor  is  both  willing  and 
anxious  to  iccognize  our  independence,  and  seems  so  to  declare 
himself  without  reserve.  I  had  a  note  the  other  day  from  an 
English  gentleman  of  high  position,  who  told  me  that  he  had 
just  seen  the  Emperor  at  Chalons,  and  who  told  him  in  conver 
sation  that  he  was,  and  had  been  for  some  time,  ready  to  recog 
nize  us,  and  spoke  rather  impatiently  of  the  opposite  disposi 
tion  of  the  British  Government. 

"  I  have  apprised  Mr.  Slidell  of  the  present  opportunity, 
though  I  could  give  him  but  short  notice,  and  hope  he  may 
have  time  to  embrace  it  for  a  dispatch. 

"  We  are  all  much  cheered  and  elated  here  at  the  signal  suc 
cesses  of  our  arms  in  the  series  of  battles  reported  from  the 
Rappahannock  to  the  Potomac  lines  opposite  Washington,  fol 
lowed  up  by  an  arrival  yesterday  announcing  that  our  forces  had 
crossed  into  Maryland.  W>  have  only  the  Northern  accounts, 
but  even  they  are  full  to  show  that  our  victories  have  been 
complete,  and  the  enemy  both  routed  and  disorganized.  At 
this  distance,  and  without  the  power  to  aid,  I  am  filled  with 
emotions  of  gratitude  to  those  by  whose  counsels  and  whose 
courage  such  great  events  have  been  brought  about.  I  look 
with  renewed  confidence  to  the  effect  which  they  must  produce 
on  the  pending  decision  of  the  Emperor  as  to  recognition. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

'  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  State,  to  J.  M.  Mason,  Commissioner 
Confederate  States  to  Great  Britain. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  28th  October,  1862. 

"SiR :  *  *  *  The  subject  of  a  loan  based  on  cotton  cer 
tificates  has  been  fully  considered,  and  you  will  receive  a  com 
munication  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  informing  you 
of  the  conclusions  reached  by  us  after  much  deliberation. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


339 


"  I  communicated  to  the  Secretary  your  tender  of  services 
in  connection  with  this  matter,  and  he  requests  me  to  express 
his  thanks  and  to  solicit  your  aid  and  cooperation  in  any  move 
ments  that  may  be  made  to  secure  success  by  Mr.  Spence,  to 
whom  the  Government  has  confided  the  business,  in  conse 
quence  chiefly  of  your  recommendation.  He  had  been  appointed 
to  take  charge  of  other  negotiations  before  the  receipt  of  your 
last  dispatches. 

"  The  President  desires  me  to  express  his  approval  and  sat 
isfaction  with  your  conduct  in  assuming,  under  the  circum 
stances,  the  responsibility  of  making  the  arrangements  neces 
sary  for  the  success  of  Captain  Sinclair  in  his  arrangements  for 
building  a  ship. 

"  It  is  gratifying  to  perceive  that  you  had,  as  was  confi 
dently  anticipated,  reviewed  your  impressions,  and  determined 
not  to  withdraw  from  London  without  the  previous  instruc 
tions  of  the  President.  Your  correspondence  with  Earl  Rus 
sell  shows  with  what  scant  courtesy  you  have  been  treated,  and 
exhibits  a  marked  contrast  between  the  conduct  of  the  English 
and  French  statesmen  now  in  office,  in  their  intercourse  with 
foreign  agents,  eminently  discreditable  to  the  former.  It  is 
lamentable  that  at  this  late  period  in  the  nineteenth  century 
a  nation  so  enlightened  as  Great  Britain  should  have  failed  yet 
to  discover  that  a  principal  cause  of  the  dislike  and  hatred 
towards  England,  of  which  complaints  are  rife  in  her  Parlia 
ment  and  in  her  press,  is  the  offensive  arrogance  of  some  of  her 
public  men.  The  contrast  is  striking  between  the  polished 
courtesy  of  Mr.  Thouvenal  and  the  rude  incivility  of  Earl  Rus 
sell.  Your  determination  to  submit  to  these  annoyances  in  the 
service  of  your  country,  and  to  overlook  personal  slights  while 
hope  remains  that  your  continued  presence  in  England  may 
benefit  our  cause,  can  not  fail  to  meet  the  warm  approval  of 
your  Government.  I  refrain,  however,  from  further  comment 
on  the  contents  of  your  dispatches  till  the  attention  of  the 
President  (now  concentrated  on  efforts  to  repair  the  ill  effects 
of  the  failure  of  the  Kentucky  campaign)  can  be  directed  to  your 
correspondence  with  Earl  Russell.  «  j  am  sjr 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"J.  P.  BENJAMIN." 


340 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


In  contrast  with  "  the  scant  courtesy  of  Earl  Russell,"  a 
few  extracts  are  taken  from  Mr.  Mason's  private  memorandum 
book,  which  tell  of  the  kind  welcome  extended  to  him  by  many 
English  people  whose  positions  in  the  social  and  political  cir 
cles  of  that  day  are  well  known : 

Arrived  in  London  January  29,   1862. 

February  9,  dined  with  Hon.  W.  H.  Gregory,  M.  P.  for 
Galway,  Ireland,  at  the  Garrick  Club ;  met  Alex.  Baring,  M.  P., 
Mr.  Bocock  and  others. 

February  10,  dined  with  John  W.  Cowell,  Esq. ;  met  Mr. 
Gregory  only.  Mr.  Cowell  is  a  retired  gentleman  of  family, 
who  spent  two  years  in  the  United  States  in  1837-38. 

February  n,  breakfasted  with  Richard  Cobden,  Esq.,  M.  P. 
Same  day  dined  with  John  K.  Gilliat,  of  the  firm  of  John  K. 
Gilliat  and  Company.  Met  a  party  of  ladies  and  gentlemen. 

February  13,  dined  with  Sir  James  Ferguson;  met  Lords 
Dufferin  and  Carnarvon,  Mr.  Gregory,  Mr.  Baring  and  others. 

February  23,  dined  again  with  Mr.  Cowell  to  talk  over 
American  affairs. 

February  28,  dined  with  Lord  Overstone,  and  met  a  pleas 
ant  party  of  nobility. 

March  2,  a  Sunday  dinner  with  Lord  and  Lady  Overstone ; 
a  family  party,  and  very  pleasant. 

March  7,  dined  with  Rev.  Ernest  Hawkins ;  an  agreeable 
dinner;  some  of  the  clergy  and  others. 

March  u,  dined  with  Sir  Edward  and  Lady  Caroline  Ker- 
rison;  met  their  uncle,  Mr.  Ellice,  and  an  agreeable  party. 

March  22,  dined  with  Mr.  Cowell  to  meet  General  Sir  John 
Burgoyne,  son  of  General  Burgoyne,  of  the  Revolution,  and  his 
daughter  and  son-in-law,  Captain  and  Mrs.  Wrottesley.  Lord 
Wrottesley,  father  of  the  captain,  resides  in  Staffordshire,  near 
the  Gunston  Estate,  and  this  dinner  to  bring  us  together. 

March  29,  breakfasted  with  Sir  Culling  Eardley,  the  great 
humanitarian  and  emancipationist;  met  several  gentlemen  of 
that  type,  and  had  a  long  but  temperate  discussion  on  slavery  in 
Southern  States. 

March  31,  breakfasted  with  Sir  Henry  and  Lady  Holland. 
Sir  Henry  is  a  physician  of  great  eminence,  who  attended  the 
Prince  of  Wales  to  the  United  States,  and  Lady  Holland  a 
daughter  of  the  late  Rev.  Sydney  Smith. 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


April  2,  lunched  with  Sir  Culling  Eardley,  by  invitation, 
at  i  P.  M. ;  found  a  small  party  of  guests;  was  asked  the  history 
of  the  "  Fugitive  Slave  Law  "  (ascribed  to  me)  and  the  history 
of  the  "  Dred  Scott  case." 

April  7,  by  invitation  from  Lord  Abinger,  a  peer  com 
manding  the  Scots  Fusileer  Guards,  went  to  visit  him  and  dine 
with  the  regiment  mess  at  Eastbourne ;  very  rainy  and  bad 
weather  but  an  agreeable  party ;  target-shooting  by  his  corps  on 
the  beach;  returned  next  day  to  London,  although  pressed  to 
remain  by  Lord  Abinger. 

April  13,  dined  with  Alex.  Baring,  M.  P.,  at  the  "  Garrick 
Club";  met  the  Marquis  of  Bath,  an  intelligent  and  accom 
plished  young  gentleman. 

April  23,  visited  the  Marquis  of  Bath  at  his  seat,  Long- 
leat,  in  Wiltshire ;  guests,  his  uncle,  Lord  Edward  Thyne  and 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Fane ;  remained  until  the  26th,  and  was  most  cour 
teously  and  hospitably  entertained.  The  estate  of  Longleat 
comprises  15,000  acres.  He  is  thirty-one  years  of  age,  and 
married  a  daughter  of  Viscount  de  Vesci,  an  Irish  peer. 

April  30,  dined  with  Lord  Campbell  Stratheden,  at  his 
residence,  Stratheden  House ;  met  Sir  James  Scarlett,  of  the 
Crimean  War,  the  Hon.  Mrs.  Norton,  the  authoress,  and  others. 

May  i,  at  a  reception  of  the  Duchess  of  Sutherland  and 
Cromartie.  Went  with  the  two  Misses  Williams,  of  Tennessee, 
daughters  of  the  late  Minister  of  the  United  States  to  Constan 
tinople.  Went  at  ii  P.  M.,  and  reached  the  Duchess,  to  make 
our  devoirs  about  12 ;  a  great  crowd  of  the  nobility,  the  Crown 
Prince  of  Prussia,  the  Duchess  and  Princess  May,  of  Cam 
bridge,  and  others  of  the  Royal  family,  it  was  said,  were  present. 
Got  away  about  1.30  A.  M,  Stafford  House  is,  perhaps,  the 
largest  and  most  sumptuous  in  London.  The  Duke  asked  me 
to  remain  until  the  company  were  gone,  and  smoke  a  cigar  with 
him;  could  not  because  of  my  charge  of  the  young  ladies. 

May  7,  Mr.  Gregory  told  me  that  Prince  Oscar,  of  Sweden, 
now  in  London,  expressed  a  desire  to  see  and  talk  with  me  on 
American  affairs.  By  his  appointment,  I  called  on  him  to-day 
at  2  P.  M.  and  had  a  long  conversation.  The  Prince  expressed 
himself  earnestly  on  the  Southern  side,  and  put  many  ques 
tions.  I  assured  him  we  could  never  be  conquered.  A  young 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

and  intelligent  man  of  thirty  years.     With  him  nearly  an  hour. 

May  25,  dined  at  the  Stafford  House  with  the  Duke  of 
Sutherland;  the  Duchess  the  only  lady  present;  sat  near  her  at 
table  and  in  the  drawing-room,  after  dinner;  had  much  conver 
sation  with  her.  Her  title  is  "  Duchess  of  Sutherland  and 
Cromartie";  a  very  pretty  and  intelligent  lady  of  thirty  years; 
Lord  Dufferin  and  others  of  the  nobility,  at  table,  inter  alios 
Baron  Rothschild. 

July  6,  Mr.  Richard  Cobden  at  breakfast  with  me;  had  a 
long  conversation  on  American  affairs ;  Mr.  C.  decidedly  North 
ern  in  his  sympathies,  but  deploring  the  war;  admits  his  sym 
pathies  with  the  North  because  anti-slavery. 

July  12,  a  visit  this  morning  from  Mr.  Seymour  Fitzgerald. 
Under  Secretary  of  State  in  the  Derby  Administration.  He 
called  to  have  a  private  conversation  on  the  proposed  movement 
in  the  House  of  Commons  for  intervention  in  American  affairs. 
Agreed  to  call  at  his  house  on  Tuesday,  the  isth  instant,  to 
visit  the  Earl  of  Malmesbury  on  the  same  subject.  The  Earl 
was  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs  in  same  administration. 

July  1 6,  a  visit  from  the  Earl  of  Malmesbury  to  talk  on 
American  affairs. 

July  19,  dined  with  Seymour  Fitzgerald,  at  his  residence; 
a  large  party  of  M.  P's. 

"  54  DEVONSHIRE  STREET,  PORTLAND  PLACE, 

"  LONDON,  October  ist,  1862. 

"  MY  DEAR  SON  :  The  return  of  Mr.  S.  to  Texas  gives  me 
the  first  opportunity  of  sending  you  a  letter  since  I  left 
home  which  I  could  hope  would  reach  you.  Deplorable 
as  have  been  the  consequences  of  the  war  to  those  we 
value  most,  yet  I  am  ever  filled  with  joy  and  gratitude  at  the 
spirit  of  our  people  in  braving  it,  and  the  indomitable  purpose 
to  win  their  independence.  England  stands  amazed  at  the 
courage,  constancy,  and  self-sacrificing  spirit  of  the  South;  and 
notwithstanding  the  supineness  of  the  Government  in  refusing 
acknowledgment  of  our  independence,  the  public  judgment  of  the 
English  mind  is  that  independence  is  established.  After  such 
repeated  disappointments  I  should  hesitate  to  predict,  but  I  think 
recognition  is  not  very  far  off.  France  is  both  ready  and  willing. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON.          ^43 

but  England  holds  back,  and  they,  it  seems,  have  agreed  not  to 
act  separately.  You  will  have  heard  how  the  vandals,  whilst  in 
Winchester,  desolated  our  dear  home,  and  that  your  excellent 
mother  and  sisters  had,  very  prudently,  abandoned  it  in  advance. 
I  have  great  comfort  in  knowing  that  they  are  all  safe  in  the 
southern  part  of  the  State,  and  in  the  midst  of  a  body  of  friends, 
able  and  willing  to  guide  and  protect  them. 

"  I  have  been  kindly  and  hospitably  received  by  society  in 
London,  both  Peers  and  Commons  ;  indeed,  their  highest  orders 
are  only  the  types  of  Southern  gentlemen  and  ladies,  simple,  genial, 
and  unostentatious.  If  you  can  get  a  letter  into  the  hands  of 
some  friend  at  Brownsville,  who  would  trouble  himself  to  put 
it  in  the  right  channel  to  reach  Vera  Cruz  or  Tampico,  it  would 
reach  me.  Do  write  if  you  can,  and  tell  me  all  that  interests  you 
and  yours.  My  best  love  to  Ella  and  dear  little  Jemmy,  and  the 
young  one,  too,  who  may  recollect  Grandpa. 
"  Yours  most  affectionately, 

"  T.  M.  MASON." 
"  To  George  Mason,  Galveston, 


DISPATCH  No.  18. 
"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  LONDON,  October  30,  1862. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State: 

"  SIR  :  It  becomes  my  painful  duty  to  inform  the  Govern 
ment  of  an  occurrence  which  has  recently  happened  on  board  the 
Confederate  States  ship  '  Sumter,'  lying  in  the  bay  of  Gibraltar. 

"  Captain  Semmes  and  his  officers  having  been  transferred  to 
the  '  Alabama,'  the  '  Sumter  '  was  left  in  charge  of  a  midshipman 
and  a  boat's  crew  only  —  a  guard  deemed  sufficient  by  Captain 
Semmes.  On  the  I4th  of  this  month  I  received  a  telegram  from 
vSergeant  Stephenson  of  the  Marines,  one  of  those  left  in  charge  of 
the  ship,  stating  that  Acting-midshipman  Andrews  (in  command) 
had  been  shot  and  killed  by  one  of  the  men  named  Hester,  who 
was  master's  mate;  that  Hester  had  been  taken  into  custody  by 
the  civil  authorities  there;  and  asking  for  instructions,  I  imme 
diately  replied,  by  telegraph,  to  Sergeant  Stephenson,  directing 
him  to  take  charge  of  the  ship  and  the  public  property  on  board, 
and  that  an  officer  would  be  sent  at  once  to  relieve  him. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  Lieutenant  Chapman,  a  former  officer  of  the  '  Sumter/ 
was  then  in  Paris,  on  duty  assigned  to  him  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy.  I  wrote  to  him  to  proceed  immediately  to  Gibraltar 
and  take  command  of  the  ship.  After  the  death  of  Midshipman 
Andrews,  and  the  arrest  of  the  master's  mate,  the  only  person  on 
board  having  the  semblance  of  authority  was  the  sergeant  of 
marines.  Some  days  after,  I  received  a  letter,  dated  on  board  the 
'  Sumter/  the  I7th  of  October,  signed  by  all  the  ship's  crew 
(only  nine  in  number),  including  the  sergeant  of  marines, 
denouncing,  in  strong  terms,  the  act  of  Hester  as  a  '  cool, 
deliberate  murder/  and  promising  that  everything  should  be 
done  by  those  on  board  to  take  care  of  the  ship  until  further 
orders.  I  subsequently  received  two  letters  from  a  Mr.  George 
F.  Coonwall,  dated  respectively  at  Gibraltar,  the  I7th  and  22d  of 
October,  informing  me  that  he  had  been  engaged  as  counsel  by 
Hester;  and  vindicating  it  on  the  ground  that  Midshipman 
Andrews  '  had  expressed  his  determination  to  take  the  vessel 
out  of  this  port  (Gibraltar)  and  give  her  up  at  Algesiras  to  the 
United  States  ship  '  Supply/  then  in  the  latter  port,  and  threat 
ened  to  shoot  any  one  who  opposed  his  purpose.'  Mr.  Hester 
not  being  (as  he  says)  able  to  rely  on  the  crew,  adopted  this 
fatal  course,  and  believes  that  he  has  only  done  his  duty.  I  should 
have  stated  above,  that  in  the  letter  from  the  crew  of  the 
'  Sumter  '  no  particulars  of  the  affair  were  given,  nor  anything 
stated  as  the  cause  of  the  affair  except,  as  in  the  following  para 
graph  quoted  from  that  letter  : 

"  '  As  regards  the  accusation  made  by  Mr.  Hester  against 
Mr.  Andrews  being  a  traitor,  it  is,  as  far  as  we  all  know,  entirely 
without  foundation,  for  he  was  one  that  was  beloved  and  re 
spected  by  all  who  knew  him,  more  especially  by  his  crew.' 

"  Lieutenant  Chapman  came  immediately  to  London  on 
receipt  of  my  letter,  as  the  shortest  route  to  Gibraltar,  and  sailed 
for  that  port  in  the  mail-packet  on  Monday  last,  the  I7th  inst. 
He  should  have  arrived  there  yesterday. 

"  I  instructed  Lieutenant  Chapman  to  make  a  full  inquiry 
into  the  affair  and  its  circumstances,  and  to  report  them  accord 
ingly.  In  the  letters  of  Mr.  Coonewall,  the  counsel,  he  reports 
the  earnest  request  of  Hester  that  I  would  provide  means  for  his 
defence,  and  in  his  last  letter,  a  like  request  that  I  would  take 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASOtf. 


measures  to  have  the  prisoner  restored  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Confederate  States,  fearing  the  result  of  a  trial  by  the  British 
authorities.  He  further  requests  that  measures  may  be  taken  to 
have  certain  officers  of  the  '  Sumter,'  including  Lieutenant  Chap 
man,  brought  as  witnesses  on  his  behalf  at  his  trial. 

"  I  can  form  no  opinion  of  what  it  may  be  proper  for  me  to 
do  in  the  premises,  until  I  get  the  report  of  Lieutenant  Chap 
man.  Should  there  be  reasonable  foundation  for  the  alleged 
belief  of  Hester  that  Andrews  designed  the  surrender  of  the  ship 
to  the  enemy,  I  shall  consider  it  my  duty  to  do  whatever  may  be 
found  best  to  give  him  the  full  benefit  of  the  proofs  he  may  adduce. 
On  the  question  of  jurisdiction,  it  would  certainly  be  right  that 
he  should  be  tried  under  the  authority  of  our  Government,  but 
even  should  the  jurisdiction  be  yielded  by  the  British  Govern 
ment  (which  in  our  unrecognized  condition  is  by  no  means  cer 
tain),  I  should  be  at  a  great  loss  to  know  how  to  bring  the 
prisoner  to  trial,  and  what  to  do  with  him  in  the  meantime.  This, 
however,  can  be  only  or  best  determined  after  getting  Lieutenant 
Chapman's  report. 

"  I  have  further  to  state  in  the  dilemma  arising  out  of  this 
unfortunate  affair,  and  with  the  entire  concurrence  and  advice 
of  Captains  Bullock  and  Sinclair,  of  the  Navy,  as  well  as  Lieu 
tenant  Chapman,  I  have  determined  to  have  the  *  Sumter  *  sold, 
and  have  taken  measures  to  have  the  sale  made  by  Captain  Bul 
lock,  the  senior  officer  in  the  service  here.  Her  armament,  and 
such  stores  of  clothing,  etc.,  as  can  be  used  in  fitting  out  other 
ships,  will  be  reserved. 

'*  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.  19. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  LONDON,  November  4th,  1862. 
"  Hon.  /.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State: 

"SiR:  In  my  No.  16,  of  the  i8th  of  September  last,  I 
advised  you  of  my  opinion  that  money  might  be  commanded 
here  by  the  Confederate  Government,  and  in  large  amounts,  upon 
obligations  for  the  delivery  of  cotton.  I  revert  to  that  subject 
now  and  more  at  length. 


346 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASOX. 


"  In  order  to  obtain  as  full  and  satisfactory  information 
as  could  be  had  prospectively  on  this  subject,  I  sought  an  inter 
view  with  Mr.  W.  S.  Lindsay,  who  is  the  founder  and  principal  in 
the  house  of  W.  S.  Lindsay  and  Company,  of  London.  I  do  not 
know  whether  you  are  acquainted  with  the  reputation  of  the 
house,  but  he  is  known  as  the  largest  ship-owner  in  England— 
of  the  most  extended  commercial  connection,  and  is  trusted  and 
consulted  in  commercial  matters,  as  well  by  his  own  Government, 
as  by  the  Emperor  of  the  French — an  original  and  steady  friend 
of  the  Southern  States,  and  who  has  been  for  many  years  a  mem 
ber  of  Parliament.  Through  his  house,  as  stated  in  my  No.  16, 
bonds  for  the  delivery  of  cotton  were  negotiated  to  the  amount 
of  sixty  thousand  pounds  sterling,  for  the  use  of  the  Navy- 
Department. 

"  Mr.  Lindsay  brought  to  me  afterwards  a  Mr.  Thomas  Hug- 
gins,  a  stockholder  of  this  city,  as  one  of  the  best  acquainted 
with  moneyed  affairs  here,  and  I  enclose  you  herewith  a  memo 
randum  furnished  by  him,  embodying  his  views  on  the  subject, 
together  with  a  letter  from  Mr.  Lindsay,  referring  to  it  as 
Paper  A.  You  will  see  that  Mr.  Huggins  contemplates  an  Act 
of  Congress  authorizing  this  mode  of  finance  to  be  recited  in  the 
bond.  This,  I  have  no  doubt,  would  make  them  more  accep 
table  in  the  market.  The  main  thing,  however,  is  the  principle 
of  raising  money  in  this  mode,  and  the  price  at  which  the  Gov 
ernment  can  properly  enter  into  it  as  the  seller  of  cotton  for 
future  delivery.  In  view  of  what  we  learn  is  the  present  price 
of  cotton  (fourpence  sterling  per  pound — equal  to  eight  cents 
in  coin  of  our  money),  it  is  certainly  low;  but  Mr.  Huggins,  I 
think  wisely  suggests  that  the  price,  in  after  issues  would  be 
adjusted,  having  in  view  the  elements  of  market-value  and  ex 
change,  by  the  appreciation  in  value  of  the  bonds  after  they  came 
into  market.  Thus,  that  the  first  issue  of  bonds  should  be  for  a 
comparatively  small  amount :  say,  one  hundred  thousand  pounds 
sterling,  or,  if  desired,  double  the  sum.  He  does  not  doubt  that 
this  amount  could  be  readily  placed  (as  they  call  it)  at  fourpence 
per  pound.  They  would  go  into  the  hands  of  large  holders,  who 
would  expect  to  part  with  the  whole  or  a  portion  of  them  at  a 
profit.  He  thinks  this  form  of  investment  would  present  an  in 
viting  speculation;  and  that  the  bonds  so  issued  would  rapidly 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


appreciate,  and,  thus,  the  Government  would  have  the  advantage 
of  whatever  premium  they  might  attain  in  its  subsequent  issues. 
He  does  not  think  that  increasing  the  price  of  the  cotton  in  such 
subsequent  issues,  would  be  likely  to  produce  as  large  avails 
as  by  retaining  the  original  price  and  looking  to  the  appreciation 
of  the  bonds.  This,  however,  could  be  best  adjusted  on  ex 
perience.  The  state  of  exchange  and  fluctuating  price  of  cotton 
so  materially  affect  a  scheme  of  this  kind  (elements  better  known 
to  you  than  to  me),  that  I  am  at  a  loss  to  express  an  opinion  as 
to  the  advantage  of  such  loan,  but  it  is  very  certain,  that  in  the 
form  proposed,  money  can  be  had  at  once.  Indeed  Mr.  Lindsay 
told  me  I  might  say  to  the  Government  that,  apart  from  the 
other  probable  demand,  he  would  undertake  to  furnish,  through 
himself  and  connections,  from  a  quarter  to  a  half  million  of 
pounds  sterling. 

"  I  send  with  this,  the  form  of  the  bond  issued  by  Captain 
Sinclair  and  endorsed  by  me,  which  will  give  the  outline  of  the 
proposed  transaction. 

"  I  send  also,  with  this  dispatch,  Mr.  Slidell's  No.  18,  which 
he  forwarded  to  me  for  transmission,  accompanied  by  a  proposal 
from  the  banking  house  of  M.  M.  Emile  Erlanger  &  Company, 
of  Paris,  for  the  loan  to  the  Government  of  five  millions  of 
pounds  sterling ;  accompanied  by  sundry  printed  papers  from  that 
house,  together  with  a  letter  from  them  to  Mr.  Slidell,  referring 
to  the  subject. 

"  I  have  no  information  about  this  house  except  such  as  is 
furnished  by  Mr.  Slidell,  and  which,  I,  in  no  manner,  doubt. 

"  The  proposals,  as  you  will  see,  impart  an  agreement  to 
which  I  am  made  party  for  submitting  them  to  the  Government, 
vouching  for  the  character  of  the  house  (in  Article  20),  and 
advising  that  a  person  be  appointed  in  Europe  '  to  sign  a  defini 
tive  contract/  etc.  Lest  my  act  should  be  misinterpreted  at 
home,  I  did  not  feel  disposed  to  sign  the  paper.  Mr.  Slidell 
having  access  to  information  in  Paris  which  I  had  not,  might  well 
agree  to  submit  the  plan  for  consideration,  when  I,  in  the  absence 
of  such  information,  perhaps,  ought  not.  Do  not  understand, 
therefore,  that  the  absence  of  my  name  from  the  paper  imports 
anything  more  than  the  want  of  proper  information.  I  thought 
it  possible,  too,  in  presenting  projects  from  both  London  and 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


Paris  on  this  subject,  my  formal  signature  of  the  Paris  pro 
posals  might  seem  (unexplained),  to  give  them  countenance  over 
those  from  here.  It  certainly  seems  .to  me  that  the  London  plan 
offers  the  best  scheme  of  finance;  and  it  can  be  adopted  pro 
gressively  or  discontinued,  if  found  inadvisable.  What  incidental 
political  advantages  might  attend  the  Paris  plan,  Mr.  Slidell  is 
far  more  competent  to  determine  than  I  can  be.  I  can  only  add, 
should  the  Government  be  disposed  to  commit  anything  to  me  on 
this  subject,  I  shall  execute  its  orders  under  the  guidance  of  the 
best  counsels  I  can  obtain  here.  Mr.  Lindsay's  letter,  enclosed, 
refers  also,  and  at  some  length,  to  a  plan  of  direct  intercourse  by 
steam  between  Europe  and  the  Confederate  States,  at  the  ports 
of  Norfolk  and  New  Orleans,  by  the  French  '  Compagnie 
Generate  Trans-Atlantique,'  of  which  he  sends,  with  his  letter, 
their  organization  as  printed.  These  proposals,  I  need  not  say, 
are  worthy  of  the  mature  consideration  of  the  Government.  The 
capital  is  large,  in  able  hands,  and  under  the  most  responsible 
directory ;  and,  as  will  be  seen,  has  the  potent  aid  and  patronage 
of  the  French  Emperor. 

;<  The  plan  of  the  company  was  to  run  a  line  between  France 
and  the  United  States.  Mr.  Lindsay,  I  know,  is  intimate  in  the 
commercial  counsels  of  the  French  Emperor,  who  relies  much 
on  his  judgment  and  experience  :  and  I  know  that  the  latter  sends 
for  him  occasionally  to  consult  with  him  on  matters  pertaining 
to  French  commerce.  He  has  had,  moreover,  a  large  agency  in 
establishing  and  regulating  the  commercial  relations  and  inter 
course  between  the  two  Governments.  You  will  remark  by  the 
extract  from  his  letter  to  the  manager  of  the  French  company, 
that  he  points  very  strongly  to  the  reasons  why  the  proposed 
intercourse  with  America  should  be  changed  from  North  to 
South :  and  he  says  in  his  letter  to  me  (enclosed  herewith),  that 
on  these,  conditions  he  will  become  a  member  of  the  directory ; 
and,  at  the  close  of  the  war,  will  go  in  person  to  the  South,  and  if 
acceptable  to  our  Government,  will  there  arrange  the  terms,  etc. 
He  thinks,  as  doubtless  you  will,  that  it  is  of  the  greatest  moment 
everything  should  be  in  readiness  to  open  this  communication 
immediately,  upon  the  close  of  the  war,  or  the  opening  of  our 
ports ;  and  I  know  enough  of  him  and  of  his  influence,  both  here 
and  on  the  Continent,  to  be  assured  that  the  matter  could  not  be 
in  more  friendly  or  judicious  hands. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


349 


"  The  business  affairs  of  the  house  of  Messrs.  Lindsay  & 
Company,  are  now  chiefly  managed  by  other  members  of  the 
firm.  Mr.  L.  himself  devotes  a  great  deal  of  time  to  matters  of 
more  general  and  public  interest  connected  with  commerce,  and 
which  he  is  well  able  to  do,  being  of  large  and  independent 
fortune. 

"  I  have  had  several  plans  laid  before  me  by  merchants  and 
others  here,  all  eager  to  grasp  the  first  fruits  of  direct  trade  with 
the  South;  but  they  come  altogether  from  private  individuals, 
who  will  have  to  look  up  the  capital  to  begin  with,  and  must  rely 
mainly  for  success  on  aid  expected  from  the  Confederate  States' 
Government,  over  all  which  the  French  Company  certainly  has 
overshadowing  advantages. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

[UNOFFICIAL.] 

"  24  UPPER  SEYMOUR  STREET,  PORTMAN  SQUARE. 

"  LONDON,  November  8th,  1862. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State: 

"  SIR  :  My  dispatches  by  Lieutenant  Wilkinson  went  off 
yesterday.  I  write  this  unofficial  note  to  overtake  him  and  reach 
you  with  them. 

"  Since  they  were  written,  what  was  rumour  then  has  at 
tained  a  form  of  authenticity  which  leads  me  at  once  to  send  it 
to  you. 

"  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Emperor  of  France  has  proposed 
to  England  and  Russia  that  the  three  powers  should  unite  in 
proposing  to  the  belligerents  of  America  an  armistice  for  six 
months,  with  the  blockade  removed  as  part  of  the  armistice,  and 
it  is  confidently  asserted  that  Russia  has  assented  to  it.  . 

"  I  have  not  been  able  to  gather  opinion  from  public  men, 
of  what  England  may  do,  but  it  is  hardly  probable  that  she  will 
refuse  her  concurrence. 

"  You  may  receive  as  a  fact  that  the  Emperor  of  France  has 
made  the  proposal.  I  can  not  speak  with  like  certainty  of  the 
assent  of  Russia,  but  believe  it  to  be  true. 

"  You  may  learn  all  this  probably  through  the   Northern 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


papers  before  this  reaches  you,  but  it  may  come  as  rumour  only ; 
I  therefore  hasten  to  send  it  to  you  as  above. 
"  I  have  the  honour  to  be  very  respectfully, 
"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.  12. 

4tJ.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  State,  to  J.  M.  Mason,  Commissioner 
Confederate  States  to  Great  Britain. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 
"  RICHMOND,  January  i5th,  1863. 

"SiR:  A  copy  of  your  No.  18  has  been  furnished  to  the 
Navy  Department,  which  has  issued  the  proper  instructions,  as 
I  am  informed,  in  relation  to  the  Sumter's  affairs.  I  believe  Mr. 
Mallory  is  entirely  satisfied  that  your  course  in  ordering  the 
sale  of  the  vessel ;  it  was  the  best  that  could  be  adopted  under  the 
circumstances.  The  conflicting  statements  of  Hester  and  the 
crew  render  it  extremely  embarrassing  to  suggest  any  course  of 
action  in  relation  to  the  unfortunate  occurrence  on  board  of 
that  vessel ;  besides  which,  it  is  scarcely  probable  that  any  in 
structions  from  this  side  could  reach  you  in  time  to  determine 
your  action.  Under  all  the  circumstances,  therefore,  it  is  thought 
best  that  you  should  exercise  your  own  discretion  as  to  the 
proper  course  to  be  pursued,  after  satisfying  yourself  of  the  true 
state  of  facts. 

"  If  Hester's  statement  be  false,  it  is  certainly  a  very  bold 
device  on  his  part  to  escape  the  consequences  of  his  crime,  and 
I  confess  that  it  seems  to  me  more  probable  that  his  statements 
are  true  than  that  they  were  invented  as  an  excuse  for  his  act. 

"  A  copy  of  your  No.  19  has  been  furnished  to  Mr.  Mem- 
menger,  and  we  have  had  several  conferences  on  the  subject.  The 
plan  recommended  by  Mr.  Lindsay  had  been  substantially 
adopted  prior  to  the  receipt  of  your  dispatch,  and  cotton  bonds 
to  a  considerable  amount  had  been  forwarded  to  Europe,  in  order 
that  they  might  be  disposed  of  by  Mr.  Spence,  with  the  aid  and 
advice  of  Messrs.  Fraser,  Trenholm  &  Company,  after  being 
verified  and  signed  by  you.  This  agency  was  confided  to  Mr. 
Spence  in  deference  to  your  advice,  and  you  will  perceive,  there- 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY    MASON. 


..351 


fore,  that  it  is  out  of  the  power  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
to  avail  himself  of  the  tender  of  services  of  Messrs.  Lindsay,  which 
would  have  been  quite  acceptable.  The  bonds  sent  to  Mr.  Spence 
are  for  cotton  at  fivepence,  and  at  that  rate  they  seem  to  us  ex 
cessively  low  and  are  sent  in  the  hope  that  they  will  command  a 
handsome  premium.  It  occurs  to  us  that  the  basis  on  which  the 
value  of  cotton  is  placed  by  Messrs.  Lindsay  and  Mr.  Huggins  is 
by  no  means  a  reasonable  one.  The  average  value  of  cotton  dur 
ing  the  five  years  that  preceded  this  war,  when  abundant  supplies 
were  supposed  to  be  always  accessible,  and  when  enormous  ac 
cumulations  of  stock  of  both  the  raw  material  and  the  manufac 
tured  articles  existed  in  the  principal  marts  of  the  world,  is  surely 
no  basis  for  estimating  the  future  value  of  cotton,  when  the 
crops  of  the  three  years  of  the  war  will  not  much  exceed  a  single 
year's  supply,  when  accumulated  stocks  have  been  exhausted, 
and  particularly  in  view  of  the  fact  that  for  the  first  few  years  of 
peace  the  supplies  from  this  country  will  still  continue  to  be 
limited  by  reason  of  the  exhaustion  produced  by  the  war,  and  the 
diversion  of  slave  labor  to  many  other  pursuits.  It  is  my  deliber 
ate  opinion  that  cotton  of  the  quality  of  middling  Orleans  can 
not  be  sold  below  eightpence  for  a  series  of  years. 

"  In  relation  to  a  loan  of  which  those  gentlemen  made  men 
tion,  there  is  no  desire  nor  intention  on  our  part  to  effect  a  loan 
in  Europe.  When  peace  shall  return  and  our  position  is  firmly 
secured,  if  we  can  obtain  a  large  loan  at  low  rates  so  as  to  con 
vert  our  debt  to  advantage,  no  doubt  we  shall  be  ready  to  do  so ; 
but  during  the  war  we  want  only  such  moderate  sums  as  are 
required  abroad  for  the  purchase  of  warlike  supplies  and  for 
vessels,  and  even  that  is  not  required  because  of  our  want  of 
funds,  but  because  of  the  difficulty  of  remittance.  I  state  these 
facts,  because  we  already  perceive  both  in  England  and  France 
indications  that  an  impression  is  entertained  of  our  desire  to  raise 
money  by  loan,  while  such  is  not  the  policy  of  the  Government. 

'  The  agents  of  Messrs.  Erlanger  and  Company  arrived  a  few 
-days  before  your  dispatches,  and  were  quite  surprised  to  find 
their  proposals  were  considered  inadmissible.  They  very  soon 
discovered  how  infinitely  stronger  we  were,  and  how  much 
more  abundant  our  resources  than  they  had  imagined.  We 
finally  agreed  with  them  to  take  fifteen  millions  instead  of  twenty- 


352 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


five  which  they  offered.  Instead  of  seventy  per  cent,  for  our 
bonds  bearing  interest  at  eight  per  cent,  they  have  agreed  to 
give  seventy-seven  per  cent,  for  our  bonds  bearing  interest  at 
seven  per  cent.,  and  if  payment  is  made  in  cotton  we  are  to  be 
allowed  sixpence  a  pound  for  it.  These  terms,  although  vastly 
better  than  the  outline  of  contract  made  in  Paris,  were  considered 
by  us  so  onerous,  that  we  were  unwilling  to  take  the  whole 
amount  offered,  and  would  have  declined  it  altogether,  but  for 
the  political  considerations  indicated  by  Mr.  Slidell,  in  whose 
judgment  in  such  matters  we  are  disposed  to  place  very  great 
confidence. 

"  The  subject  of  steam  connection  between  Europe  and  the 
Confederacy  is  one  which  we  look  to  with  deep  interest,  and  the 
President  has  read  with  great  satisfaction  the  communication  ad 
dressed  by  Mr.  Lindsay.  He  desires  me  to  express  his  acknowl 
edgments  for  the  offer  of  Mr.  Lindsay  to  interest  himself  in  the 
establishment  of  a  connection  between  us  and  France  by  means 
of  the  French  Company,  and  to  assure  Mr.  Lindsay,  through 
you,  of  the  great  pleasure  with  which  he  would  receive  that 
gentleman's  proposed  visit  to  our  country,  and  the  confidence 
he  entertains  that  Mr.  Lindsay's  enlarged  experience  would  be 
of  great  value  to  us  in  the  commercial  and  foreign  postal  arrange 
ments  which  will  become  necessary  on  the  establishment  of  peace. 
If  Mr.  Lindsay  should  carry  into  effect  his  purpose  of  visiting 
Richmond,  he  will  be  received  not  only  with  the  cordial  welcome 
due  to  his  position  and  character,  but  with  evidence  that  we  have 
not  been  insensible  to  the  generous  sympathies  in  our  behalf 
which  he  has  so  constantly  and  efficiently  exhibited  from  the 
very  beginning  of  our  contest. 

"  You  are  however,  aware,  that  under  our  Constitution  it 
is  not  within  the  power  of  the  Confederate  Government  to  grant 
postal  subsidies,  as  the  provision  is  express  '  that  the  expenses 
of  the  Post-Office  Department  after  the  first  day  of  March,  1863, 
shall  be  paid  out  of  its  own  revenues/  The  whole  extent  of  the 
aid  that  we  could  give  to  a  line  of  steamers  therefore,  would  be 
the  gross  proceeds  of  the  inland  and  sea  postages  on  the  mails 
carried  by  it ;  but  this  would  be  no  inconsiderable  sum  as  soon  as 
commerce  resumes  its  regular  peaceful  channels.  If  necessary, 
statistics  could  be  prepared  on  this  point,  exhibiting  the  probable 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


revenue  to  be  derived  from  that  source.  But  although  the  Con 
federate  Government  is  thus  without  power  under  the  Constitu 
tion  to  grant  postal  subsidies,  the  several  States  have  such  power, 
and  it  is  deemed  highly  probable  that  the  State  of  Virginia,  in 
view  of  the  great  advantages  she  would  derive  from  the  establish 
ment  of  a  line  of  steamers  terminating  at  Norfolk,  would  make  a 
reasonable  grant  for  such  a  purpose.  This  you  will  understand, 
however,  to  be  a  mere  expression  of  personal  opinion,  and  you 
are  the  best  judge  of  its  value. 

"  We  have  not  a  word  from  Mr.  Slidell  or  yourself  since  the 
publication  of  the  correspondence  between  the  Cabinets  of  Great 
Britain,  France,  and  Russia  early  in  November  last.  My  dis 
patch  No.  n,  sent  in  duplicate,  and  which  I  hope  has  reached 
you,  contained  a  full  exposition  of  the  view  of  the  Government 
in  relation  to  the  probable  effects  of  peace  on  our  commerce,  and 
the  President's  message  sent  herewith,  contains  so  full  a  review 
of  our  internal  condition  as  to  relieve  me  from  the  necessity  of 
further  detail. 

"  I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN." 

DISPATCH  No.  '20. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"LONDON,  November  7th,  1862. 
"  Hon.  J  .  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  From  here  I  have  nothing  new  to  report.  A  meet 
ing  of  the  Cabinet  which  had  been  called  for  the  23d  of  October, 
which  it  was  generally  believed  had  been  convoked  to  deliberate 
on  American  affairs,  was  not  held;  Earl  Russell  notifying  the 
Ministers  by  telegraph  on  the  day  previous  that  it  was  unneces 
sary  for  them  to  attend;  nor  have  I  heard  of  any  called  since. 
Indeed  the  purpose  of  those  who  rule  in  the  Cabinet  seems 
obdurate  not  to  recognize  now,  nor  to  give  intimation  when,  or 
under  what  circumstances  recognition  may  be  expected;  still 
everything  that  occurs  at  the  North,  or  in  the  operations  of  the 
armies  works  favorably  for  us  in  the  public  judgment.  Even  the 
Emancipation  Proclamation,  which  it  is  believed  was  issued 
under  the  promptings  of  their  Minister  Adams,  as  the  means  of 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


warding  off  recognition,  had  little  other  effect  than  to  disappoint 
the  Anti-slavery  party  here,  and  met  with  general  contempt  and 
derision.  It  was  seen  through  at  once,  and  contemned  ac 
cordingly. 

"  The  cotton  famine,  however,  which  has  been  pressing  hard 
upon  the  manufacturing  districts,  is  looming  up  in  fearful  pro 
portions.  It  is  stated  that  there  are,  now,  some  hundred  thou 
sand  of  the  population  entirely  dependent  on  charity  for  subsist 
ence  ;  and  this  large  number  is  increasing  at  from  ten  to  twenty 
thousand  a  week :  added  to  which,  pestilence  in  the  form  of  low 
or  typhoid  fever,  has  already  commenced  its  ravages. 

"  The  public  mind  is  very  much  disturbed  at  the  fearful  pros 
pect  for  the  winter ;  and  I  am  not  without  hope  that  it  will  pro 
duce  its  effects  on  the  counsels  of  the  Government.  I  am  grati 
fied  to  be  able  to  say  that  the  abilty  of  our  generals,  and  the 
prowess  of  our  arms  is  everywhere  acknowledged  in  Europe,  and 
there  is  equally  acknowledged  the  striking  difference  between  the 
inflated  and  mendacious  reports  on  the  Northern  side  contrasted 
with  the  calm  and  dignified  revelations  of  truth  that  slowly  reach 
here  from  the  South. 

"  I  see  and  hear  nothing  from  the  British  Government  either 
officially  or  unofficially.  Mr.  Slidell  has  an  advantage  over  me 
in  this,  as  he  sees  the  Ministers  frequently,  as  well  as  the  Em 
peror.  I  have  sometimes  thought  it  might  be  due  to  the  dignity 
of  the  Government,  under  such  circumstances,  that  I  should 
terminate  the  mission  here ;  but  I  do  not  feel  at  liberty  to  advise 
it,  because,  although  unaccredited,  I  find  my  presence  in  London, 
as  the  representative  of  the  Government,  is  really  important  in 
matters  frequently  arising,  where  we  should  not  be  without  some 
responsible  head. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.  21. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  LONDON,  December  loth,  1862. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"SiR :  Referring  to  my  No.  8, 1  have  to  add  that  since  its  date 
I  received  a  full  report  from  Lieutenant  Chapman,  which  leaves 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


little  doubt  that  the  allegation  of  Hester  that  Midshipman 
Andrews  designed  to  surrender  the  Sumter  to  the  enemy  was 
altogether  a  fabrication  ;  and  that  the  true  cause  of  the  murder 
was  that  Hester  had  just  been  detected  by  Andrews  in  pilfering 
the  public  property  in  the  ship. 

"  On  the  question  of  demanding  the  prisoner  for  trial  by  the 
Confederate  authorities,  I  have  stated  the  difficulties  that  were 
presented  in  my  No.  18.  Subsequently  I  presented  the  question 
fully  for  the  advice  of  Mr.  Slidell,  and  was  happy  to  find  that 
he  agreed  with  me  as  to  the  expediency,  or  rather  necessity  of 
leaving  the  matter  in  the  hands  of  the  British  authorities. 

"  I  have  thought  it  due,  however,  as  Hester  was  a  petty 
officer  in  the  navy,  and  had  no  means  of  providing  for  his  defence, 
that  he  should  not  be  left  without  some  such  provision  for  the 
expenses  of  counsel  and  witnesses  ;  and  have  directed  Lieutenant 
Chapman  accordingly. 

"  In  my  No.  18  I  stated  also  that  I  had  determined  to  have 
the  '  Sumter  '  sold,  and  the  reasons  for  it.  The  whole  subject  of 
the  sale  was  submitted  to  Captain  Bullock,  C.  S.  A.,  as  the  senior 
naval  officer,  and  I  learn  by  telegraph  this  morning  from  Gibral 
tar  that  the  ship  had  been  sold  to  a  British  house,  the  price  not 
stated.  The  proceeds  of  the  sale  will  be  turned  over  to  Captain 
Bullock,  in  charge  of  the  naval  funds  here. 

"  Will  you  be  good  enough  to  communicate  this  dispatch  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  ? 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.  22. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  LONDON,  December  loth,  1862. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  Referring  to  my  dispatch  No.  19,  of  which  you  have 
a  duplicate  herewith,  I  have  only  to  say,  that  since  its  date,  I 
have  taken  no  further  steps  in  regard  to  the  plan  proposed  of 
raising  money  by  means  of  obligations  for  the  delivery  of  cotton. 
Since  then,  however,  Commander  Maury,  of  the  navy,  has  arrived 
here,  with  authority  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  obtain 


356 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


money  for  the  naval  purposes  committed  to  his  charge,  by  means 
of  such  cotton  obligations,  should  he  find  it  necessary  and  prac 
ticable.  He  brought  a  like  authority  to  other  naval  officers  here 
who  had  actual  contracts  in  course  of  execution  for  building 
ships.  I  have  also  had  an  interview  with  Mr.  Spence,  of  Liver 
pool,  tg  whom  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  had  confided  an 
agency  for  the  sale,  or  other  disposition  of  the  bonds  of  the 
Confederate  States,  as  auxiliary  to  the  purpose  of  the  Navy 
Department.  These  gentlemen  have  all  freely  consulted  with 
me  as  to  the  most  desirable  course  to  be  pursued.  They  saw,  at 
once,  the  difficulties  and  embarrassments  that  might  arise  from 
any  separate  action  on  their  parts  in  the  markets.  The  matter  in 
relation  to  the  sale  or  disposition  of  the  bonds,  was  given  to  Mr. 
Spence,  who  was  to  act  in  consultation  with  the  house  of  Fraser, 
Trenholm  &  Company,  of  Liverpool,  and  the  subject  of  the  cot 
ton  obligations  was  by  the  naval  officers,  wisely,  I  think,  turned 
over  to  the  agency  of  that  house.  From  all  the  information 
derived,  their  impression  seemed  to  be  that  money  could  be  more 
advantageously  obtained,  by  means  of  the  latter  than  by  the  use 
of  the  Confederate  bonds. 

"  Nothing  pertaining  to  this  matter  of  obtaining  money  has, 
as  you  are  aware,  been  committed  to  me ;  nor  have  I  acted  further 
in  it  than  freely  to  consult  with  those  gentlemen  to  whom  it  has 
been  committed.  In  the  course  of  these  deliberations  and  discus 
sions,  however,  it  has  become  very  manifest,  that  the  credit  of  the 
Government  would  be  better  sustained,  and  its  operations  much 
facilitated,  by  prescribing  a  definite  mode  in  the  management  of 
all  money  operations  here;  that  is  to  say,  that  separate  and 
single  agencies  should  be  established,  for  providing  funds  in 
Europe,  whether  by  the  sale  of  Government  bonds,  or  by  the 
use  of  cotton  obligations  on  the  part  of  the  Government;  and 
that  all  money  to  be  disbursed  here  should  be  by  drafts  on  such 
agencies,  nor  do  I  know  of  better  hands  to  whom  it  should  be 
confided  than  where  it  now  rests — say  to  Mr.  Spence  as  agent  for 
the  bonds,  in  consultation  with  the  house  named  in  Liverpool; 
and  to  that  house  in  regard  to  the  cotton  bonds ;  and  perhaps, 
for  additional  security  it  should  be  required  that  what  they  might 
do  in  England,  should  have  the  approval  of  the  representative  of 
the  Government  here. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  I  venture  to  submit  these  suggestions  to  the  better  judg 
ment  of  yourself  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.  23. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  LONDON,  December  nth,  1862. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  At  this  season  of  the  year,  as  you  are  aware,  the 
public  functionaries  are  generally  in  the  country  ;  and  we  hear 
but  little  from  political  circles.  I  think,  however,  events  are 
maturing  which  must  lead  to  some  change  in  the  attitude  of 
England.  The  cotton  famine  still  continues  to  extend  itself  with 
apparently  gigantic  strides,  and  the  English  people  are  exerting 
themselves,  through  all  ranks,  to  come  to  its  relief  by  private 
contributions.  It  is  not  believed,  however,  that  actual  starvation 
can  be  kept  off  by  such  means,  and  the  Government  must  come 
in  aid. 

"  Parliament  is  to  meet  early  in  February,  and  if  the  question 
comes  before  it  of  supplying  means  from  the  Treasury,  a  potent 
argument  will  be  drawn  thence  in  support  of  the  relief  that  could 
be  extended  by  the  termination,  in  some  way,  of  the  American 
war. 

"  Through  the  Northern  papers  you  will  have  seen  the  suc 
cessful  cruise  of  the  Alabama,  so  far,  against  the  enemy's  com 
merce.  It  is  alleged,  that  in  some  instances,  British  property  has 
been  destroyed  on  board  the  prizes  ;  and  within  a  few  days  past, 
I  have  received  a  letter  from  a  commercial  house  here,  inclosing 
one  from  Mr.  Richard  C.  Gurney,  who  states  himself  to  be  a 
British  subject,  resident  in  New  York,  making  a  reclamation  on 
the  Confederate  Government  for  eighty-five  barrels  of  flour 
alleged  to  have  been  destroyed  by  Captain  Semmes  of  the  Ala 
bama,  on  board  the  Federal  ship  '  Brilliant.'  I  advised  the  house 
here  that  the  claim  should  be  made  through  the  Foreign  Office  ; 
but  if  they  desired  it,  I  would  transmit  the  papers  directly  to  my 
Government,  when  communication  between  the  two  countries 
should  have  opened. 

"  On  this  subject  of  the  Alabama,  there  appeared  a  late 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


letter  from  Earl  Russell,  which,  in  its  expressions,  went  further 
towards  recognition  than  anything  that  has  yet  fallen  from  him. 
"  It  appears  that  certain  merchants  of  Liverpool  had  made 
complaint  to  him  that  their  American  ships  had  been  destroyed 
by  the  '  Alabama/  and  they  asked  for  redress.  In  his  reply, 
recapitulating  this  request,  he  spoke  of  it  as  property  alleged  to 
have  been  destroyed  by  the  '  Confederate  war-steamer  Alabama/ 
and  told  them,  that  as  in  like  cases,  where  neutral  property  was 
destroyed  by  a  belligerent  at  sea,  their  redress  could  only  be 
through  the  Prize  Courts  of  that  belligerent. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

"  /.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  State,  to  J.  M.  Mason,  Commissioner 
Confederate  States  to  England. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  February  7th,  1863. 

"  SIR  :  It  was  very  unfortunate  that  your  situation  was  such 
as  to  render  it  impossible  for  you  to  take  charge  of  the  accused 
Hester,  or  to  send  him  to  this  country  for  trial,  as  his  offence, 
committed  on  board  one  of  our  national  vessels  was  as  much 
within  our  exclusive  jurisdiction  as  if  committed  on  the  soil  of 
the  Confederacy.  But  as  you  would,  in  the  event  of  his  delivery 
to  you  on  demand,  have  been  utterly  without  any  means  of  bring 
ing  him  away  or  sending  him  under  proper  guard  to  this  country, 
you  seem  to  have  had  no  choice  in  the  matter.  It  is  to  be  feared 
that  this  case,  however,  may  be  hereafter  cited  as  a  precedent 
against  us  when  our  circumstances  shall  be  changed,  and  it  is 
regarded  as  unfortunate  that  our  silent  acquiescence,  enforced 
as  it  has  been  by  our  peculiar  condition,  leaves  us  open  to  mis 
construction. 

"  Your  views  expressed  in  No.  22  are  in  entire  accordance 
with  those  of  Mr.  Memmenger  and  myself,  and  means  have 
already  been  taken  to  concentrate  in  one  house  or  agent  all  the 
financial  operations  of  the  Government  abroad,  and  to  revoke 
authority  given  by  heads  of  departments  to  separate  or  special 
agents. 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN." 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Dispatch  from  Richmond  Speaks  of  Future  Commerce  with  Confederate 
States — Of  Correspondence  Between  France,  England,  and  Russia  Re 
garding  an  Armistice — Private  Letter — Favorable  Effect  in  England  of 
Southern  Victories — Politics  in  the  North — Parties  in  Parliament — Private 
Letter — Conversation  with  Lord  Donoughmore — Department  Refutes 
Northern  Reports  Regarding  Re-opening  the  Slave  Trade — Cotton  Cer 
tificates  from  the  Treasury  the  True  Mode  of  Raising  Money — List  of 
U.  S.  Vessels  Destroyed  by  Confederates — Blockade  Raised  at  Charleston, 
Galveston,  and  Sabine  Pass — England  Determined  to  Run  No  Risk  of 
Trouble  with  United  States. 

"  /.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State  Confederate  States,  to  J.  M. 

Mason,  Commissioner  Confederate  States  to  Great  Britain: 
"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"RICHMOND,  December  n,  1862.        , 
(Received  in  London  February  25.) 

"  SIR  :  The  recently  published  correspondence  between  the 
Cabinets  of  France,  Great  Britain,  and  Russia  indicates  that  the 
period  is  fast  approaching  when  the  dictates  of  reason,  justice, 
and  humanity  will  be  respected,  and  our  undoubted  right  to 
recognition  as  an  independent  nation  be  acknowledged.  This 
recognition  must,  in  the  nature  of  things  be  followed  by  a  speedy 
peace. 

"  The  consideration  of  the  effects  which  will  be  produced  by 
this  event  on  the  commercial  relations  of  the  Confederacy  evokes 
deep  solicitude,  and  it  becomes  my  duty  to  communicate  to  you 
the  instructions  of  your  Government  on  this  important  subject. 

"  It  is  necessary  to  keep  in  view  the  very  exceptional  condi 
tion  in  which  the  present  war  has  placed  the  Confederate  States, 
in  order  to  form  a  just  estimate  of  the  probable  results  of  the 
renewal  of  peaceful  relations  between  the  belligerents. 

"  The  almost  total  cessation  of  external  commerce  for  the 
last  two  years  has  produced  the  complete  exhaustion  of  the 
supply  of  all  articles  of  foreign  growth  and  manufacture,  and  it 
is  but  a  moderate  computation  to  estimate  the  imports  into  the 
Confederacy  at  three  hundred  millions  of  dollars  for  the  first  six 
months  which  will  ensue  after  the  treaty  of  peace.  The  articles 
which  will  meet  with  most  ready  sale  (and  in  enormous  quanti- 


360 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


ties),  as  soon  as  our  country  is  open  to  commerce  are  textile 
fabrics,  whether  of  wool,  cotton  or  flax ;  iron  and  steel  and  articles 
manufactured  from  them  in  all  their  varieties ;  leather  and  manu 
factures  of  leather,  such  as  shoes,  boots,  saddlery,  harness,  etc., 
clothing  of  all  kinds ;  glass,  crockery ;  the  products  of  the  vine, 
whether  wines,  brandies,  or  liqueurs ;  silk  and  all  fabrics  of  silk ; 
hats,  caps,  etc. ;  the  large  class  of  commodities  known  as  '  articles 
de  Paris  ' ;  the  '  comestibles  '  of  France,  including  not  only  pre 
served  meats,  game  and  fish,  but  fruits,  vegetables,  confec 
tionery  and  sweetmeats ;  salt,  drugs,  chemicals,  stationery,  manu 
factures  of  brass,  lead,  pewter,  tin ;  together  with  an  innumerable 
variety  of  other  articles  of  less  importance. 

"  In  exchange  for  these  importations  we  have  to  offer  the 
cotton,  tobacco,  and  naval  stores  accumulated  in  the  Confed 
eracy.  They  are  of  much  larger  value  even  at  half  their  present 
prices  than  the  amount  of  importations  estimated  as  above  for  the 
first  six  months;  indeed  I  feel  confident  that  at  one-third  the 
present  European  prices  for  our  staples  we  have  exchangeable 
value  for  the  whole  $300,000,000  in  these  three  enumerated 
articles,  independently  of  rice,  ship-timber,  and  other  productions 
of  the  field  and  forest. 

"  It  must,  however,  be  admitted  as  not  improbable  that  a 
considerable  quantity  of  these  accumulated  products  may  be 
destroyed  by  us  in  order  to  avoid  their  seizure  by  the  enemy  in 
such  portions  of  the  country  as  may  become  readily  accessible 
to  their  gunboats  during  the  approaching  season  of  high  water. 
This  necessity  is  imposed  on  us,  as  you  are  aware,  by  the 
fact  that  the  troops  of  the  United  States  pay  no  respect  to  private 
property,  even  of  non-combatants  or  neutrals,  but  appropriate 
to  themselves  every  article  of  movable  property  that  they  can 
reach  in  any  part  of  our  country. 

"  Notwithstanding  the  exasperation  of  feeling  now  prevail 
ing  in  the  Confederacy  against  the  United  States,  no  statesman 
can  fail  to  perceive  that  in  the  restoration  of  peace  the  commer 
cial  intercourse  between  the  present  belligerents  must  necessarily 
be  placed  on  such  a  basis  as  to  accord  to  each  other  the  same 
terms  and  conditions  as  are  accorded  to  friendly  nations  in  gen 
eral.  It  is  scarcely  to  be  supposed  that  a  treaty  of  peace  could 
be  concluded  that  should  leave  it  optional  to  either  party  to 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   HURRAY   MASON. 


361 


wage  a  war  of  hostile  tariffs  or  special  restrictions  against  the 
other ;  nor  would  such  a  state  of  things  be  desirable,  if  possible, 
for  it  would  be  manifestly  incompatible  with  the  maintenance  of 
permanent  peaceful  relations.  It  must  be  conceded,  therefore, 
that  the  final  cessation  of  hostilities  will  open  to  the  United  States 
access  to  the  markets  of  the  Confederacy  as  free  as  that  which 
may  be  conceded  to  European  nations  in  general. 

"  In  view  of  this  condition  of  affairs,  it  is  not  difficult  to 
predict  the  probable  results  on  the  commerce  of  the  Confederacy, 
which  will  be  immediately  developed  unless  prevented  by  some 
counteracting  influence. 

"  I.  The  first  consequence  to  be  anticipated  is  that  our 
land  will  be  pervaded  by  the  agents  of  the  Northern  mer 
chants  who  will  monopolize  those  products  of  the  South  from 
which  Europe  has  been  so  long  debarred,  and  which  are  so  need 
ful  to  its  prosperity.  The  cotton,  tobacco,  and  naval  stores  of 
the  South  will  become  at  once  the  prize  of  Northern  cupidity, 
and  will  only  reach  Europe  after  having  paid  heavy  profits  to 
these  forestallers.  Nor  will  the  amount  of  the  profits  exacted  be 
the  only  loss  entailed  on  Europe.  The  purchase  of  the  raw 
material  at  lower  cost  would  give  to  the  manufacturers  of  New 
England  an  advantage  over  their  European  rivals  much  more 
important  than  the  mere  original  excess  of  outlay  to  which  the 
latter  would  be  subjected. 

"  II.  Such  are  the  necessities  of  our  people  and  so  eager  will 
be  their  desire  to  avail  themselves  of  the  first  opportunity  for  pro 
curing  commodities  which  they  have  cheerfully  foregone  as  long 
as  privation  was  the  price  of  liberty,  that  it  will  be  nearly  impos 
sible  to  prevent  the  enormous  demands  for  necessary  supplies 
from  being  satisfied  almost  exclusively  from  the  North,  which 
will  avail  itself  of  its  close  proximity  to  preoccupy  so  inviting  a 
field  of  richly  remunerative  commerce. 

"  III.  The  current  trade  will  thus,  at  the  very  outset  of 
our  career,  continue  to  flow  in  its  ancient  channels,  which  will 
even  be  deepened,  and  our  commerce  with  Europe,  instead  of 
becoming  direct,  to  mutual  advantage,  as  for  years  we  have 
desired,  will  remain  tributary  to  an  intermediary.  The  difficulty 
of  diverting  trade  from  an  established  channel  has  become  pro 
verbial,  and  in  our  case  the  difficulty  would  be  enhanced  by  the 


362 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


causes  just  indicated.  These  contingencies  can  not  be  contem 
plated  without  deep  concern.  During  the  whole  period  of  the 
existence  of  the  Southern  States  their  pursuits  have  been  almost 
exclusively  agricultural ;  they  possess  scarcely  the  semblance  of 
a  merchant  marine,  nor  can  they  hope  to  acquire  one  sufficient 
for  the  exchange  of  their  products  until  after  the  lapse  of  a  num 
ber  of  years;  and  a  still  longer  period  must  intervene  before 
they  can  expect  to  provide,  by  their  own  manufacture,  a  supply 
of  many  articles  of  necessary  consumption. 

"In  addition  to  the  difficulties  inherent  under  any  circum 
stances  in  the  task  of  creating  the  navigation  and  manufactures 
required  for  a  population  of  over  ten  millions  of  people,  there 
exists  in  the  South  obstacles  resulting  from  the  education,  habits, 
tastes  and  interests  of  its  citizens.  For  generations,  they  have 
been  educated  to  prefer  agricultural  to  other  pursuits,  and  this 
preference  owes  its  origin  to  the  fertility  of  their  soil  and  the 
genial  influences  of  their  climate,  which  render  those  pursuits 
not  only  more  attractive  to  their  tastes  but  more  lucrative  than 
those  of  the  manufacturer  or  the  seaman.  It  is  certain,  there 
fore,  that  for  many  years  the  carrying  trade  of  the  Confederacy, 
both  foreign  and  coastwise,  will  be  conducted  and  its  supplies 
of  manufactured  articles  will  be  furnished  by  foreign  countries 
in  exchange  for  the  products  of  its  soil. 

"  It  is  the  most  earnest  desire  of  this  Government  and  peo 
ple  that  a  commerce  so  large  and  profitable  as  that  which  they 
tender  to  mankind  shall  not  be  monopolized  by  the  United 
States,  and  that  a  direct  trade  with  Europe  shall  furnish  to  us 
all  articles,  the  growth  or  manufacture,  of  that  continent.  They 
are  well  aware  that  from  proximity  the  Northern  States  possess 
a  natural  advantage  over  any  European  rival  for  much  of  our 
trade,  but  the  value  of  their  political  independence  would,  in 
their  estimation,  be  greatly  impaired  if  the  result  of  the  war  should 
leave  them  in  commercial  dependence  by  giving  to  those  States 
the  additional  enormous  advantage  arising  out  of  the  present 
exceptional  condition  of  the  South.  Unless  some  preventive 
measures  be  adopted  the  exchange  of  the  South  for  staples 
accumulated  during  the  two  years  of  the  war  will  be  practically 
effected  during  the  first  two  months  of  peace,  and  will  inure  to 
the  almost  exclusive  benefit  of  that  power  whose  wicked  aggres- 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


363 


sions  have  already  entailed  so  much  misery  and  distress  not  only 
on  ourselves  but  on  the  rest  of  the  civilized  world. 

"  It  is  scarcely  possible  to  refrain  from  the  reflection  that 
consequences  so  hostile  to  the  interests  of  Europe  as  well  as 
our  own,  have  been  produced  by  a  policy  on  the  part  of  certain 
European  powers  in  disregard  of  the  plainest  dictates  of  inter 
national  law,  as  well  as  of  implied  promise  to  ourselves.  If 
Europe  had  asserted  its  unquestioned  right  to  resist  a  predatory 
cruise  carried  on  against  its  commerce  on  three  thousand  miles 
of  our  coast  by  the  ships  of  the  United  States,  under  pretext  of 
a  blockade  of  our  ports,  we  should  not  now  be  engaged  in  an 
effort  to  avert  the  disastrous  effects  to  European  interests  which 
must  be  anticipated  from  the  causes  above  pointed  out.  Our 
markets  would  not  now  be  denuded  of  all  supplies  of  European 
commodities,  and  on  the  restoration  of  peace  the  North  would 
possess,  in  the  competition  for  our  commerce,  none  of  the  abnor 
mal  advantages  which  we  now  seek  to  neutralize.  It  is  far  from 
our  purpose,  in  the  expression  of  this  view,  to  indulge  in  vain 
recrimination,  but  the  suggestion  is  made  in  the  hope  that  neutral 
nations  will  be  induced,  not  only  by  a  regard  to  their  own  inter 
ests,  but  by  the  higher  obligations  of  justice  and  duty  to  co 
operate  in  the  endeavor  to  obviate  any  further  ill  effects  of  a 
policy  which  experience  now  justifies  us  in  pronouncing  to  have 
been  at  least  unwise. 

"  What  are  the  practical  measures  which  can  be  devised  for 
this  purpose?  What  can  be  done  to  prevent  consequences  which 
we  frankly  own  would  be  considered  by  us  as  a  national  calamity, 
as  well  as  a  source  of  deep  mortification?  The  difficulties  are 
great,  but  not  perhaps  insurmountable,  especially  if  you  can  suc 
ceed  in  exciting  the  solicitude  of  the  Court  to  which  you  are 
accredited  and  awakening  it  to  the  magnitude  of  the  interests 
of  neutral  nations  involved  in  the  subject.  It  is  one  which  our 
position  has  forced  upon  our  attention,  and  which  it  is  not  un 
natural  to  suppose  has  been  considered  by  us  with  more  care 
than  by  those  less  intimately  conversant  with  the  state  of  affairs 
on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic. 

"  Without  restricting  you  as  to  the  adoption  of  any  other 
measures  than  may  be  proposed,  or  may  occur  to  your  mind, 


3*4 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


you  are  instructed  to  urge  the  different  points  which  I  now  pro 
ceed  to  suggest. 

"  I.  In  order  to  prevent  the  monopoly  by  the  Northern 
States  of  the  accumulated  staples  now  held  by  our  people,  no 
measure  seems  less  objectionable  nor  more  appropriate  than  to 
encourage  the  merchants  of  neutral  nations  to  purchase  in  ad 
vance  these  products  and  to  leave  them  here  in  depot  till  the 
ports  are  opened. 

"  This  course  would  already  have  been  adopted  to  a  very 
considerable  extent  (as  I  am  aware  from  numerous  applications 
made  to  this  Department)  if  the  staples  thus  purchased  could  be 
guaranteed  against  destruction  by  the  respective  belligerents. 
The  remedy  for  this  seems  to  be  very  simple  and  entirely  within 
the  reach  of  neutral  powers,  but  they  have  hitherto,  for  reasons 
doubtless  satisfactory  to  themselves,  but  which  we  are  unable  to 
conjecture,  declined  to  adopt  it. 

"  The  case  stands  thus  :  In  the  language  of  Mr.  Phillimore, 
'  There  is  no  more  unquestionable  proposition  of  international 
law  than  the  proposition  that  neutral  States  are  entitled  to  carry 
on,  upon  their  own  account,  a  trade  with  a  belligerent.' 

"  The  United  States  do  not,  however,  concern  themselves 
with  unquestionable  propositions  of  international  law,  nor  have 
they  ever  affected,  during  the  present  war,  to  refrain  from  any 
exercise  of  power  against  neutrals  which  seemed  to  offer  the 
slightest  momentary  advantage.  General  Butler  still  continues 
to  imprison  and  rob  indiscriminately  foreign  merchants  and 
native  citizens  of  New  Orleans ;  and  in  no  place  where  the  forces 
of  the  United  States  penetrate  is  there  a  moment's  hesitation  in 
appropriating  any  neutral  property  to  their  use.  This  universal 
robbery  by  the  enemy  of  all  private  property,  forced  upon  this 
Government  the  necessity  of  destroying  everything  movable  as 
fast  as  it  became  exposed  to  imminent  danger  of  pillage.  In  this 
state  of  the  case,  the  Department  was  addressed  by  the  agents  of 
foreign  merchants  desirous  of  purchasing  our  staples  and  storing 
them  until  peace  should  be  restored,  with  the  request  that 
special  instructions  should  be  given  to  exempt  from  such  destruc 
tion  the  property  thus  purchased.  This  Government  could  have 
no  possible  motive  for  destroying  neutral  property,  but  every 
dictate  of  policy  counselled  that,  on  the  contrary,  we  should 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


365 


protect  it.  We  could  not  consent,  however,  that  neutral  prop 
erty  should  be  seized  by  the  enemy  and  converted  to  his  use, 
for  we  would  thus  have  been  supplying  him  with  the  means  of 
continuing  hostilities  against  ourselves.  The  effect  of  such 
action  on  our  part  may  be  readily  illustrated:  Cotton  is  worth 
at  least  two  hundred  dollars  per  bale  in  specie  in  the  United 
States,  and  not  more  than  one-fifth  of  that  sum  in  the  Confed 
eracy.  Thus,  on  the  supposition  that  only  100,000  bales  of  cot 
ton  belonging  to  neutrals  should  be  seized  and  appropriated  by 
the  United  States,  they  would  be  provided  with  twenty  millions 
of  dollars  in  specie,  and  if  called  on  to  refund  in  damages  by 
neutral  powers  would  seek  to  escape  responsibility,  and  perhaps 
succeed  in  doing  so,  by  reimbursing  to  the  neutral  owners,  after 
some  years  of  diplomatic  correspondence,  the  fifth  of  that  sum 
as  being  the  value  of  the  cotton  at  the  time  and  place  of  its  seizure. 
The  simplest  instincts  of  self-defence  required  us  to  defeat  such 
machinations,  and  this  Department  made  answer,  therefore,  to 
the  applications  of  neutral  merchants  that  this  Government  would 
protect  their  property  against  destruction,  upon  receiving  any 
satisfactory  assurance  from  their  own  Governments  that  the 
property  would  be  effectually  protected  against  seizure  and  ap 
propriation  by  the  enemy  if  it  fell  into  their  hands.  This  answer 
seems  to  have  been  submitted  to  the  Government  of  Her  Britannic 
Majesty  by  different  British  Consuls  and  to  have  elicited  a  reply 
to  which  extensive  publicity  was  given.  This  reply,  dated  the 
loth  August,  1 862, and  signed  by  Her  Britannic  Majesty's  Charge 
d'Affaires  at  Washington,  is  confined  to  an  acknowledgment  of 
the  right  of  this  Government  to  act  in  the  manner  already  men 
tioned,  but  omits  giving  to  British  subjects  any  assurance  of 
protection  against  spoliation  by  the  United  States.  No  action  on 
the  subject  has  been  taken  by  any  other  neutral  power,  if  we  are 
fully  informed,  and  the  whole  matter  seems  res  Integra  so  far  as 
the  present  inquiry  is  concerned,  for  it  is  impossible  to  inter 
pret  the  mere  silence  of  the  British  Cabinet  on  this  point  as  an 
abandonment  of  the  right  of  protecting  British  subjects  against 
unlawful  spoliation. 

"  II.     In    order   to   prevent   the   United    States    from    pre 
occupying,  for  their  exclusive  benefit,  the  market  for  foreign 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


merchandise  which  the  South  will  present  as  soon  as  peace  is 
declared,  several  suggestions  occur. 

"  It  would,  in  the  first  place,  seem  not  to  be  impracticable 
for  the  several  European  Governments,  pending  the  negotiations 
which  must  necessarily  precede  the  final  settlement  of  the  terms 
of  a  treaty,  to  devise  some  means  of  communicating  in  advance 
to  their  merchants,  the  assured  conviction  of  an  early  renewal  of 
commerce  with  the  Confederacy,  and  to  encourage  the  forma 
tion  in  their  West  Indian  colonies  of  large  depots  of  the  supplies 
known  to  be  needed  here,  ready  for  immediate  introduction  into 
the  Confederacy.  Such  measures,  accompanied  by  the  necessary 
arrangements  for  the  speediest  transmission  to  these  depots  of 
the  news  of  the  opening  of  commerce,  would  aid,  to  some  extent, 
in  the  accomplishment  of  the  objects  desired.  A  large  number 
of  the  merchant  ships  required  for  the  transportation  of  these 
supplies  would  also  meet  with  a  ready  sale  in  the  ports  of  the 
Confederacy,  especially  if  screw  steamers  suitable  for  direct  trade 
with  Europe  or  for  Government  transport  ships.  And  the  effi 
ciency  of  this  measure  would  be  greatly  increased  if  accompanied 
by  the  prompt  operation  of  one  or  more  lines  of  steamers  between 
Europe  and  Southern  ports.  But  the  only  effective  remedy  for 
preventing  Northern  monopoly,  and  for  neutralizing  the  unjust 
advantages  which  the  United  States,  at  the  expense  of  Europe, 
would  seek  to  secure  from  their  violent  infractions  of  inter 
national  law,  would  be  to  place  the  Confederacy  in  the  same 
condition  relative  to  foreign  supplies  as  was  occupied  by  it  prior 
to  the  declaration  of  the  blockade  of  the  entire  coast — a  declara 
tion  which  for  the  first  time  in  history  has  been  respected  as 
legal  by  neutral  powers.  To  this  end  no  measure  seems  better 
adapted  than  that  proposed  by  His  Imperial  Majesty  of  France 
to  the  Cabinets  of  Great  Britain  and  Russia,  in  the  correspond 
ence  already  adverted  to.  '  An  armistice  for  six  months,  during 
which  every  act  of  war,  direct  or  indirect,  should  provisionally 
cease,  on  sea  as  well  as  on  land/  would  give  to  European  powers 
that  opportunity  which  justice  demands  for  placing  within  the 
Confederacy  the  supplies  and  making  the  purchases  that  would 
long  since  have  been  effected,  but  for  the  unjust  interference  of 
the  United  States  with  neutral  rights,  and  thus  enforce  against 
that  aggressive  power  the  rule  of  universal  equity  that  none  shall 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


be  allowed  to  profit  by  their  own  misdeeds.  Neutral  nations 
would  thus  be  reinstated  in  the  possession  of  their  '  unquestion 
able  right  to  trade  for  their  own  account  with  a  belligerent/  and 
upon  the  final  cessation  of  hostilities  would  enter  into  the  compe 
tition  for  our  trade  then  open  to  the  world,  upon  conditions  ap 
proximating  equality  with  the  North,  a  result  eminently  desirable 
for  the  common  interests  of  all,  and  scarcely  attainable  in  any 
other  manner. 

"  Even  if  the  blockade  were  continued  during  an  armistice, 
the  object  desired  could  be  greatly  promoted.  The  cessation  of 
our  foreign  commercial  intercourse  has  been  caused  not  by  the 
blockade  of  our  ports,  but  by  a  general  cruise  on  the  coast  against 
all  neutral  commerce  and  the  seizure  of  neutral  vessels  bound  to 
points  where  not  a  blockading  vessel  was  ever  stationed.  We  have 
now  numerous  ports  where  there  is  not  a  single  blockading 
vessel,  but  no  trading  vessel  dares  sail  for  them,  for  fear  of  cap 
ture  on  the  high  seas  by  the  Federal  cruisers.  If  Europe,  even 
at  this  late  date,  would  put  an  effectual  stop  to  this  outrage  on 
its  rights  of  trade  with  a  belligerent,  we  would  soon  be  so  well 
supplied  with  her  manufactures  and  she  would  obtain  so  large  a 
supply  of  our  staples  as  would  effectually  deprive  the  North  of 
the  profits  it  hopes  to  reap  by  the  unprecedented  aquiescence 
of  all  nations  in  its  interdict  against  their  trade  with  us.  In 
the  event  of  an  armistice,  the  crusade  against  neutral  vessels 
could  not,  of  course,  be  continued,  even  if  the  blockade  were 
respected  in  ports  where  a  blockading  force  is  stationed.  You 
are  instructed  to  furnish  a  copy  of  this  dispatch  to  Her  Britannic 
Majesty's  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs  at  the  earliest 
moment. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN." 

"  24  UPPER  SEYMOUR   STREET, 

PORTMAN  SQUARE, 
"  LONDON,  December  28th,  1862. 

"  My  Very  Dear  Wife:  Your  two  last  were  of  the  2d  and 
nth  November,  both  coming  through  the  channel  provided  by 
our  kind  friend  Macfarland;  the  last  was  received  on  Christmas 


368 


LIFE   OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


day,  and  was  a  most  welcome  and  appropriate  present.  I  re 
ceived  yesterday  a  large  bundle  of  dispatches  from  Richmond, 
the  latest  of  the  5th  of  November.  Ask  Cooper  to  say  this  to  the 
Secretary  of  State,  as  I  should  not  write  of  public  matters  through 
this  channel.  I  think  now,  as  a  more  speedy  channel  is  opened 
to  our  correspondence,  while  it  lasts,  it  may  be  better  to  trust  to 
it  than  to  take  the  risks  and  delays  incident  to  running  the 
blockade — par  example,  Vs.  letter  of  the  2Qth  of  July,  indorsed  as 
sent  by  an  officer  of  the  army,  reached  me  only  on  Christmas  day, 
at  same  time  as  yours  of  nth  November. 

"  When  yours  came  I  was  spending  Christmas  week  at 
'  Bedgebury  Park,'  the  seat  of  Beresford  Hope,  Esq.,  some  sixty 
miles  from  London,  where  I  had  a  favourable  opportunity  of  wit 
nessing  the  customs  and  partaking  the  hospitalities  of  English 
country  life  on  the  most  extended  scale,  including  a  country  ball 
in  the  village,  five  miles  off.  I  was  their  guest  from  Monday 
till  Saturday.  Except  on  a  far  more  elaborate  scale,  admitted 
by  their  more  elaborate  wealth,  I  found  their  Christmas  usages 
very  much  those  on  the  Island,  and  at  Clermont,  according  to 
my  early  recollections  in  the  better  days  of  the  Old  Dominion, 
an  abundant  interchange  of  presents,  church  in  the  private  chapel 
on  Christmas  eve  and  Christmas  evening,  a  large  dinner  every 
day,  at  which  the  country  neighbours  were  guests,  and,  of  course, 
service  in  the  village  church  on  the  day  of  Christmas. 

"  My  host,  Mr.  Hope,  is  a  descendant  of  the  Field  Marshal 
Beresford,  who  was  the  second  in  command  to  Wellington,  in 
the  wars  of  the  Peninsula,  and  Lady  Mildred  Hope,  sa  femme, 
daughter  of  the  Marquis  of  Salisbury. 

"  I  should  tell  you  also  of  a  most  agreeable  and  interesting 
visit  I  made  some  three  weeks  ago  to  the  University  of  Cam 
bridge,  at  the  invitation  and  as  the  guest  of  the  Rev.  George 
Williams,  Senior  of  King's  College.  It  was  an  occasion  of 
annual  scholastic  festivity  of  '  Trinity  College '  and  '  King's 
College/  two  of  the  seventeen  colleges  constituting  the  University 
of  Cambridge. 

"  I  was  most  graciously  received  by  all  the  college  authori 
ties,  and  had  two  capital  dinners,  at  'Trinity'  and  'King's',  respec 
tively,  with  all  the  ceremonials  since  the  days  of  Henry  VI,  in 
cluding  the  '  Grace-cup '  after  dinner,  and  the  dessert  of  a  'last 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MVRRA7   MASON. 


year's  pippin/  with  a  dish  of  '  carraways/  for  which  I  was  re 
ferred,  as  proof  of  its  being  an  approved  dessert  in  Old  England, 
to  Shakespeare,  Henry  IV,  Act  5,  Scene  3,  and  it  was  literally 
true  that  a  part  of  the  annual  dessert  of  the  Masters,  Fellows, 
and  Scholars  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  is  a  roasted  pippin, 
with  carraway  seed." 

Dispatch  No.  24,  from  Mr.  Mason  to  the  Department  of 
State,  contained  nothing  new  or  of  special  interest,  and  is 
omitted. 

Dispatch  No.  25  begins  with  acknowledgments  of  dispatches 
received  from  the  Department,  and  then  says :  "  Your  resume  in 
No.  7  of  our  military  operations  contains  many  facts  that  had  not 
otherwise  reached  us,  and  I  have  taken  leave  to  publish  it  in 
The  Index,  with  an  introduction  stating  that  it  came  from  sources 
entitled  to  highest  credit.  That  part  of  it  which  referred  to  the 
ultimate  action  of  the  President  on  his  Retaliatory  Order  against 
General  Pope,  with  his  reasons  for  it,  I  had  published  in  the 
London  Morning  Herald,  as  an  extract  from  an  official  dispatch 
received  by  me.  It  was  sent  to  the  editor  with  a  note  from  Mr. 
Macfarland  saying  it  was  done  with  my  permission.  We  had 
not  before  heard  that  no  actual  difference  had  been  made  in  the 
treatment  of  General  Pope's  officers,  far  less  had  we  heard  that 
official  assurance  had  been  given  by  the  enemy  that  the  obnox 
ious  order  had  been  withdrawn.  I  was  happy  in  the  occasion  of 
bringing  both  these  facts,  in  a  quasi-official  form,  before  the 
British  public.  *  *  *  *  I  am  gratified  to  find  from  the  dis 
patch  that  what  I  did  in  supplying  money  to  Captain  Sinclair 
has  met  the  approbation  of  the  President,  and  that  I  have  his  like 
approbation  of  my  determination  to  remain  at  my  post,  malgre 
the  apparent  incivility  of  the  Foreign  Office.  The  occasions  con 
stantly  presenting  themselves  of  rendering  service  outside  of 
official  channels,  which  none  but  a  lepresentative  of  the  Govern 
ment  could  render,  satisfy  me  that  I  have  done  right  in  remaining. 
********* 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  etc., 

11  J.  M.  MASON." 

Dispatch  No.  26  only  acknowledged  receipt  of  drafts,  from 
Department,  for  payment  of  salaries  of  Commissioners  and  other 
agents  of  the  Confederate  States  then  in  Europe. 


OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


DISPATCH  No.  27. 
"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"LONDON,  January  I5th,  1863. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  The  latest  intelligence  of  importance  received  here 
since  the  date  of  my  last  dispatches  has  been  the  great  and  signal 
defeat  of  the  enemy  at  Fredericksburg,  on  the  I3th  of  December, 
and  the  actual  issuing  of  the  proclamation  of  President  Lincoln 
declaring  freedom  to  the  slaves  in  certain  States  and  parts  of 
States,  on  the  ist  of  January  instant. 

"  The  great  success  of  our  arms  at  Fredericksburg,  being 
the  sequel  to  events  of  like  character  in  the  late  invasion  of 
Virginia  has  fully  confirmed  opinion  here  that  the  avowed  object 
of  the  war  on  the  part  of  the  North  is  hopeless,  whether  that 
object  be  the  restoration  of  the  Union  of  the  States,  or  the 
subjugation  of  the  South,  and  has  most  favorably  impressed  the 
public  mind  with  the  courage,  determination,  and  gallantry  of 
our  people. 

"  Again,  the  success  of  the  Democratic  party  in  the  North, 
and  more  especially  in  New  York,  has  established  a  general 
belief  here  that  the  arm  of  the  Federal  must  be,  to  a  great  extent, 
paralyzed,  and  that,  henceforth,  the  war  will  languish  —  an  opin 
ion  that  finds  strong  corroboration  in  the  utter  derangement  of 
the  financial  system  of  the  Government,  its  inability  to  reinforce 
its  armies,  either  by  enlistment  or  by  draft,  and  the  information, 
coming  from  the  North  by  every  arrival,  of  demoralization  of  and 
desertion  from  its  armies  in  the  field.  Still,  what  effect  all  this 
is  to  have  upon  the  action  of  the  British  Government  is  problem 
atical.  I  am,  by  no  means,  hopeful. 

"  Parliament  is  to  convene  on  the  5th  of  February,  and 
though,  I  doubt  not,  a  word  from  the  Minister,  suggesting  that 
the  time  has  arrived  for  Recognition,  would  bring  a  unanimous 
response  in  the  affirmative,  both  from  Ministerial  and  Opposition 
benches  in  the  House  of  Commons,  I  do  not  think  Lord  Pal- 
merston  is  disposed  to  speak  that  word.  Nor  will  the  Tories 
make  an  issue  with  him  on  American  affairs.  The  fact  is,  that 
parties  are  so  nearly  balanced  in  the  House,  and,  as  it  would 
seem,  in  the  country,  that  they  are  very  wary  in  measuring 
strength  with  their  opponents. 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


"  The  Abolition  decree  of  the  ist  of  January  is  characterized 
in  the  Times  of  this  morning,  in  an  article  demonstrating  that 
the  Federal  Government  could  not  subdue  the  South  by  arms,  as 
the  '  execrable  expedient  of  a  servile  insurrection/  and  this,  I 
think,  will  be  the  judgment  passed  upon  it  by  all  except  the  most 
ignorant  classes  in  England.  It  will  have  an  effect  exactly  oppo 
site  to  that  which  was  intended,  if  the  object  was  to  conciliate 
the  anti-slavery  of  England. 

"  I  have  nothing  from  Mr.  Slidell  since  the  Emperor's  speech 
at  the  opening  of  the  Chambers,  which  you  will  have  seen  long 
ere  you  receive  this.  In  his  last  note,  dated  on  the  nth  instant, 
he  says  : 

"  '  I  was  at  the  Affaires  Etrangeres  yesterday.  Mercier  had 
written  that  Seward  is  in  favour  of  an  Armistice,  and  wishes  the 
Emperor  to  propose  it,  but  that  Lincoln  is  decidedly  opposed  to 
a  cessation  of  hostilities,  and  is  determined  to  carry  on  the  war  at 
all  hazards.  I  have  reason  to  believe  that  the  reports  in  the 
papers  that  Dayton  has  had  interviews  with  the  Emperor  and  M. 
Drouyn  de  Lhuys  on  the  subject  are  true.' 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  T-  M.  MASON." 

"  24  UPPER  SEYMOUR   STREET, 

PORTMAN  SQUARE, 
"  LONDON,  January  i8th,  1863. 

"  My  Dear  Wife:  It  is  a  sad  thing  to  be  obliged  to  use  an 
amanuensis,  even  in  writing  to  you,  but  I  have  no  alternative, 
otherwise  I  should  be  obliged  to  leave  much  unsaid.  Mr.  John 
Thompson,  a  young  gentleman  from  South  Carolina,  leaving 
here  to  take  the  chance  of  running  the  blockade,  I  avail  myself 
of  it  to  send  by  him  a  package,  containing  sundry  pairs  of  gloves, 
some  pins,  needles,  and  sewing  silk,  asked  for  in  a  memorandum 
from  Ida,  which  came  recently,  through  a  letter  of  old  date  ;  I 
hope  they  may  reach  safely. 

"  We  have  been  much  cheered  and  encouraged  here,  by 
the  late  gallant  defense  of  Fredericksburg,  and  the  more  recent 
intelligence  of  military  successes  in  Tennessee,  though  as  the 
account  of  these  come  altogether  through  the  North,  it  is  not 
easy  to  get  a  satisfactory  view  of  what  has  occurred  there. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  HURRAY  MASON. 


"  I  am  most  hopeful,  too.  from  the  late  political  uprising  in 
the  Middle  and  Western  States,  of  opposition  to  Lincoln's  Gov 
ernment,  that  through  disaffection  and  distrust  at  home,  that 
Government  will  soon  be  paralyzed,  or  at  least  will  find  many 
impediments  in  its  reckless  conduct  of  the  war.  Failing  this, 
I  do  not  see  any  reasonable  prospect  of  an  early  termination 
of  the  war.  It  is,  however,  idle  to  speculate  here  on  what  may 
result  in  the  course  of  events  on  the  Western  continent,  on  which 
those  around  you  are  more  competent  to  decide.  This  Govern 
ment  remains  impassive  and  impenetrable  as  ever.  In  France, 
Mr.  Slidell  has  had  interviews  with  the  Emperor  two  or  three 
times,  and  sees  the  different  members  of  the  ministry  at  his 
pleasure,  and  almost  every  day.  Here,  I  have  seen  none  but 
Lord  Russell,  now  nearly  a  year  ago,  and  have  never  since  had 
from  any  ministerial  quarter,  the  least  intimation  of  a  desire  to 
form  acquaintance.  Outside  of  that  circle,  however,  and  with 
those  in  higher  position,  I  have  been  very  kindly  received,  au 
reste.  I  find  my  time  fully  occupied,  and  am  kept  busy  between 
correspondence  and  the  calls  of  business;  I  have  a  very  large 
correspondence,  incident  to  my  position,  and  there  are  occasions 
in  which  I  am  oppressed  by  heavy  responsibilities,  in  determin 
ing  what  is  proper  to  be  done  to  sustain  the  Government  here, 
in  the  absence  of  authority  or  instructions  to  meet  unexpected 
events,  etc.  But  so  far  I  have  gone  right. 

"  For  the  last  four  months,  London  has  been  in  recess,  that 
is  to  say  that  although  more  than  three  millions  of  people  remain, 
living,  and  toiling,  each  class  in  its  appropriate  sphere  within  its 
walls,  yet  the  common  expression  is,  should  you  casually  meet  a 
friend, '  How  completely  London  is  deserted,  there  isn't  a  soul  left 
in  it.' 

"  Parliament  is  to  meet  on  the  5th  of  February,  and  then 
the  great  world  will  begin  slowly  to  roll  back,  the  circles  of  the 
public  men  will  be  enlarged,  and  to  that  extent  London  society 
will  be  established,  but  '  the  season '  as  it  is  called,  meaning  the 
access  of  the  gay  world  proper,  does  not  fairly  begin  until  the 
ist  of  May,  continuing  until  August,  and  then,  all  who  can, 
again  depart  from  London;  the  landed  gentry  to  their  country 
homes.  I  am  to  go,  by  the  way,  on  the  day  after  to-morrow  on 
a  visit  to  the  Marquis  of  Bath,  at  his  seat  of  Longleat;  these 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON.  ?7? 

____ J/J 


visits  to  the  country,  beside  all  the  agreeable  incidents  connected 
with  them,  contribute  much,  I  doubt  not,  to  the  excellent  health 
I  enjoy, — there,  you  get  occasiona4  glimpses  of  the  sun,  but  in 
London,  for  ten  minutes  of  feeble  sunshine,  you  have  ten  days 
of  impenetrable  fog,  with  intervals  only  of  hard  rain.  I  sit  by 
the  window  after  breakfast  to  read  the  morning  papers,  and 
it  is  by  no  means  unusual,  to  be  obliged  to  leave  the  window 
and  light  the  gas.  They  will  tell  you  that  such  is  only  their 
winter  climate,  but  I  have  been  in  London  both  winter  and 
summer,  and  I  confess  I  see  no  difference  in  the  fogs  and  rain, 
and  no  great  difference  in  the  temperature. 

"  God  bless  and  preserve  you,  my  dear  wife  until  this  sad 
war  is  over,  when  you  will  be  at  liberty  to  join  me  here. 
"  With  best  love  to  all, 
"  Yours  ever, 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

[UNOFFICIAL.] 

This  unofficial  letter  was  not  among  Mr.  Mason's  papers, 
but  was  obtained  from  the  Department  in  Washington  : 

"  24  UPPER  SEYMOUR   STREET, 

PORTMAN  SQUARE, 

"  LONDON,  November  4th,  1862. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  The  contents  of  this  note,  I  have  thought  had 
better  be  unofficial,  and  thus  not  to  go  on  the  files  of  the  De 
partment,  unless  you  should  think  otherwise ;  and  yet  the  matter, 
it  seems  to  me,  should  at  once  be  brought  under  the  considera 
tion  of  the  President,  that  we  may  be  ready  when  the  time  arrives. 

"  I  have  the  strongest  reason  to  believe  when,  after  recogni 
tion,  we  shall  come  to  the  negotiation  of  the  ordinary  treaty  of 
'  Unity  and  Commerce/  this  Government  will  require  as  a  sine 
qua  non  the  introduction  of  a  clause,  stipulating  against  the 
African  slave  trade.  Although  I  well  know  the  pertinacity  of 
England  on  that  subject,  yet  I  had  supposed  that  the  voluntary 
act  of  the  Confederate  States  Government,  inhibiting  this  trade, 
by  the  enactment  in  the  Constitution  when  the  Government  was 
first  established,  would  have  satisfied  England  to  be  passive  at 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


least,  in  her  future  intercourse  with  us  ;  I  have  now  great  reason 
to  apprehend  the  contrary. 

"  Some  few  days  since,  I  dined  with  Lord  Donoughmore, 
who  was  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade  during  the  late  Derby 
administration,  and  will  hold  the  same,  or  a  higher  office,  should 
that  party  again  come  into  power  ;  a  very  intelligent  gentleman, 
and  a  warm  and  earnest  friend  of  the  South.  In  the  course  of 
conversation  after  dinner,  the  subject  came  up  incidentally  while 
we  were  alone,  and  he  said  I  might  be  satisfied  that  Lord  Pal- 
merston  would  not  enter  into  a  treaty  with  us,  unless  we  agreed 
in  such  treaty  not  to  permit  the  African  slave  trade.  I  expressed 
my  surprise  at  it,  referring  to  the  fact  that  we  had  voluntarily 
admitted  that  prohibition  into  the  Constitution  of  the  Confed 
erate  States,  thereby  taking  stronger  ground  against  the  slave 
trade  than  had  ever  been  taken  by  the  United  States  ;  that  in  the 
latter,  it  was  only  prohibited  by  law,  whilst  in  the  former  not  only 
was  the  power  withheld  from  Congress,  but  the  legislative  branch 
of  the  Government  was  required  to  pass  such  laws  as  would 
effectually  prevent  it. 

"  He  said  that  was  all  well  understood,  but  that  such  was  the 
sentiment  of  England  on  this  subject,  that  no  minister  would 
hold  his  place  for  a  day,  who  should  negotiate  a  treaty  with 
any  power,  not  containing  such  a  clause  ;  nor  could  any  House 
of  Commons  be  found  which  would  sustain  a  minister  thus  de 
linquent,  and  he  referred  to  the  fact  (as  he  alleged  it  to  be),  that 
in  every  existing  treaty  with  England  that  prohibition  was  con 
tained.  He  said  further,  that  he  did  not  mean  to  express  his 
individual  opinions,  but  that  he  was  equally  satisfied  should  the 
Palmerston  ministry  go  out  and  the  Tories  come  in,  such  would 
likewise  be  their  necessary  policy,  and  he  added  that  he  was  well 
assured  that  England  and  France  would  be  in  accord  on  that 
subject. 

"  I  told  him,  in  reply,  that  I  feared  this  would  form  a  formid 
able  obstacle  if  persisted  in,  to  any  treaty  ;  that  he  must  be  aware, 
that  on  all  questions  affecting  African  servitude,  our  Govern 
ment  was  naturally  and  necessarily  sensitive,  when  presented  by 
any  foreign  power.  We  had  learned  from  abundant  experience 
that  the  anti-slavery  sentiment  was  always  aggressive  ;  that  this 
condition  of  society  was  one  which,  in  our  opinion,  the  destinies 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 

of  the  South  were  indissolubly  connected ;  that  as  regarded 
foreign  powers,  it  was  with  us  a  question  purely  domestic,  with 
which  our  safety  required  that  none  should  in  any  manner  inter 
fere  :  that,  of  course,  I  had  no  special  instructions  on  the  subject, 
but  I  thought  I  knew  both  the  views  of  our  Government  and 
people ;  and  that  (to  express  it  in  no  stronger  terms),  it  would  be 
a  most  unfortunate  thing  if  England  should  make  such  a  stipula 
tion  a  sine  qua  11011  to  a  treaty.  I  said,  further,  that  I  presumed  it 
might  be  averted  by  recognizing  mutually  the  fact,  that  such  a 
stipulation  was  not  properly  germane  to  a  treaty  purely  com 
mercial  ;  and  thus  to  be  laid  over  as  a  subject  for  future  negotia 
tion  if  pressed.  He  still  maintained  his  belief  that  no  matter  who 
might  be  in  power,  it  would  be  insisted  on,  in  the  first  treaty  to 
be  formed. 

"  A  few  days  afterwards,  Mr.  Seymour  Fitzgerald,  passing 
through  town,  came  to  see  me.  I  had  known  him  very  well,  and 
during  the  late  session  of  Parliament,  had  seen  a  good  deal  of 
him.  He  is  a  man  of  ability  and  influence,  was  Under-Secretary 
for  Foreign  Affairs  in  the  Derby  administration,  and  will  take 
the  place  of  Lord  Russell,  it  is  supposed,  should  the  Conserva 
tives  again  come  into  power ;  and  he,  too,  is  an  earnest  and 
sincere  friend  to  our  cause.  I  told  him  of  my  conversation  with 
Lord  Donoughmore  and  of  my  surprise  at  the  opinion  he  enter 
tained. 

"  I  regret  to  say  that  Mr.  Fitzgerald  coincided  fully  with 
Lord  D.  in  these  opinions,  not  as  his  own,  but  as  those  which 
must  govern  any  ministry  in  England. 

"  We  shall,  therefore,  have  this  question  to  meet,  I  take  for 
granted,  at  the  time,  and  in  the  manner  suggested. 

"  I  do  not  ask  for  any  definite  instructions  in  regard  to  it, 
but  only  bring  it  thus,  unofficially,  to  the  notice  of  the  President 
and  yourself. 

"  Very  respectfully  and  truly  yours, 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

[UNOFFICIAL.] 

"  RICHMOND,  January  I5th,  1863. 
"  Hon.  J.  M.  Mason,  etc.,  etc.,  London. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  Your  unofficial  communication  enclosed  in 
dispatch  No.  20,  was  duly  received.  We  are  greatly  surprised  at 


376 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


its  contents,  but  the  suspicions  excited  abroad,  through  the 
numerous  agencies  established  by  the  Northern  Government,  of 
our  intention  to  change  the  Constitution  and  open  the  slave  trade 
are  doubtless  the  cause  of  the  views  so  strongly  expressed  to  you 
by  Lord  Donoughmore  and  others. 

"  After  conference  with  the  President  we  have  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  best  mode  of  meeting  the  question  is  to 
assume  the  Constitutional  ground  developed  in  the  accompanying 
dispatch,  No.  13. 

"  If  you  find  yourself  unable  by  the  adoption  of  the  line  of 
conduct  suggested  in  that  dispatch,  to  satisfy  the  British  Gov 
ernment,  I  see  no  other  course  than  to  propose  to  them  to  trans 
fer  any  negotiations  that  may  have  been  commenced  to  this  side, 
on  the  ground  of  the  absence  of  any  instructions  or  authority  to 
bind  your  Government  by  any  stipulations  on  the  forbidden  sub 
ject,  and  the  totally  unexpected  nature  of  the  propositions  made 
to  you. 

"  If  the  British  Government  should  persist  in  the  views  you 
attribute  to  it,  the  matter  can  plainly  be  disposed  of  to  much 
more  advantage  on  this  side,  and  it  may  very  well  happen  that 
that  haughty  Government  will  find  to  its  surprise  that  it  needs 
a  treaty  of  commerce  with  us,  much  more  than  we  need  it  with 
Great  Britain.  Of  this,  however,  I  am  sure  you  will  allow  no 
hint  to  escape  you. 

"  Very  respectfully  and  truly  yours, 

"  ].  P.  BENJAMIN, 

"  Secretary  of  State" 

"  From  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State,  to  /.  M.  Mason. 
"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  January  I5th,  1863. 

"  SIR  :  It  has  been  suggested  to  this  Government  from  a 
source  of  unquestionable  authenticity  that  after  the  recognition 
of  our  independence  by  the  European  powers,  an  expectation  is 
generally  entertained  by  them  that  in  our  treaties  of  amity  and 
commerce  a  clause  will  be  introduced  making  stipulations  against 
the  African  slave  trade. 

"  It  is  even  thought  that  neutral  powers  may  be  inclined  to 
insist  upon  the  insertion  of  such  a  clause  as  a  sine  qua  non. 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


"  You  are  well  aware  how  firmly  fixed  in  our  Constitution  is 
the  policy  of  this  Confederacy  against  the  opening  of  that  trade, 
but  we  are  informed  that  false  and  invidious  suggestions  have 
been  made  by  the  agents  of  the  United  States  at  European 
courts,  of  our  intention  to  change  our  Constitution  as  soon  as 
peace  is  restored,  and  of  authorizing  the  importation  of  slaves 
from  Africa.  If,  therefore,  you  should  find  in  your  intercourse 
with  the  Cabinet  to  which  you  are  accredited,  that  any  such  im 
pressions  are  entertained,  you  will  use  every  proper  effort  to 
remove  them;  and  if  an  attempt  is  made  to  introduce  into  any 
treaty  which  you  may  be  charged  with  negotiating,  stipulations 
on  the  subject  just  mentioned,  you  will  assume  on  behalf  of  your 
Government  the  position,  which,  under  the  direction  of  the  Presi 
dent,  I  now  proceed  to  develop. 

"  The  Constitution  of  the  Confederate  States  is  an  agree 
ment  between  independent  States.  By  its  terms  all  the  powers 
of  the  Government  are  separated  into  classes,  viz : 

"  '  First.  Such  powers  as  the  States  delegate  to  the  General 
Government. 

"  '  Second.  Such  powers  as  the  States  agree  to  refrain  from 
exercising,  although  they  do  not  delegate  them  to  the  General 
Government. 

'  Third.  Such  powers  as  the  States  without  delegating 
them  to  the  General  Government,  thought  proper  to  exercise  by 
direct  agreement  between  themselves  contained  in  the  Consti 
tution. 

'  Fourth.  All  remaining  powers  of  sovereignty,  which  not 
being  delegated  to  the  Confederate  States  by  the  Constitution 
nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States 
respectively  or  to  the  people  thereof.' 

"  On  the  formation  of  the  Constitution,  the  States  thought 
proper  to  prevent  all  possible  future  discussions  on  the  subject 
of  slavery,  by  the  direct  exercise  of  their  own  power  and 
delegated  no  authority  to  the  Confederate  Government,  save  im 
material  exceptions  presently  to  be  noticed. 

"  Especially  in  relation  to  the  importation  of  African  negroes, 
was  it  deemed  important  by  the  States  that  no  power  to  permit  it 
should  exist  in  the  Confederate  Government.  The  States,  by 
the  Constitution  (which  is  a  treaty  between  themselves  of  the 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY    MASON. 


most  solemn  character  that  States  can  make),  unanimously 
stipulated  that  '  The  importation  of  negroes  of  the  African  race 
from  any  foreign  country  other  than  the  slave-holding  States  or 
territories  of  the  United  States  of  America  is  hereby  forbidden ; 
and  Congress  is  required  to  pass  such  laws  as  shall  effectually 
prevent  the  same.'  Art.  I,  Sec.  9,  Par.  I. 

"  It  will  thus  be  seen  that  no  power  is  delegated  to  the  Con 
federate  Government  over  this  subject,  but  that  it  is  included  in 
the  third  class  above  referred  to,  of  powers  exercised  directly  by 
the  States.  It  is  true  that  the  duty  is  imposed  on  Congress  to 
pass  laws  to  render  effectual  the  prohibition  above  quoted.  But 
this  very  imposition  of  a  duty  on  Congress  is  the  strongest  proof 
of  the  absence  of  the  power  in  the  President  and  Senate  alone, 
who  are  vested  with  authority  to  make  treaties.  In  a  word,  as 
the  only  provision  on  the  subject  directs  the  two  branches  of  the 
legislative  department,  in  connection  with  the  President,  to  pass 
laws  on  this  subject,  it  is  out  of  the  power  of  the  President  aided 
by  one  branch  of  the  legislative  department  to  control  the  same 
subject  by  treaties ;  for  there  is  not  only  an  absence  of  express 
delegation  of  authority  to  the  treaty-making  power,  which  alone 
would  suffice  to  prevent  the  exercise  of  such  authority,  but  there 
is  the  implied  prohibition  resulting  from  the  fact  that  all  duty  on 
the  subject  is  imposed  on  a  different  branch  of  the  Government. 

"  I  need  scarcely  enlarge  upon  the  familiar  principle  that 
authority  expressly  delegated  to  Congress  can  not  be  assumed  in 
our  Government  by  the  treaty-making  power.  The  authority  to 
lay  and  collect  taxes,  to  coin  money,  to  declare  war,  etc.,  etc.,  are 
ready  examples,  and  you  can  be  at  no  loss  for  argument  or  illus 
tration  in  support  of  so  well  recognized  a  principle. 

"  The  view  above  expressed  is  further  enforced  by  the  clause 
in  the  Constitution  which  follows  immediately  that  which  has 
already  been  quoted.  The  second  paragraph  of  the  same  section 
provides  that  '  Congress  shall  also  have  power  to  prohibit  the 
introduction  of  slaves  from  any  State  not  a  member,  or  Territory 
not  belonging  to  this  Confederacy.'  Here  there  is  no  direct  ex 
ercise  of  power  by  the  States  which  formed  our  Constitution,  but 
an  express  delegation  to  Congress.  It  is  thus  seen  that  while  the 
States  were  willing  to  trust  Congress  with  the  power  to  prohibit 
the  introduction  of  African  slaves  from  the  United  States,  they 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


were  not  willing  to  trust  it  with  the  power  of  prohibiting  their 
introduction  from  any  other  quarter,  but  determined  to  ensure 
the  execution  of  their  will  by  a  direct  interposition  of  their  own 
power. 

"  Moreover,  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  treaty-making 
power  of  this  Government  to  prohibit  the  African  slave  trade, 
in  addition  to  the  insuperable  objections  above  suggested,  would 
leave  open  the  implication  that  the  same  power  has  authority  to 
permit  such  introduction.  No  such  implication  can  be  sanctioned 
by  us.  This  Government  unequivocally  and  absolutely  denies  its 
possession  of  any  power  whatever  over  the  surjject  and  can  not 
entertain  any  proposition  in  relation  to  it. 

"  While  it  is  totally  beneath  the  dignity  of  this  Government 
to  give  assurances  for  the  purpose  of  vindicating  itself  from  any 
unworthy  suspicions  of  its  good  faith  on  this  subject  that  may 
be  disseminated  by  the  agents  of  the  United  States,  it  may  not 
be  improper  that  you  should  point  out  the  superior  efficacy  of 
our  Constitutional  provision  to  any  treaty  stipulations  we  could 
make.  The  Constitution  is  itself  a  treaty  between  the  States  of 
such  binding  force  that  it  can  not  be  changed  or  abrogated  with 
out  the  deliberate  and  concurrent  action  of  nine  out  of  the 
thirteen  States  that  compose  the  Confederacy.  A  treaty  might  be 
abrogated  by  a  party  temporarily  in  power  in  our  country  at  the 
sole  risk  of  disturbing  amicable  relations  with  a  foreign  power. 
The  Constitution,  unless  by  an  approach  to  unanimity,  could  not 
be  changed  without  the  destruction  of  this  Government  itself; 
and  even  should  it  be  possible  hereafter  to  procure  the  consent  of 
the  number  of  States  necessary  to  change  it,  the  forms  and  delays 
designedly  interposed  by  the  framers  to  check  rash  innovations, 
would  give  ample  time  for  the  most  mature  deliberation  and  for 
strenuous  resistance  on  the  part  of  those  opposed  to  such  change. 

"  After  all,  it  is  scarcely  the  part  of  wisdom  to  impose  re 
straint  on  the  actions  and  conduct  of  men  for  all  future  time. 
The  policy  of  the  Confederacy  is  as  fixed  and  immutable  on  this 
subject  as  the  imperfections  of  human  nature  permits  human 
resolve  to  be. 

"  No  additional  agreements,  treaties,  or  stipulations  can 
commit  these  States  to  the  prohibition  of  the  African  slave  trade 
with  more  binding  efficacy  than  those  they  have  themselves 


38o_ 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


devised.  A  just  and  generous  confidence  in  their  good  faith  on 
this  subject  exhibited  by  friendly  powers  will  be  far  more 
efficacious  than  persistent  efforts  to  induce  this  Government  to 
assume  the  exercise  of  powers  which  it  does  not  possess,  and  to 
bind  the  Confederacy  by  ties  which  would  have  no  constitutional 
validity. 

"  We  trust  therefore  that  no  unnecessary  discussions  on  this 
matter  will  be  introduced  into  your  negotiation.  If,  unfortu 
nately,  this  reliance  should  prove  ill-founded,  you  will  decline 
continuing  negotiations  on  your  side  and  transfer  them  to  us  at 
home,  where  in  such  event  they  could  be  conducted  with  greater 
facility  and  advantage,  under  the  direct  supervision  of  the 
President. 

"  Very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

"  T.  P.  BENJAMIN." 

DISPATCH  No.  28. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  LONDON,  January  3ist,  1863. 

"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  a  letter  from  M.  Bellot  des  Minieres,  who  has 
a  contract  with  the  War  Department  for  furnishing  certain  sup 
plies,  transmitting  to  me  copies  of  an  official  correspondence 
addressed  by  the  Minister  of  Marine  and  of  Colonies  to  Admiral 
Jurien,  commanding  the  French  naval  forces  off  Mexico,  the 
substance  of  which  M.  Bellot  requests  I  should  make  known  to 
the  Government. 

"  The  Minister  of  Marine,  under  date  the  i7th  and  2Oth  of 
January,  advises  the  French  Admiral  that  certain  vessels  were 
sent  by  M.  Bellot  from  ports  in  England  and  France  to  Mata- 
moras  in  Mexico,  and  would  return  thence  to  Havre  laden  with 
cotton  for  account  of  M.  Bellot ;  and  the  Minister  recommends 
those  vessels  to  the  cognizance,  and  protection,  if  necessary,  of 
the  French  Admiral. 

"  M.  Bellot  further  requests  that  I  would  invite  the  attention 
of  the  Government  to  these  facts  as  suggestive  of  any  interven 
tion  on  its  part  to  facilitate  the  movement  of  cotton  to  Mata- 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRA7   ilASJX. 


moras,  for  trans-shipment  thence,  which  I  have  the  honour  to  do 
accordingly,  and  am 

"  Very  respectfully,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No,  29. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  LONDON,  February  5th,  1863. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR:  Since  my  No.  28  of  the  3ist  of  January,  which  goes 
with  this,  I  learn  that  the  ship  intended  to  take  it  is  yet  detained. 
I  am  enabled  thus  to  report  to  the  Department,  two  transactions 
in  cotton  made  by  Major  Caleb  Huse,  C.  S.  A.,  for  account  of  the 
War  Department,  the  details  of  which  will,  of  course,  be  reported 
by  that  officer  to  his  superiors. 

"  The  first — an  engagement  for  the  delivery  of  two  million, 
three  hundred  thousand  pounds  of  cotton,  to  enable  him  to  make 
a  purchase  for  his  Department,  then  to  be  made,  on  favorable 
terms,  and  much  wanted ;  the  second — a  like  engagement  by  the 
same  officer  for  the  delivery  of  five  millions  of  pounds  of  cotton, 
at  fivepence  sterling  per  pound,  as  payment  pro-tanto  of  indebted 
ness  on  his  part  for  supplies  purchased  and  shipped  to  the  War 
Department;  and  which,  as  he  showed  me,  it  was  imperiously 
necessary  to  provide  for. 

"  In  regard  to  both  these  transactions,  I  did  no  more  than  to 
endorse  my  approval  of  them  on  the  certificates,  as  Commissioner 
of  the  Confederate  States :  in  the  first  case,  being  satisfied  of  the 
authority  of  Major  Huse  to  make  purchases  of  the  character  in 
dicated  ;  and  of  the  necessity  for  such  supplies ;  in  the  last  case 
being  equally  satisfied  from  the  correspondence  of  Major  Huse 
with  the  War  Department  that  they  were  aware  of  his  having 
incurred  a  much  larger  indebtedness,  which  that  Department  had 
sought  to  provide  for  by  remittances  in  Confederate  bonds,  but 
which  bonds  could  not  be  used  here  just  now. 

"  In  reference  to  the  general  subject  of  indebtedness  here, 
for  account  of  the  War  and  Navy  Departments,  by  their  respect 
ive  agents,  I  have  felt  it  incumbent  on  me — though  without  ex 
press  authority,  under  existing  circumstances  to  extend  all  aid 


LIFE  OF  J&ME8  MURRAY  MASON. 


in  my  power  to  those  agents,  to  enable  them  to  meet  their 
engagements,  and  thus  to  preserve  as  of  the  last  importance,  the 
credit  of  the  Government. 

"  As  you  are  probably  aware,  large  remittances  have  been 
recently  made,  as  well  by  the  Treasury,  as  by  the  War  and  Navy 
Departments,  to  their  respective  agents  in  England,  of  Con 
federate  bonds,  as  well  as  of  cotton  certificates,  in  the  form 
adopted  by  the  Treasury  Department.  After  their  arrival,  and 
after  full  consultation  with  the  gentlemen  to  whom  they  were 
entrusted,  it  was  deemed  judicious  not  to  put  the  cotton  certifi 
cates,  at  least,  upon  the  market,  until  we  could  learn  the  result 
of  the  proposals  for  a  direct  loan  which  had  been  sent  by  a 
special  messenger  to  Richmond,  by  a  banking  house  on  the  Con 
tinent;  lest  by  doing  so  (should  the  proposal  be  accepted),  we 
might  disturb  the  market  on  which  those  bankers  relied  to  dis 
pose  of  their  loan.  Thus,  although  at  great  inconvenience  to 
existing  engagements,  no  steps  have  been  taken  here  in  regard 
to  disposing  of  the  cotton  certificates  sent  from  the  Treasury. 

"  The  same  reason  not  applying  to  the  Confederate  money- 
bonds,  Mr.  Spence,  as  financial  agent,  occupied  himself  in  the 
proper  form  of  inquiry  as  to  disposing  of  them;  but,  unfortu 
nately  within  the  past  two  weeks,  because  of  some  disturbance  of 
capital  here,  the  rate  of  interest  has  been  raised  by  the  Bank  of 
England,  from  three  per  cent.,  at  which  it  had  long  stood, 
at  first  to  four,  and  afterwards  to  five  per  cent. ;  at  which 
latter  rate  it  now  is,  but  with  general  expectations  of  a  yet  further 
advance.  Mr.  Spence's  inquiries,  therefore,  were  unsatisfactory, 
and  so  far  fruitless.  It  was  in  this  stagnation  and  difficulty  that 
I  felt  called  on  to  sanction  the  cotton  operations  above  noted  of 
Major  Huse — the  case  he  presented  being  the  most  urgent. 

"  I  have  deemed  it  proper  to  make  this  full  report  to  you, 
although  of  matters  pertaining  to  other  departments  of  the  Gov 
ernment;  and  I  hope  my  action  in  the  premises  will  meet  with 
approval. 

"  Yesterday,  I  learned  by  a  note  from  Mr.  Slidell,  that  intel 
ligence  had  been  received  at  Paris  by  the  bankers  in  question, 
from  Richmond,  that  the  loan  had  been  accepted  by  our  Govern 
ment  to  the  extent  of  two  millions  sterling — the  Government 
declining  a  larger  amount,  although  proposed.  We  have,  as  yet, 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


383 


received  no  details,  nor  is  it  known  when  the  money  is  to  be 
available  here.  It  is  assumed,  however,  that  the  loan  will,  by 
no  means,  yield  its  nominal  amount ;  but  whatever  that  may  be, 
I  am  disposed  to  think  it  will  not  be  sufficient  to  meet  engage 
ments  here  existing,  and  under  orders  that  are  prospective.  Still, 
in  the  absence  of  full  information,  I  am  disposed  to  think  it  well 
that  a  larger  amount  was  not  taken  on  the  French  proposals, 
especially,  should  it  have  been  arranged  for  an  enlargement  of 
the  loan  if  required. 

"  I  am  still  strongly  of  opinion  that  the  true  mode  of  raising 
money  here  will  be  found  to  be  by  prospective  sales  of  cotton,  in 
the  form,  if  not  in  the  actual  terms  prescribed  by  the  cotton 
certificates  from  the  Treasury ;  and  although  it  may  be  that  loss 
will  result  to  the  Government  by  the  difference  in  price  at  which 
they  purchase  and  sell ;  yet  regarding  the  state  of  exchange,  and 
the  heavy  losses  to  be  incurred  in  any  negotiation  of  Confederate 
money-bonds,  I  think  that  cotton  will  be  found  the  best  basis  for 
supply.  As  I  have  said,  we  have  not  yet  tested  the  market,  but 
as  there  is  a  growing  expectation  here  that  a  peace  is  impending, 
these  cotton  certificates,  I  think,  will  improve  in  value;  and  as 
the  prospect  for  peace  increases,  of  course,  that  value  will  aug 
ment. 

"•  In  a  communication  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  he 
informs  me  that  he  is  actively  at  work  purchasing  cotton.  I  do 
not  think  a  more  effective  measure  could  be  adopted  to 
strengthen  the  financial  position  of  the  Government.  Cotton,  as 
the  property  of  the  Government,  will  always  be,  in  Europe,  a  sure 
basis  of  credit — so  sure,  as  to  engage  money  on  better  terms  than 
any  other  form  of  credit.  In  this  connection,  and  in  regard  to 
any  future  operations  that  may  be  required  here,  I  would  suggest 
that  I  be  kept  informed,  from  time  to  time  (or  by  each  dispatch), 
of  the  quantity  of  cotton  actually  possessed  by  the  Government. 
Such  inquiries  are  made  of  me,  and  the  information  would  be 
deemed  valuable  here  in  any  cotton  operations. 

"  The  last  New  York  papers  contain,  published  at  length, 
various  dispatches  from  your  department,  as  well  as  others,  in 
tercepted,  as  it  would  appear,  by  the  enemy's  cruisers.  Amongst 
them,  yours  to  me  of  the  2ist  of  September  and  28th  of  October 
— duplicates,  I  suppose,  as  the  originals  had  previously  reached 


384 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


me ;  a  duplicate  of  Mr.  Memmenger  to  me  of  the  24th  of  October, 
and  his  triplicate  of  the  25th  of  the  same  month ;  Mr.  Mallory's 
duplicate  to  me  of  the  26th  of  October,  had  also  been  received : 
but  to  the  enemy  I  am  indebted  for  the  first  receipt  of  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Mallory  to  me  of  the  3Oth  of  October. 

"  It  is  certainly  unfortunate  that  the  messenger  to  whom 
these  dispatches  were  intrusted,  permitted  their  capture,  although 
I  am  not  aware  of  any  particular  inconvenience  to  arise  from  it, 
except  so  far  as  they  refer  to  operations  here  of  the  War  and 
Navy  Departments. 

"  I  have,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.  14. 

"y.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  State,  to  J.  M.  Mason,  Commissioner 
Confederate  States  to  Great  Britain. 
"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  February  6th3  1863. 

"  SIR  :  I  enclose  you  copy  of  a  circular  recently  sent  by  me 
to  the  different  consuls  of  foreign  powers  announcing  the  raising 
of  the  blockade  of  Charleston  by  our  superior  forces. 

"  That  at  Galveston  was  raised  in  the  same  manner,  and  this 
morning's  papers  announce  the  capture  of  three  Federal  vessels 
at  Sabine  Pass  and  the  opening  of  that  harbor  by  the  breaking  of 
the  blockade  by  superior  force.  Of  this  last  fact  we  have  no 
official  knowledge. 

"  We  scarcely  suppose  that  this  intelligence  will  have  any 
effect  on  the  conduct  of  the  European  powers,  whose  settled 
determination  to  overlook  any  aggression  on  their  rights  by  the 
United  States  has  been  exhibited  under  all  circumstances,  how 
ever  aggravated,  in  a  manner  so  unmistakable  that  we  have 
ceased  to  expect  impartiality  at  their  hands. 

"  The  recent  losses  of  the  enemy  in  vessels  are  considerable, 
I  append  an  imperfect  list : 

"  i.     The  gunboat  '  Sidell,'  destroyed  on  Tennessee  River. 

"  2.     The  ironclad  '  Monitor,'  sunk  at  sea. 

"  3.     The  gunboat  '  Columbia,'  wrecked  on  coast. 

"  4.  The  gunboat  *  Cairo,'  blown  up  by  torpedo  in  Yazco 
River. 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


"  5-     The  steamer  '  Harriet  Lane/  captured  at  Galveston. 
"  6.     The  gunboat  '  Westfield/  blown  up  at  Galveston. 
"  7.     The  gunboat  '  Mercedita/  sunk  off  Charleston. 

off 


"  9.  The  gunboat  '  Isaac  P.  Smith/  captured  in  Stone 
River. 

"  10.     The  gunboat  ' /  burnt  in  North  Carolina. 

"  ii.     The  gunboat '  Hatteras/  sunk  off  Galveston. 

"  Besides  the  above  are  three  vessels  just  announced  to  have 
been  captured  at  Sabine  Pass,  and  several  others  much  damaged 
by  Flag  Officer  Ingraham's  squadron  off  Charleston.  So  that 
upon  the  whole  our  success  on  the  water  has  not  been  incon 
siderable. 

"  In  addition  to  the  above  some  twenty  of  their  transport 
steamers  have  been  captured  or  destroyed  on  our  inland  waters 
within  the  last  sixty  days,  while  the  '  Alabama '  and  '  Florida ' 
have  not  been  idle  at  sea.  Of  the  general  aspect  of  the  war  you 
will  be  able  to  judge  by  the  newspapers  of  the  North  which  paint 
their  own  condition  in  colors  so  dark  that  we  can  scarcely  desire 
to  add  anything  to  the  gloomy  picture.  Public  feeling  with  us 
is  bright  and  confident,  almost  too  much  so.  The  conviction  that 
a  disruption  or  revolution  of  some  sort  will  take  place  at  the 
North  within  a  very  short  period  is  daily  gaining  ground. 

"  Yours,  very  respectfully, 

"  I.  P.  BENJAMIN." 

The  circulars  referred  to  in  the  dispatch  above  read : 
CIRCULAR  TO  THE  CONSULS. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  January  3ist,  1863. 

"  SIR  :  I  am  instructed  by  the  President  of  the  Confederate 
States  of  America  to  inform  you  that  this  Government  has  re 
ceived  an  official  dispatch  from  Flag  Officer  Ingraham  command 
ing  the  naval  forces  of  the  Confederacy  on  the  coast  of  South 
Carolina,  stating  that  the  blockade  of  the  harbor  of  Charleston 
has  been  broken  by  the  complete  dispersion  and  disappearance  of 
the  blockading  squadron  in  consequence  of  a  successful  attack 
made  on  it  by  the  ironclad  steamers  commanded  by  Flag  Officer 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


Ingraham.     During  this  attack  one  or  more  of  the  blockading 
vessels  were  sunk  or  burnt. 

"  As  you  are  doubtless  aware  that  by  the  law  of  nations  a 
blockade,  when  thus  broken  by  superior  force,  ceases  to  exist  and 
can  not  be  subsequently  enforced  unless  established  de  novo  with 
adequate  force  and  after  due  notice  to  neutral  powers,  it  has  been 
deemed  proper  to  give  you  the  information  herein  contained  for 
the  guidance  of  such  vessels  of  nations  as  may  choose  to  carry  on 
commerce  with  the  now  open  port  of  Charleston. 
"  Respectfully,  etc.,  etc., 

"  j.  P.  BENJAMIN. 

Secretary  of  State, 

"  Mr.    George  Moore,   Esq.,   Her  Britannic   Majesty's   Consul    at 
Richmond." 

CIRCULAR. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  February  7th,  1863. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  again  to  inform  you  of  the  raising  of  the 
blockade  of  two  Southern  ports  by  superior  forces. 

"  This  Government  is  officially  informed  of  the  total  dis 
persion  and  disappearance  of  the  blockading  squadron  recently 
stationed  off  Galveston  harbor  by  the  combined  attack  of  land 
and  naval  forces  of  the  Confederacy.  In  this  attack  the  enemy's 
steamer  '  Harriet  Lane/  was  captured,  and  the  flag-ship  of  the 
squadron,  the  '  Westfield/  was  blown  up  and  destroyed.  The 
blockade  of  the  port  of  Galveston  is  therefore  at  an  end. 

"  The  armed  river  boats  which  raised  the  blockade  at  Gal 
veston  then  proceeded  to  Sabine  Pass,  where  they  again  attacked 
the  enemy's  blockaders,  captured  thirteen  guns,  large  quantities 
of  stores  and  a  number  of  prisoners.  No  blockading  fleet  now 
exists  off  Sabine  Pass,  and  the  steamers  of  the  Confederacy  were, 
at  the  last  account,  cruising  off  the  Pass  with  no  enemy  in  sight. 
"  This  information  for  the  guidance  of  such  of  the  merchants 
of  your  nation  as  may  desire  to  trade  with  either  of  the  open 
ports  of  Galveston  or  Sabine  Pass. 

"  Respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN, 

"  Secretary  of  State." 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


387 


DISPATCH  No.  16. 


"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  21  st  February,  1863. 
"  Hon.  I.  M.  Mason. 

"  SIR  :  The  expeditions  of  the  enemy  against  Vicksburg, 
and  against  Charleston  and  Savannah,  have  thus  far  recoiled  from 
the  dangers  which  threaten  any  attempt  to  storm  those  formid 
able  positions,  and  the  army  of  Northern  Virginia  has  been 
weakened  by  heavy  details  sent  to  the  lower  James  River.  No 
immediate  operations  in  Virginia  are  at  all  likely,  and  attention  is 
fixed  on  the  Atlantic  coast  and  the  Mississippi  Valley.  We  await 
the  onset  with  calm  confidence. 

"  I  enclose  you  a  correspondence  with  the  British  Consul  on 
the  subject  of  Hester's  case  which  relieves  us  from  all  embar 
rassment  on  that  subject  which  was  feared,  as  was  mentioned  in 
my  No.  15. 

"  I  send  for  your  further  information  a  copy  of  a  further  cor 
respondence  with  that  official  on  the  subject  of  his  exequatur. 

"  I  learn  with  gratification  through  Mrs.  Mason  that  all  my 
dispatches  down  to  5th  November  had  been  received  by  you. 
"  I  am,  very  respectfully, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  T.  P.  BENJAMIN." 

DISPATCH  No.  30. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  LONDON,  February  9th,  1863. 
"  Hon.  J .  P .  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  enclose  you,  herewith,  a  full 
report  of  the  proceedings  and  debate  in  Parliament  on  the 
Queen's  '  speech/  at  the  first  day  of  the  session.  Whilst  both 
ministry  and  opposition  agree  that  the  separation  of  the  States 
is  final,  yet  both  equally  agree,  that  in  their  judgment,  the  time 
has  not  yet  arrived  for  recognition.  Both  parties  are  guided  in 
this,  by  a  fixed  English  purpose  to  run  no  risk  of  a  broil,  even  far 
less  a  war,  with  the  United  States.  For  us,  it  only  remains  to  be 
silent  and  passive.  The  ground  taken  by  Lord  Derby,  that 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


recognition  without  other  intervention  would  have  no  fruits,  is 
constantly  assumed  here  by  those  who  are  against  any  move 
ment  ;  and  with  those  willingly  deaf,  it  is  vain  to  argue.  I  hope, 
at  an  early  day  of  the  session,  on  a  call  to  be  made,  my  cor 
respondence  with  the  Foreign  Office  will  be  laid  before  Parlia 
ment;  the  English  people  will  then  at  least,  have  the  Southern 
view  of  the  effect  of  such  simple  recognition. 

"  It  is  thought  here  that  if  from  no  other  cause,  the  war 
must  soon  come  to  an  end  from  sheer  inability  in  the  Lincoln 
Government  to  carry  it  on. 

"  Our  latest  military  advices  are  the  damaging  blows  dealt  to 
the  enemy  at  Murfreesboro  ;  the  late  signal  and  unexampled  naval 
victory  at  Galveston  ;  and,  to-day,  in  the  report  by  telegram,  that 
the  enemy's  gunboat  '  Hatteras  '  after  a  sharp  action  with  one  of 
our  '  little  navy  '  supposed  to  be  the  '  Alabama/  the  '  Oreto,'  or 
the  '  Harriet  Lane  '  had  been  sunk.  The  report  comes  from 
Queenstown  by  a  vessel  just  arrived  there  from  Nova  Scotia. 
The  public  here,  schooled  by  experience,  look  just  as  confidently 
by  each  arrival  for  news  of  Southern  successes,  as  you  await 
them  in  Richmond. 

"  As  yet,  I  have  not  even  an  acknowledgment  from  the 
Foreign  Office  of  the  receipt  of  my  letter  of  the  3d  of  January, 
containing  the  protest  you  instructed  me  to  make  on  the  failure 
of  the  Secretary  to  answer  the  inquiries  put  to  him.  The  letter 
was  delivered  by  Mr.  Macfarland,  and  there  can  be  no  question, 
therefore,  of  its  receipt.  Strange  contumacy  from  such  a  quarter. 
"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  etc.,  etc., 

"  JAMES  M.  MASON." 

An  incident  that  occurred  only  two  days  after  the  date  of 
this  last  dispatch,  would  certainly  seem  to  encourage  the  belief 
so  frequently  expressed  by  Mr.  Mason,  that  Earl  Russell  was  not 
really  a  fair  exponent  of  the  feelings  or  opinions  of  the  English 
people. 

The  occasion  referred  to  was  recorded  in  Mr.  Mason's 
private  memoranda  for  the  benefit  of  his  family;  it  was  also 
noticed  in  the  Times.  Both  accounts  are  here  given. 

Mr.  Mason  said  of  it  Februa  -T  nth,  1863:  "  Dined  at  the 
Mansion  House  by  invitation  from  the  Lord  Mayor  and  Lady 
Mayoress. 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


389 


"  Each  estate  in  the  realm  represented — the  Houses  of  Lords 
and  Commons,  the  Church,  the  Army  and  Navy,  with  the  sheriffs 
and  municipality  of  London.  Some  three  hundred  ladies  and 
gentlemen  present. 

>;  The  dinner  was  served  in  the  Egyptian  Hall,  with  all  the 
paraphernalia  of  a  civic  banquet.  After  the  cloth  was  removed, 
the  toasts  were  announced  by  the  master  of  the  ceremonies — each 
accompanied  by  a  short,  appropriate  address,  in  the  following 
order.  The  Queen,  the  Prince  of  Wales  and  the  Royal  Family, 
the  Army  and  Navy,  the  House  of  Lords,  the  Commons,  the 
Sheriff  of  London,  the  Aldermen  of  London,  and  last,  Distin 
guished  guests,  as  whom  were  named  Mr.  Mason,  Commissioner 
from  the  Confederate  States  of  America,  and  the  Mayor  of  Que 
bec.  As  arranged  in  the  programme,  the  Mayor  of  Quebec  only 
was  called  on  to  respond  to  the  toast,  which  he  did  in  appropriate 
terms.  I  should  have  remarked  when  my  name  was  announced 
by  the  Mayor,  it  was  received  with  a  storm  of  applause,  and 
when  the  Mayor  of  Quebec  concluded  his  remarks  that  storm  was 
renewed,  with  calls  upon  me  by  name  from  every  quarter  of  the 
hall.  My  seat  was  nearly  opposite  to  the  Lord  Mayor,  and  by 
silent,  though  intelligent  glances,  he  inquired  whether  I  would 
respond  to  the  call — of  course  I  assented,  and  thus  without  notice 
or  preparation,  made  an  address  to  the  Mayor  and  Livery  of 
London. 

"  When  we  returned  to  the  drawing-room,  the  Mayor  came 
to  me  and  said,  whilst  announcing  me  as  a  guest,  he  did  not  feel 
at  liberty  to  put  me  in  the  programme  for  a  speech,  and  hoped 
I  was  not  disturbed  when  the  company  decreed  otherwise. 

'  The  invitation  was  for  6  p.  m.  We  were  seated  at  half-past 
six,  and  the  dinner  lasted  until  half-past  ten.  Music,  with  songs 
and  glees  from  a  choir,  filled  the  intervals  between  the  toasts." 

( 
EXTRACT  FROM  AN  ENGLISH  NEWSPAPER. 

"  Mr.  Mason,  the  Commissioner  from  the  American  Con 
federate  States : 

"  Last  evening,  this  gentleman  made  a  speech  in  public,  at 
a  banquet  at  the  Mansion  House,  in  reference  to  the  existing 
relations  between  the  Confederate  States  of  Amerisa,  of  which  he 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MVRRAJ  MASON. 


is  here  the  accredited  representative,  and  the  English  Govern 
ment,  by  whom  he  is  as  yet  unrecognized. 

"  Towards  the  close  of  the  entertainment,  the  Lord  Mayor 
proposed  the  toast  of  '  The  Visitors/  referring  particularly  to 
the  presence  of  the  Mayor  of  Quebec  and  Mr.  Mason.  The  men 
tion  of  the  latter  gentleman's  name  elicited  loud  cheers.  His 
Lordship  proceeded  to  say,  alluding  to  Mr.  Mason,  that  although 
he  could  not  greet  that  gentleman  as  a  recognized  plenipoten 
tiary  to  this  country,  he  was  perfectly  justified,  by  virtue  of  his 
position  as  chief  magistrate  of  the  City  of  London,  in  offering  to 
him,  and  to  all  gentlemen  who  came  to  this  country  on  any  im 
portant  public  business,  a  hearty  welcome  in  his  official  residence. 
They,  as  citizens  of  London,  deeply  deplored  the  disastrous  war 
which  was  being  waged  on  the  American  continent,  and  longed, 
in  common  with  the  rest  of  their  countrymen  and  of  the  civilized 
world,  to  see  it  brought  to  some  satisfactory  termination.  He 
gave  '  The  Visitors/  coupling  with  the  toast  the  name  of  the 
Mayor  of  Quebec. 

"  Mr.  Pope,  the  Mayor,  briefly  acknowledged  the  compli 
ment  in  an  animated  speech. 

"  Mr.  Mason,  responding  to  an  urgent  invitation  of  the 
company,  presented  himself  to  speak,  and  was  received  with 
enthusiastic  cheers.  He  said:  'My  Lord  Mayor,  my  Lady 
Mayoress,  my  lords  and  ladies,  and  gentlemen,  but  that  I  feel 
deeply  the  obligations  I  am  under  to  the  honored  Chief  Magis 
trate  of  this  city  for  permission  to  be  present  to-night,  I  should 
feel  strongly  disposed  to  pick  a  quarrel.  His  Lordship  has  not 
chosen  to  remember  that  here  in  England  I  am  not  considered 
of  full  age,  that  I  am  yet  in  my  minority.  The  Government  of 
England  —  we  all  know,  honoured  from  ages,  and  always  a  wise 
Government  in  its  generation  —  has  declared  that  the  country 
which  I  represent  beyond  that  broad  water  has  not  yet  attained 
years  of  discretion,  and  is  not  capable  of  managing  its  own  affairs 
(laugh).  I  say,  therefore,  that  but  for  the  kind  and  generous 
manner  in  which  I  have  been  received  by  this  honoured  company, 
and  in  the  presence  of  your  Chief  Magistrate,  I  should  have  been 
disposed  to  say,  in  the  language  of  a  poet  : 

"  'You  would  scarce  expect  one  of  my  age 
To  speak  in  public  from  the  stage.' 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


"  'My  Lord  Mayor,  I  am  a  stranger  in  London  —  or  rather, 
I  was  a  stranger  ;  but  I  have  learnt  that  since  I  came  to  London 
that  none  of  English  blood  from  my  own  Southern  land  are 
strangers  among  you  (cheers).  I  speak  this  from  my  heart 
(cheers),  for  I  have  been,  by  every  circle  in  England  and  by  every 
class  of  society,  a  welcome  and  an  honoured  guest  (cheers).  I 
return  my  sincere  thanks  to  you  for  the  kindness  with  which 
you  have  listened  to  a  stranger.  The  day  will  come  (great 
cheering)  —  it  is  not  far  off  —  when  the  relationship  between  the 
Government  which  is  now  in  its  infant  fortune  and  yours  will  be 
one  of  close  and  intimate  alliance  (renewed  cheers). 

'  I  say  this  more  especially  as  regards  the  city  of  London, 
which  is  the  great  market  for  the  world.  My  country  is  the 
unrivalled  producer  of  the  great  staples  of  the  world,  and  I  say 
the  relations  —  commercial,  doubtless  political,  certainly  social  — 
between  my  honoured  countrymen  and  the  people  of  London 
will  before  long  be  one  of  the  most  intimate  character  (cheers).'  ' 

The  following  letter  is  interesting,  as  expressive  of  the  feel 
ings  and  opinion  of  those  present  on  the  occasion.  The  writer 
(an  Englishman)  held  so  high  and  responsible  a  position  in  the 
commercial  world,  his  testimony  has  peculiar  value  : 

BLACK  BALL  LINE, 

BRITISH  AND  AUSTRALIAN  PACKETS, 
T.  M.  MACKAY  &  Co.,  LONDON. 

"  LONDON,  February  i2th,  1863. 

"  i   LEADENHALL  STREET,  E.  C. 

"  MY  DEAR  SPENCE  :  I  was  at  the  Mansion  House  last  night 
and  heard  the  Lord  Mayor  virtually  recognize  the  South  in  the 
quietest  and  most  inoffensive  way  that  could  be  imagined.  The 
Times  gives  a  very  good  report  of  what  Mr.  Mason  said,  but 
no  description  can  picture  the  effect  of  his  calm  and  dignified 
delivery  of  these  simple  sentences  —  John  Kemble  as  '  Corio- 
lanus  '  was  never  so  grand,  and  Mr.  Mason's  pauses  were  elo 
quence  itself  —  you  might  have  heard  a  pin  fall  except  at  the 
tumultuous  interruptions  arising  from  sympathy  and  admiration. 
It  was  a  scene  to  be  remembered  in  one's  lifetime,  and  something 
to  say  to  my  grandchildren. 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


"  As  I  came  out  I  rubbed  shoulders  with  Captain  Tinker, 
Grinnell's  partner,  and  I  said,  jocularly,  '  Well,  you  see  the  Lord 
Mayor  has  been  and  gone  and  done  it/  He  laughingly  replied  : 
'  Oh,  yes,  it  's  all  over  now.'  Depend  on  it,  this  expression  of 
opinion  from  the  heart  of  England's  middle  classes  must  tell. 
It  will  reverberate  thro'  the  land  and  find  an  echo  —  it  may  be, 
even  in  the  North  itself.  Had  you  been  there  with  your  bonds 
they  would  all  have  disappeared  as  readily  as  the  Greenfat. 
Could  I  say  more? 

"  Yours  truly, 

"  T.  M.  MACKAY." 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Brilliant  Success  of  Confederate  Loan — England  Apprehends  Trouble  with 
United  States— Correspondence  with  Earl  Russell  About  Blockade — De 
partment  Sends  Design  of  the  Confederate  Flag — Description  of  Seal  for 
Confederate  States,  with  Instructions  to  Have  it  Made  in  England — Mr. 
McCrea  has  Management  of  Loan — Extracts  from  Private  Letters — Fed 
eral  Recruiting  in  Ireland — Mr.  Roebuck  and  Mr.  Lindsay  Visit  the  Em 
peror — Minutes  of  Their  Conversation. 

In  dispatch  No.  31,  dated  March  19,  1863,  Mr.  Mason  says: 
"  I  am  most  happy  to  record  here  (though  the  news  will 
have  reached  you  long  before  you  get  this  dispatch),  the  decided 
and  brilliant  success  of  the  Confederate  loan.  Mr.  Erlanger, 
who  has  been  for  the  last  ten  days  in  London,  seems  to  have 
worked  it  with  great  skill,  diligence  and  tact.  He  has  conferred 
freely  and  frankly  with  me,  and  as  there  was  a  strong  opinion  in 
monied  circles  of  the  city  that  the  enterprise  was  a  hazardous 
one,  and  likely  to  fail  in  the  market,  I  am  the  more  impressed  by 
the  judgment  and  good  sense  evinced  by  Mr.  Erlanger.  It  was 
placed  on  the  market  yesterday,  when  more  than  five  millions 
sterling  were  subscribed  at  once ;  and  before  night  it  commanded 
a  premium  of  four  and  a  half  to  five  per  cent.  What  has  been 
subscribed  at  Liverpool  and  on  the  Continent  we  have  not  heard, 
but  the  books  do  not  close  until  to-morrow  at  2  p.  m. 

"  I  saw  Erlanger  last  night,  who  was,  of  course,  much 
gratified  at  his  success.  He  does  not  doubt  that  the  entire  sub 
scription  will  reach,  most  probably  exceed,  ten  millions.  Although 
doubtless  the  large  subscription  was  made  in  expectation  of 
profit,  yet  I  know,  from  many  sources,  that  very  large  sums  were 
subscribed  from  a  single  desire  to  serve  the  Confederate  cause, 
and  the  leading  houses  in  London  and  Paris  subscribed  largely." 
The]following  extract  is  taken  from  the  same  dispatch  : 
"  We  are  looking  with  great  interest  here  to  the  progress 
of  events  in  the  Northern  States.  It  is  thought,  as  things 
stand  there,  that  our  earliest  hopes  of  peace  may  be  looked  to 
from  their  weakness  at  home.  Opinion  is  gaining  ground  that, 
in  their  desperation,  they  will  provoke,  by  design,  a  war  with 
England,  to  avert  an  internecine  war  at  home. 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRA7   MASON. 


"  Having  no  intercourse,  unofficial  or  otherwise,  with  any 
member  of  the  Government  here,  I  can  gather  opinion  only  from 
those  who  have,  and  referring  to  such  source,  I  have  a  strong 
opinion  that  there  are  those  in  the  Cabinet  who  anticipate,  by 
each  mail  from  the  North,  accounts  of  hostilities  actually  begun 
against  England.  I  tell  them  I  fear  I  am  almost  selfish  enough  to 
hope  their  anticipations  may  not  be  disappointed." 

Another  from  same  dispatch,  dated  March  25  : 

"  I  enclose,  cut  from  the  London  Times  of  yesterday,  a  short 
debate  in  the  House  of  Lords  of  the  day  before,  between  Lord 
Stratheden  and  Earl  Russell,  on  a  motion  of  the  former  in  regard 
to  recognition  of  the  Southern  Confederacy. 

"  You  will  find  it  leaves  the  question  pretty  much  where 
it  found  it,  but  the  concluding  paragraphs  of  Earl  Russell's  re 
marks  contain  expressions  which  seem  strongly  to  import,  and 
by  design,  a  double  meaning.  His  Lordship  admits,  in  sub 
stance,  that  our  independence  is  achieved,  and  at  some  day  it 
may  become  necessary  for  England  to  recognize  it,  but  he  throws 
out  to  the  English  people  what  the  responsibility  of  that  Min 
istry  will  be  which  recognizes  a  State  that  vindicates  African 
slavery. 

"  The  'Sumter/  you  are  aware,  has  been  sold  to  a  British 
house.  After  the  sale,  which  the  United  States  Consul  there 
tried  in  various  ways  to  frustrate,  a  constant  watch  was  kept  on 
her  by  a  Federal  ship  in  waiting.  She  escaped,  however,  on 
a  dark  night,  and  arrived  safely  at  Liverpool." 

Accompanying  this  dispatch  was  the  annexed  correspon 
dence  with  Earl  Russell. 

"  From  Earl  Russell: 

"  FOREIGN  OFFICE,  February  10,  1863. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your 
letter  of  January,  referring  to  the  letter  which  you  addressed  to 
me  on  the  7th  of  July  last,  referring  to  the  interpretation  placed 
by  Her  Majesty's  Government  on  the  declaration  with  regard  to 
blockade  appended  to  the  Treaty  of  Paris. 

"  I  have,  in  the  first  place,  to  assure  you  that  Her  Majesty's 
Government  would  much  regret  if  you  should  feel  that  any  want 
of  respect  was  intended  by  the  circumstance  of  a  mere  acknowl- 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON.  ?(?5 

edgment  of  your  letters  having  hitherto  been  addressed  to  you. 

"  With  regard  to  the  question  contained  in  it,  I  have  to  say 
that  Her  Majesty's  Government  see  no  reason  to  qualify  the  lan 
guage  employed  in  my  dispatch  addressed  to  Lord  Lyons  of  ihe 
1 5th  of  February  last.  It  appears  to  Her  Majesty's  Government 
to  be  sufficiently  clear  that  the  declaration  of  Paris  could  not 
have  been  intended  to  mean  that  a  port  must  be  so  blockaded 
as  really  to  prevent  access  in  all  winds,  and  independently  of 
whether  the  communication  might  be  carried  on  of  a  dark  night, 
or  by  means  of  small,  low  steamers  or  coasting  craft  creeping 
along1  the  shore — in  short,  that  it  was  necessary  that  the  com 
munication  with  a  port  under  blockade  should  be  utterly  and 
absolutely  impossible  under  any  circumstances. 

"  In  further  illustration  of  this  remark,  I  may  say  that  there 
is  no  doubt  a  blockade  would  be  in  legal  existence,  although  a 
sudden  storm  or  change  of  wind  occasionally  blew  off  the  block 
ading  squadron. 

"  This  is  a  change  to  which,  in  the  nature  of  things,  every 
blockade  is  liable.  Such  an  accident  does  not  suspend,  much  less 
break,  a  blockade.  Whereas,  on  the  contrary,  the  driving  off 
a  blockading  force  by  a  superior  force  does  break  a  blockade, 
which  must  be  renewed  de  novo,  in  the  usual  form,  to  be  binding 
upon  neutrals. 

4  The  Declaration  of  Paris  was  in  truth  directed  against 
what  were  once  called  paper  blockades,  that  is,  blockades  not 
sustained  by  any  actual,  or  by  a  notoriously  inadequate,  naval 
force,  such  as  the  occasional  appearance  of  a  man-of-war  in  the 
offing,  or  the  like. 

"  The  inadequacy  of  the  force  to  maintain  the  blockade, 
must,  indeed  always,  to  a  certain  degree,  be  one  of  fact  and  evi 
dence,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  in  any  of  the  numerous  cases 
brought  before  the  Prize  Courts  in  America  the  inadequacy  of 
the  force  has  been  urged  by  those  who  would  have  been  most 
interested  in  urging  it  against  the  legality  of  the  seizure. 

"  The  interpretation  placed,  therefore,  by  Her  Majesty's 
Government  on  the  Declaration  of  Paris  was,  that  a  blockade, 
in  order  to  be  respected  by  neutrals,  must  be  practically  effective. 

"  At  the  time  I  wrote  my  dispatch  to  Lord  Lyons,  Her 
Majesty's  Government  was  of  the  opinion  that  the  blockade  of  the 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


Southern  ports  could  not  be  otherwise  regarded,  and  certainly 
the  manner  in  which  it  has  since  been  enforced  gives  to  neutral 
Governments  no  excuse  for  asserting  that  the  blockade  has  not 
been  efficiently  maintained. 

"  It  is  proper  to  add  that  the  same  view  of  the  meaning  and 
effect  of  the  Article  of  the  Declaration  of  Paris  on  the  subject  of 
blockade  which  is  above  explained,  was  taken  by  the  Representa 
tive  of  the  United  States  (Mr.  Dallas),  at  the  Court  of  St.  James 
during  the  communications  which  passed  between  the  two  Gov 
ernments  some  years  before  the  present  war,  with  a  view  to  the 
accession  of  the  United  States  to  that  declaration. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  RUSSELL. 
"  J.  M.  Mason,  Esqr." 

"  24  UPPER  SEYMOUR   STREET, 

"  PORTMAN  SQUARE, 

"  February  16,  1863. 
"  The  Right  Hon.  Earl  Russell, 

"  Her  Majesty's  Secretary  of  State 

"  For  Foreign  Affairs. 

"  MY  LORD  :  I  deem  it  incumbent  upon  me  to  ask  the 
attention  of  Her  Majesty's  Government  to  recent  intelligence  re 
ceived  here  in  regard  to  the  blockade  in  Galveston,  in  the  State 
-of  Texas,  and  at  Charleston,  in  the  State  of  South  Carolina. 

"  First,  as  regards  Galveston,  it  appears  that  the  blockading 
squadron  was  driven  from  that  port  and  harbor  by  a  superior 
Confederate  force,  on  the  first  day  of  January  last ;  one  ship  of 
that  squadron  was  captured,  the  flagship  destroyed,  and  the  rest 
escaped,  making  their  way,  it  is  said,  to  some  point  on  the  South 
ern  coast  occupied  by  the  United  States  forces.  Whatever  block 
ade  of  the  port  of  Galveston,  therefore,  may  have  previously  ex 
isted,  I  submit  was  effectually  raised  and  destroyed  by  the 
superior  forces  of  the  party  blockaded. 

"Again,  as  respects  the  port  of  Charleston — through  the 
ordinary  channels  of  intelligence  we  have  information,  uncon- 
tradicted,  that  the  alleged  blockade  of  that  port  was  in  like  man 
ner  raised  and  destroyed  by  a  superior  Confederate  force,  at  an 
early  hour  on  the  3ist  of  January  ultimo,  two  ships  of  the  block- 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


397 


ading  squadron  having  been  sunk,  a  third  escaped  disabled,  and 
what  remained  of  the  squadron  afloat  was  entirely  driven  off  the 
coast. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  submit,  therefore,  that  any  alleged 
pre-existing  blockade  of  the  ports  aforesaid  was  terminated  at 
Galveston  on  the  ist  of  January  last,  and  at  Charleston  on  the 
3  ist  of  the  same  month — a  principle  clearly  stated  in  a  letter  I 
have  had  the  honor  to  receive  from  your  Lordship,  dated  on  the 
loth  instant. 

"  I  am  aware  that  official  information  of  either  of  these  events 
may  not  yet  have  reached  the  Government  of  Her  Majesty;  but 
the  consequences  attending  the  removal  of  the  blockade  (whether 
to  be  renewed  or  no)  are  so  important  to  the  commercial  in 
terests  involved,  that  I  could  lose  no  time  in  asking  that  such 
measures  may  be  taken  by  Her  Majesty's  Government  in  rela 
tion  thereto  as  will  best  tend  to  the  resumption  of  a  commercial 
intercouse  so  long  placed  under  restraint. 

"  I  avail  myself  of  this  occasion  to  acknowledge  the  receipt 
of  your  Lordship's  letter  of  the  loth  of  February  instant,  to 
which  I  shall  have  the  honor  of  sending  a  reply  in  the  course  of  a 
day  or  two,  and  am 

"  With  great  respect,  etc., 

"J.  M.  MASON, 

"  Special  Commissioner  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America." 


"  FOREIGN  OFFICE,  February  i6th,  1863. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your 
letter  of  this  date,  calling  my  attention  to  the  occurrences,  as 
reported  in  the  public  prints,  at  Galveston  and  Charleston  on 
the  ist  and  3 ist  of  January  respectively,  and  I  have  the  honor  to 
inform  you  that  your  letter  shall  be  considered  by  Her  Majesty's 
Government. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  RUSSELL. 
"  /.  M.  Mason,  Esqr." 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


"  24  UPPER  SEYMOUR   STREET, 

"  PORTMAN  SQUARE, 

"  February  18,  1863. 
"  The  Right  Hon.  Earl  Russell,  etc.,  etc.: 

"  MY  LORD  :  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt 
of  your  letter  of  the  loth  of  February  instant,  in  answer  to  mine 
of  the  3d  of  January  last,  but  referring  more  especially  to  in 
quiries  which  I  had  the  honor  to  address  to  your  Lordship  under 
the  instructions  of  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  Confederate 
States  of  America,  on  the  7th  day  of  July  last,  concerning  the 
interpretation  placed  by  Her  Majesty's  Government  on  the 
declaration  of  the  principle  of  blockade  agreed  to  in  the  Con 
vention  of  Paris.  I  shall,  as  early  as  practicable,  communicate 
the  letter  of  your  Lordship  to  the  Government  at  Richmond,  but 
will  anticipate  here  the  satisfaction  with  which  the  President  will 
receive  the  assurance  of  your  Lordship  that  no  want  of  respect 
was  intended  by  a  mere  acknowledgment,  without  other  reply,  to 
the  inquiries  contained  in  my  letter  of  July. 

"  In  regard  to  so  much  of  the  letter  of  your  Lordship  as 
relates  to  the  interpretation  placed  by  the  Government  of  Her 
Majesty  on  that  part  of  the  Declaration  of  Paris  which  prescribed 
the  law  of  blockade,  I  am  constrained  to  say  that  I  am  well 
assured  the  President  can  not  find  in  it  a  like  source  of  satisfac 
tion.  It  is  considered  by  him  that  the  terms  used  in  that  Con 
vention  are  too  precise  and  definite  to  admit  of  being  qualified  — 
or,  perhaps  it  may  be  more  appropriate  to  say  revoked,  by  the 
superadditions  thereto  contained  in  your  Lordship's  exposition 
of  them. 

'  The  terms  of  that  convention  are,  that  the  blockading  force 
must  be  sufficient  really  to  prevent  access  to  the  coast;  no  excep 
tion  is  made  in  regard  to  dark  nights,  favorable  winds,  the  size  or 
model  of  vessels  successfully  evading  it,  or  the  character  of  the 
coast  or  waters  blockaded  ;  and  yet,  it  would  seem,  from  your 
Lordship's  letter,  that  all  these  are  to  be  taken  into  consideration 
on  the  question  whether  the  blockade  is,  or  is  not  to  be  respected. 
What  might  be  considered  a  small  or  low  steamer  coming  in 
from  sea  at  the  port  of  New  York  would,  at  one  of  those 
Southern  ports,  be  rated  a  vessel  of  very  fair  average  size,  when 
referred  to  the  ordinary  stage  of  water  on  its  bar;  yet,  I  look  in 


LIFK    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


vain,  in  the  terms  of  the  convention  referred  to,  for  any  authority 
to  expound  them  in  subordination  to  the  depth  of  water,  or  size 
or  mold  of  vessels  finding  ready  and  comparatively  safe  access  to 
the  harbor. 

"  In  acceding  to  the  terms  of  that  treaty,  great  advantages 
were  yielded  to  a  maritime  neutral,  with  like  immunities  to  a  mari 
time  belligerent.  The  property  of  the  neutral  is  safe  under  the 
flag  of  the  belligerent,  and  the  property  of  the  belligerent  equally 
safe  under  the  flag  of  the  neutral ;  the  only  equivalent  to  the 
belligerent  not  maritime,  but  dependent  on  other  nations  as 
carriers,  is  this  strictly-defined  principle  of  the  law  of  blockade, 
which  the  Confederate  States  presumed  was  extended  to  them, 
when,  at  the  request  of  Her  Majesty's  Government,  they  became 
parties  to  those  stipulations  of  the  Convention  of  Paris  of 
1856.  It  results  that  after  yielding  full  equivalents  the  stipula 
tions  in  regard  to  blockade  reserved  as  the  only  one  beneficial 
to  them,  would  seem  illusory. 

"  In  regard  to  the  character  of  this  blockade,  to  which  your 
Lordship  again  reverts  in  the  remark  that  the  manner  in  which 
it  has  been  enforced  gives  to  neutral  Governments  no  excuse  for 
asserting  that  it  has  not  been  efficiently  maintained,  although  I 
have  not  been  instructed  to  make  any  further  representations  to 
Her  Majesty's  Government  on  that  subject,  since  its  decision  to 
treat  it  as  effective,  I  can  not  refrain  from  adding  that  for  many 
months  past  the  frequent  arrival  and  departure  of  vessels  (most 
of  them  steamers)  from  several  of  these  ports  have  been  matters 
of  notoriety.  A  single  steamer  has  evaded  the  blockade  success 
fully,  and  most  generally  from  Charleston,  more  than  thirty  times. 
And  within  a  few  days  past,  it  has  been  brought  to  my  knowledge 
that  two  steamers  arrived  in  January  last,  and  within  ten  days 
of  each  other,  at  Wilmington,  North  Carolina,  from  ports  in 
Europe — one  of  them  four  hundred  and  the  other  five  hundred 
tons  burden,  both  of  which  have  since  sailed  from  Wilmington 
and  arrived  with  their  cargoes  at  foreign  ports.  I  cite  these  only 
as  the  latest  authenticated  instances.  And  as  another  fact,  it  is 
officially  reported  by  the  Collector  at  Charleston  that  the  revenue 
accruing  at  that  port  from  duties  on  imported  merchandise  dur 
ing  the  past  year  under  the  blockade  was  more  than  double  the 
receipt  of  any  one  year  previous  to  the  separation  of  the  States ; 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


and  this,  although  the  duties   under  the  Confederate   Govern 
ment  are  much  lower  than  those  exacted  by  the  United  States. 

"  As  regards  other  portions  of  your  Lordship's  letter,  I 
may  freely  admit,  as  it  is  there  stated,  that  a  blockade  would  be 
in  legal  existence  although  a  sudden  storm  or  change  of  wind 
occasionally  might  blow  off  the  blockading  squadron ;  yet,  with 
entire  respect,  I  do  not  see  how  such  principle  affects  the  ques 
tion  of  the  efficiency  of  such  blockade  whilst  the  squadron  is  on 
the  coast.  And  again,  whilst  I  am  not  informed  whether  a 
defense  resting  on  the  inadequacy  of  the  blockading  force  has 
been  urged  in  cases  of  capture  before  the  Prize  Courts  in  America, 
I  can  well  see  how  futile  such  defense  would  be,  when  presented 
on  behalf  of  a  neutral  ship  whose  Government  had  not  only  not 
objected  to,  but  admitted  the  efficiency  of  the  blockade. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON, 

"  Special  Commissioner  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America." 


"  Earl  Russell  to  Mr.  Mason: 

"  FOREIGN  OFFICE,  February  19,  1863. 

"  SIR  :  With  reference  to  my  letter  of  the  i6th  instant, 
acknowledging  your  letter  of  that  day,  calling  attention  to  the 
accounts  that  had  reached  this  country,  tending  to  show  that  the 
blockade  of  the  ports  of  Galveston  and  Charleston  had  been  put 
an  end  to  by  the  action  of  the  Confederate  Naval  forces,  I  have 
the  honor  now  to  state  to  you  that  the  information  that  Her 
Majesty's  Government  has  derived  from  your  letter,  and  from  the 
public  journals  on  this  subject,  is  not  sufficiently  accurate  to 
admit  of  their  forming  an  opinion,  and  they  wish,  accordingly, 
by  the  first  opportunity,  to  instruct  Lord  Lyons  to  report  fully 
on  the  matter. 

"  When  his  Lordship's  report  has  been  received  and  con 
sidered,  I  shall  have  the  honor  of  making  a  further  communi 
cation  to  you  on  the  subject. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  RUSSELL. 
"  /.  M.  Mason,  Esqr." 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


401 


In  dispatch  No.  32,  dated  March  3Oth,  he  says :  "  In  my 
dispatch  of  the  igth  instant,  I  spoke  of  the  brilliant  success  of 
the  Confederate  loan,  then  first  upon  the  market.  I  have  now  the 
satisfaction,  ten  days  having  expired  since  the  books  were 
closed,  and  three  days  since  the  allotment  to  subscribers,  of  con 
firming  that  success.  The  books  were  open  only  from  Thursday 
to  Saturday  at  2  p.  m.  (say  two  days  and  a  half),  and  the  sub 
scription  reached  nearly  sixteen  millions.  As  was  to  be  expected, 
the  premium  attained  in  the  first  excitement  of  speculation, 
when  it  reached  five  and  a  quarter  per  cent.,  has  since  fluctuated. 
It  closed  firmly  on  Saturday  (day  before  yesterday),  at  from  one 
and  three-fourths  to  two  per  cent.  I  have  just  had  an  interview 
with  Mr.  Erlanger,  who  was  accompanied  by  Mr.  Schroder,  the 
principal  banker  in  London  managing  the  loan.  They  assure 
me  that  since  the  allotment,  when  the  stock  came  into  the  pos 
session  of  holders,  prices  have  settled  down  so  firmly  at  present 
rates,  and  with  such  indication  of  strength,  that  there  is  little  fear 
of  its  falling  lower,  and  none  that  it  will  touch  par.  They  say 
that  such  entire  confidence  is  felt  and  evinced  by  holders  in 
the  security  that  they  have  no  fear. 

;<  They  tell  me,  further,  that  subscriptions  come  direct  from 
Russia,  and  from  cotton  spinners ;  also  from  Switzerland,  from 
the  free  cities  of  Bremen,  Hamburg  and  Frankfort,  and  even 
from  Trieste.  They  say,  also,  as  evidence  of  the  strength  of  this 
loan,  compared  with  others  contemporaneously  put  upon  the 
market;  namely,  one  for  Denmark  offered  at  ninety,  that  at  first 
it  attained  a  premium  of  two  per  cent.,  and  then  fell  to  one-half 
discount,  or  below  par ;  and  one  of  the  Italian  States,  offered  at 
seventy-nine,  was  not  all  taken,  and  fell  immediately  one-half 
per  cent,  discount,  though  both  these  loans  were  brought  for 
ward  by  the  Rothschilds. 

"  I  think  I  may  congratulate  you,  therefore,  on  the  triumph 
ant  success  of  our  infant  credit — it  shows,  malgre  all  detrac 
tion  and  calumny,  that  cotton  is  king  at  last." 

"  /.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  State,  to  J.  M.  Mason,  Commissioner 
Confederate  States  to  Great  Britain. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  May  I3th,  1863. 
"  SIR  :     I   have  the  honor  herewith  to  transmit  a  correct 


402 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


design  of  the  Confederate  flag  made  at  the  Engineer's  Bureau, 
and  a  copy  of  the  act  of  Congress  by  which  it  was  established. 
"  Respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"J.  P.  BENJAMIN." 
ACT  OF  CONGRESS  ADOPTING  THE  FLAG. 

The  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America  do  enact, 
"That  the  flag  of  the  Confederate  States  shall  be  as  follows: 
The  field  to  be  white,  the  length  double  the  width  of  the  flag, 
with  the  union  (now  used  as  the  battle  flag)  to  be  of  a  square 
of  two-thirds  the  width  of  the  flag,  having  the  ground  red,  thereon 
a  broad  saltier  of  blue,  bordered  with  white,  and  emblazoned  with 
mullets  or  five  pointed  stars,  corresponding  in  number  to  that 
of  the  Confederate  States." 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  May  3Oth,   1863. 

"  /.  M.  Mason,  Esqr. 

"  SIR  :  Since  my  No.  22,  of  I3th  instant,  I  have  received 
your  No.  33,  of  gth  instant.  Nos.  28,  30,  31,  and  32  are  still 
missing. 

"  I  am  happy  to  inform  you  of  the  full  approbation  accorded 
by  the  President  to  your  action  in  the  matter  of  the  loan  as  ex 
plained  in  that  dispatch. 

"  I  have,  through  Mr.  Hotze,  received  several  copies  of  the 
'Blue-Book '  containing  your  correspondence  with  Earl  Russell 
on  the  subject  of  the  blockade,  and  have  some  comments  to  make, 
and  some  further  evidence  to  be  placed  before  his  Lordship,  in 
cluding  extracts  from  his  own  correspondence,  which  fully  cor 
roborate  our  assertion  that  the  blockade  is  ineffective  and  is  re 
spected  by  the  British  Government  on  grounds  entirely  independ 
ent  of  the  intrinsic  merits  of  the  question.  But  I  defer  further 
remarks  till  I  have  received  your  dispatch  covering  the  corre 
spondence,  as  it  may  contain  matter  which  would  affect  our  action 
on 'the  subject. 

"  Congress  has  passed  a  law  establishing  a  Seal  for  the  Con 
federate  States.  I  have  concluded  to  get  the  work  executed  in 
England  and  request  you  will  do  me  the  favor  to  supervise  it. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


You  will  receive  herewith  a  copy  of  the  act  of  Congress  describ 
ing  the  Seal,  and  a  photographic  view  of  the  Statue  of  Washing 
ton. 

"The  photograph  represents  the  horse  as  standing  on  the 
base  of  a  statue,  but  in  the  Seal  the  base  ought  to  be  the  earth, 
as  the  representation  is  to  be  of  a  horseman,  and  not  of  a  statue. 
The  size  desired  for  the  Seal  is  the  circle  on  the  back  of  the  pho 
tograph.  The  outer  margin  will  give  space  for  the  words  :  '  The 
Confederate  States  of  America,  22d  February,  1862.'  I  do  not 
think  it  necessary  that  the  date  should  be  expressed  in  words, 
the  figures  22,  1862,  being  a  sufficient  compliance  with  the  re 
quirements  of  the  law.  Indeed,  I  know  that  in  the  drawing  sub 
mitted  to  the  committee  that  devised  the  Seal,  the  date  was  in 
figures  and  not  in  words.  There  is  not  room  for  the  date  in 
words  on  the  circumference  of  the  Seal,  without  reducing  the 
size  of  the  letters  so  much  as  to  injure  the  effect. 

"  In  regard  to  the  wreath  and  the  motto,  they  must  be  placed 
as  vour  taste  and  that  of  the  artist  shall  suggest,  but  it  is  not 
deemed  imperative,  under  the  words  of  the  act,  that  all  the  agri 
cultural  products  (cotton,  tobacco,  sugar-cane,  corn,  wheat,  and 
rice)  should  find  place  in  the  wreath.  They  are  stated  rather  as 
examples.  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  in  so  small  a  space  as 
the  wreath  must  necessarily  occupy  it  will  be  impossible  to  include 
all  these  produtcs  with  good  effect,  and  in  that  event,  I  would 
suggest  that  cotton,  rice,  and  tobacco,  being  distinctive  products 
of  the  Southern,  Middle,  and  Northern  States  of  the  Confed 
eracy,  ought  to  be  retained,  while  wheat  and  corn,  being  produced 
in  equal  abundance  in  the  United  States  as  in  the  Confederacy, 
and  therefore  less  distinctive  than  the  other  products  named, 
may  better  be  omitted,  if  omission  is  found  necessary.  It  is  not 
desired  that  this  work  be  executed  by  any  but  the  best  artist  that 
can  be  found,  and  the  difference  of  expense  between  a  poor  and  a 
fine  specimen  of  the  engraving  is  too  small  a  matter  to  be  taken 
into  consideration  in  a  work  that  we  fondly  hope  will  be  re 
quired  for  generations  yet  unborn. 

"  Pray  give  your  best  attention  to  this,  and  let  me  know 
about  what  the  cost  will  be  and  when  I  may  expect  the  work  to  be 
finished.  I  am  happy  to  apprise  you  that  the  information  from 
all  parts  of  the  Confederacy  is  most  encouraging  as  regards  the 


404 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


growing  crops.     In  the  more  southern  portions  of  our  country 
they  are  just  beginning  to  gather  the  wheat  harvest,  and  no  com 
plaint  is  heard  from  any  part  of  the  country  of  rust  or  other 
injury.     The  production  of  wheat  and  other  small  grain  will  be 
very  large  this  year,  while  that  of  corn  will  be  enormous,  prob 
ably  enough  for  two  years'  consumption,  unless  some  very  un 
expected  and  unusual  calamity  shall  occur.     Our  enemies  must 
find  some  other  instrumentality  than  starvation  before  they  suc 
ceed  in  breaking  the  proud  spirit  of  this  noble  people.     How  it 
makes  one's  heart  swell  with  emotion  to  witness  the  calm,  heroic, 
unconquerable  determination  to  be  free,  that  fills  the  breast  of 
all  ages,  sexes  and  conditions.     What  effect  may  be  produced 
in  Europe  by  the  repulse  at  Charleston  and  the  defeat  of  Hooker 
is  not  now  even  the  subject  of  speculation  among  the  people.    It 
is  the  evident  purpose  of  foreign  governments  to  accord  or  refuse 
recognition  according  to  the  dictates  of  their  own  interests  or 
fears,  without  the  slightest  reference  to  right  or  justice,  and  we 
have  thus  learned,  at  heavy  cost,  a  lesson  that  will,  I  trust,  remain 
profitable  to  our  statesmen  in  all  future  time.     We  have  now,  by 
our  system  of  taxation,  so  arranged  our  finances  as  to  be  entirely 
confident   of  the  ability   to   resist   for   an   indefinite   period   the 
execrable  savages  who  are  now  murdering  and  plundering  our 
people,  and  no  prospect  of  peace  is  perceptible  from  any  other 
source  than  the  growing  conviction  among  all   classes   in  the 
United  States  that  they  are  waging  a  war  as  ruinous  in  the  pres 
ent  as  it  is  hopeless  for  the  future. 
"  I  am  very  respectfully 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"J.  P.  BENJAMIN." 

Mr.  Mason's  dispatch  No.  34,  of  April  27th,  1863,  said: 
"  There  is  a  very  disturbed  feeling  in  all  circles  here,  arising 
out  of  the  aspect  of  affairs  between  the  United  States  and  this 
country — men's  minds  are  highly  incensed  at  the  arrogant  and 
exacting  tone  of  expression  found  in  the  public  speeches  and  in 
the  press  of  the  Northern  States,  and  a  strong  opinion  prevails 
that  it  will  be  difficult  to  avoid  drifting  into  the  war  which  the 
Lincoln  Government  and  its  advisers  seem  determined  to 
provoke. 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


"  The  recent  debates  in  Parliament  have  this  good  effect,  at 
least,  they  keep  up  agitation  on  American  affairs  ;  and  although 
no  vote  is  taken,  it  is  perfectly  understood  in  the  House  of  Com 
mons,  that  the  war,  professedly  waged  to  restore  the  Union,  is 
hopeless  ;  and  the  sympathies  of  four-fifths  of  its  members  are 
with  the  South.  Considering  our  experience  of  this  Government 
on  the  question  of  recognition,  it  would  be  dangerous  to  venture 
a  prediction,  but  many  think  here  that  the  Government  may 
adopt  it,  thereby  expecting  to  avert  the  threatened  war  by 
assuming  a  bolder  front.  It  is  thought  that  Seward's  policy  is 
to  provoke  hostilities  on  the  part  of  England,  to  which  this 
would  be  a  counter-move.  I  give  you  this  as  among  the  specula 
tions  of  the  times. 

"  I  have  received  within  a  few  days  your  duplicate  copies  of 
Circulars  to  Consuls,  copy  of  correspondence  with  the  British 
Consul  at  Richmond  concerning  the  conscription  of  British  sub 
jects,  and  a  copy  of  the  communication  and  your  reply  thereto, 
relating  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  alleged  murder  on  board  the 
'  Sumter  '  at  Gibraltar.  The  voluntary  admission  of  the  British 
Government  that  the  jurisdiction  lies  with  us  is  so  far  satisfactory. 
I  have  sent  a  copy  of  the  correspondence  to  Mr.  Slidell." 

In  a   dispatch,   No.   36,  of  May   nth,   Mr.   Mason  wrote: 

'  The  Confederate  loan  seems  to  have  dropped  somewhat  under 

the  last  intelligence  that  ships  of  the  enemy  had  succeeded  in 

running  past  Vicksburg  ;  at  least,  such  was  the  reason  assigned  in 

the  stock  market.     It  closed,  at  last  report,  at  par/' 

The  dispatch  of  May  i6th  said  :  "  Mr.  McCrae,  to  whom 
has  been  committed  the  management  of  the  loan,  has  at  last 
arrived,  but  proceeded,  at  once,  from  Southampton  to  Paris, 
without  passing  through  London.  I  have,  therefore,  not  seen 
him.  His  presence  I  think  all-important  in  the  present  posture 
of  the  loan,  the  condition  of  which  is  far  different  from  that  we 
had  reason  to  anticipate  from  its  apparent  great  success  when 
first  brought  out,  as  stated  to  you  in  my  last  unofficial  note  sent 
in  duplicate. 

"  Our  latest  intelligence,  via  New  York,  two  days  ago,  brings 
information  of  the  movement  of  Hooker's  army  across  the 
Rappahannock,  and  dated  the  2d  of  May;  but  nothing  more  is 
stated  than  that  the  enemy  crossed,  both  above  and  below  Fred- 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


ericksburg,  putting  their  columns  some  twenty  or  thirty  miles 
apart  ;  but  the  New  York  papers  say  that  the  press  is  forbidden 
to  give  any  details.  Thus  we  are  left  to  anticipate  results,  as  far 
as  we  can,  by  reasoning  from  the  past  to  the  future.  I  do  not 
doubt  what  those  results  will  be,  and  hope  we  will  have  them  by 
the  steamer  to-morrow.  The  tone  of  the  press  here  is  confident 
of  our  success  in  the  impending  battle,  and  in  which,  so  far  as 
I  can  reason,  I  fully  participate.  Amongst  other  good  effects 
on  this  side,  it  will  make  our  loan  buoyant. 

"  This  dispatch  is  intended  to  go  by  a  special  messenger, 
to  be  sent  by  Captain  Maury. 

"  The  delays  of  London  tradesmen  have  prevented  me  from 
yet  completing  your  order  for  books,  but  I  hope  now  to  get 
them  off  to  Messrs.  Fraser,  Trenholm  and  Company,  at  Liver 
pool,  in  a  very  few  days.  I  can  pay  for  them,  as  I  suggested  in 
my  last,  out  of  the  Contingent  Fund,  sending  a  proper  voucher 
for  adjustment  of  the  expenditure.  ********* 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

The  following  extracts  are  culled  from  the  various  letters 
written  at  intervals  between  March  20  and  May  12,  1863  : 

"  Tell  *Nanny  she  has  indeed  made  large  contributions  of 
sons  to  the  cause,  and  they  have  done  nobly,  as  I  hear  by 
occasional  accounts  —  her  son  Fitzhugh  has  fairly  won  his  spurs, 
and  gracefully  has  he  worn  them.  Boy  though  he  is,  his  name 
and  his  feats  are  familiar  in  European  circles.  *  *  *  * 

"  I  am  rendering,  I  know,  and  am  made  to  feel  every  day, 
valuable  service  to  the  country  in  my  position  here,  but  I  have 
many  yearnings  for  our  dear  old  home  and  all  the  associations 
connected  with  it.  When  our  country  is  recognized,  I  suppose 
it  will  be  necessary  for  me  to  remain  here  for  a  time  to  put  the 
machinery  in  order  for  the  proper  establishment  of  international 
relations  —  but  I  am  longing  for  the  time  to  arrive  when  you  and 
the  girls  can  join  me.  You  and  they  will  like  London,  for  a 
while,  at  least  —  it  will  be  new,  or  rather  it  will  be  the  newest 
thing  in  its  appointments  and  wonderful  proportions,  that  the 

*  His  sister,  Mrs.  S.  S.  Lee,  mother  of  General  Fitzhugh  Lee,  who  had 
five  sons  in  the  service  of  the  Confederate  States. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


mind  has  ever  conceived,  certainly  if  it  strikes  you  as  it  does  me. 
I  have  been  here  now  for  more  than  a  year  to  study  and  under 
stand  it,  and  yet  every  day  am  the  more  convinced  that  I  know 
but  little  of  it.  The  truth  is,  I  am  very  much  occupied,  and  well 
for  me  it  is  so.  I  breakfast  between  nine  and  ten,  and  dine  at  six, 
and  consider  myself  fortunate  if  I  can  get  an  hour  or  hour  and  a 
half  after  four  for  exercise.  The  famous  Hyde  Park  is  very  near, 
and  I  ramble  in  that.  Beside  the  advantage  of  open  space  and  free 
air,  I  get  away  from  the  eternal  and  stunning  noise  of  the  car 
riages  on  the  streets.  Still,  I  am  buoyant,  cheerful,  and  never 
in  better  health;  really  the  wonderful  success  attending  our 
arms,  achieved  as  they  are  by  the  gallantry,  courage,  and  loyalty 
of  our  troops  would  find  me  a  truant  to  home  if  I  could  be 
otherwise.  *  You  will  be  satisfied  with  my  asso 

ciation  when  I  tell  you  that  I  breakfasted  yesterday  with  the 
Dean  of  Westminster  Abbey,  and  am  to  dine  on  Monday  with 
the  Lord  Bishop  of  Exeter." 

A  later  letter  says :  "  We  have,  from  New  York  to-day, 
fragmentary  and  most  unsatisfactory  accounts  of  the  advance  of 
Hooker's  army  across  the  Rappahannock,  with  exulting  notes 
from  the  enemy,  heralding,  as  usual,  an  anticipated  victory.  It 
will  be  four  days  before  we  get  further  accounts  through  the 
same  mendacious  sources — tantalizing  and  irritating  enough,  yet 
here,  at  this  distance,  and  in  the  absence  of  attending  circum 
stances,  I  remain  calm  and  confident,  but  you  can  imagine  what 
it  is  to  be  so  far  distant,  with  so  much  at  stake.  * 

"  I  observe  from  the  Southern  papers  which  occasionally 
reach  me,  no  little  impatience  and  indignation  at  the  obstinate 
refusal  of  England  to  recognize  our  independence.  It  would  be 
remarkable,  indeed,  had  our  people  other  than  such  feelings, 
and  I  share  it  to  the  utmost,  yet  the  Government  here  remains 
immovable,  in  great  part,  I  think,  to  avoid  all  risk  of  getting 
into  a  war,  but  the  anti-slavery  feeling  of  England  has  much 
to  do  with  it.  Thanking  her  for  nothing,  I  shall  be  proud  and 
exultant  when  peace  comes  that  we  will  have  worked  out  our 
own  salvation  unaided  and  alone.  * 

"  I  had  a  letter  a  few  weeks  ago  from  your  aunt  in  Baltimore, 
sending  one  to  me  from  our  kind  friend  Mrs.  H.  H.  Lee,  in 
Winchester.  It  gave  a  graphic  account,  but  of  deep  and  melan- 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


choly  interest,  of  the  condition  of  our  valued  friends  in  that  quar 
ter,  and  of  the  utter  ruin  and  destruction  by  the  vandals  who 
have  overrun  it,  of  our  own  bright  and  happy  home.  I  mourn 
over  it,  but  not  as  one  without  hope — the  loss  we  sustain  is  as 
nothing,  compared  with  what  has  been  sustained  by  others  in 
conducting  the  resistance  to  the  war  waged  against  us — and  is 
light  in  the  balance  compared  with  what  those  have  suffered 
who  remained  at  home  and  have  borne,  without  change  of  front, 
the  contumely  and  cruelties  of  the  brutes  of  the  Yankee  army. 
I  feel  a  debt,  almost  of  personal  obligation,  when  I  call  to  mind 
what  those  valued  friends  have  endured,  and  are  yet  enduring, 
in  the  face  of  a  vindictive  enemy,  without  blenching  or  giving  in. 
When  you  have  opportunity  of  communicating  with  them,  pray 
express  for  me  what  I  have  written.  * 

"  I  am  gratified  indeed  to  find  from  your  letter  that  your 
good  mother  is  carrying  into  successful  execution  her  plan  of 
establishing  her  own  household,  and  you  will  have  the  merit 
and  consolation,  chiefly  of  building  it  up  by  your  late  raid  into 
the  enemy's  neighborhood,  collecting  the  debris  of  our  late  home. 
In  my  late  letters  I  have  told  your  mother  how  much  I  approve 
her  plan.  You  must  omit  nothing,  as  the  architect  in  charge, 
to  make  her  comfortable. 

"  I  have  no  idea  how  your  letter  came ;  it  was  post 
marked  London,  but  it  was  very  welcome,  and  was  only  one 
month  on  the  way.  I  read  it  to  Sir  Henry  and  Lady  Holland 
with  their  daughters ;  they  were  deeply  impressed  by  its  simple, 
but  to  them  wonderful,  narrative.  Were  it  not  that  I  am  con 
stantly  and  engrossingly  occupied  by  matters  pertaining  to  the 
duties  of  my  mission,  I  should  feel  very  tired  of  my  exile  life ;  as 
it  is,  I  really  have  no  time  to  brood  over  it,  and  thus  fortunately 
feel  the  less  that  depression  which  would  attend  my  position. 

"May  I2th —  *  *  *  *  but  it  is  vain  to  repine; 
whether  patriotic  or  no,  I  sometimes  think  that  my  first  wish  is, 
as  the  fruits  of  recognition,  that  it  may  bring  you  and  the  girls 
to  England.  On  the  prospects  here,  we  can  only  speculate ;  the 
hard  teachings  of  experience  satisfy  me  that  we  have  nothing  to 
look  to  from  the  European  powers.  We  must  work  out  our  own 
salvation,  and  perhaps  it  is  better  that  it  should  be  so;  we  shall 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


then  stand  beside  them  as  a  peer,  without  obligation,  and  with  as 
much  right  to  dictate  as  they. 

"  Of  life  in  London,  unless  I  were  to  write  a  great  deal,  I 
could  tell  but  little.  I  have  abundant  occupation  in  duties  inci 
dent  to  my  position.  The  Government  has  necessarily  many 
and  large  operations  here,  which,  in  the  difficult  and  interrupted 
communication  between  the  two  countries,  involve  large  responsi 
bilities  in  the  exercise  of  a  discreet  judgment  —  this,  through  the 
agency  employed,  pretty  much  devolves  on  me,  and,  as  you  may 
imagine,  carries  with  it  constantly  recurring  and  engrossing 
cares  ;  still,  I  feel  that  I  successfully  meet  them,  and  am  able,  in 
the  absence  of%  instructions,  to  render  valuable  and  important 
service,  and  that  is  compensation  enough.  *  *  * 

'"'  The  suffering  and  distress  caused  by  the  war  are  always 
before  me,  and  although  I  am  fully  aware  that  I  am  rendering 
better  service  to  our  country  here  than  I  could  do  at  home,  yet 
absence  at  such  a  time  is  hard  to  bear.  I  hope  you  will  send 
me  a  copy  of  so  much  of  Mrs.  Lee's  journal  as  refers  to  the 
actual  events  of  the  war  occurring  at  Winchester. 

"  Our  great  and  heroic  people  would  seem  to  have  nothing 
left  but  to  work  out  their  own  salvation,  and  nobly  will  they  do 
it.  England,  I  am  satisfied,  will  remain  passive.  What  France 
may  do,  or  be  compelled  to  do,  because  of  her  complications 
with  Mexico,  is  yet  a  problem  ;  something  may  come  of  that. 
At  this  season  of  the  year  all  in  political  or  social  positions  are 
out  of  London  at  their  homes  in  the  country,  and  I  availed  myself 
of  the  stagnation  to  pay  a  visit  to  Lord  and  Lady  Donough- 
more,  at  their  seat  in  Tipperary  County  in  Ireland,  at  their  kind 
invitation  ;  most  agreeable,  excellent  and  hospitable  people.  I 
remained  with  them  more  than  a  week,  and  enjoyed  the  country 
life  not  a  little,  then  went  to  the  Lakes  of  Killarney,  spent  a  day 
or  two  in  Dublin,  and  got  back  to  London  yesterday,  after  a 
fortnight's  absence,  very  much  refreshed." 

"  PARIS,  June  i4th,  1863. 

"  My  Very  Dear  Wife:  I  came  here  a  few  days  ago,  at  the 
invitation  of  Mr.  Slidell,  to  confer  about  matters  abroad,  of  in 
terest  to  our  country.  This  is  my  second  visit  to  France,  the  first 
one  some  twelve  months  since,  and  it  improves  on  acquaintance  ; 


4IO  LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


a  great  deal  to  be  seen,  but  I  am  not  alert  at  sight-seeing.  The 
climate,  as  compared  with  England,  its  great  attraction,  and 
then,  too,  there  is  here  quite  a  large  circle  of  Confederates, 
emigrants  chiefly  from  New  Orleans  and  Maryland.  Our  great 
friend,  Frank  Corbin,  has  been  as  kind  and  liberal  in  his  hospi 
talities  as  possible.  He  went  with  me  to-day  to  Versailles,  where 
we  spent  the  day,  marveling  at  the  splendor  and  extravagance  of 
the  old  regime.  The  palace,  capacious  enough,  it  is  said,  to 
receive  within  its  walls  all  the  other  palaces  of  Europe ;  and  three 
miles  of  picture  galleries  by  the  best  artists  of  any  age.  I  was 
at  the  races  on  Sunday  (the  great  French  Derby),  always  fixed 
for  Sunday,  and  had  a  full  opportunity  of  scanning  and  studying 
that  marvelous  man,  the  Emperor,  for  a  full  hour,  and  within  a 
few  feet.  He  had  a  small  court  circle  around  him  in  an  open  box. 
There  was  nothing  of  that  grave,  almost  stolid,  expression,  which 
his  portraits  give  him ;  on  the  contrary,  his  deportment,  although 
always  dignified,  was  of  an  easy  and  almost  jaunty  air,  and  the 
general  expression  of  countenance  affable  and  full  of  bonhomie, 
and  such,  it  is  said,  is  his  real  character. 

"  Nothing  new  in  the  aspect  of  our  affairs,  either  here  or  in 
England,  and  no  clue  to  divine  whether  either  Government  is 
disposed  to  recognize  us.  My  position  as  an  unaccredited 
diplomat  is  far  from  agreeable,  but  I  am  conscious,  nevertheless, 
that,  as  the  representative  of  the  Government,  my  presence  in 
England  is  of  great  value  to  our  country,  and  so  I  put  up  with 
it.  I  must  close,  as  a  dispatch  is  yet  to  be  written. 
"  With  best  love  to  all, 

"  Yours,  my  dear  wife,  ever, 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES 

"  NAVY  DEPARTMENT, 
"  RICHMOND,  February  22d,  1863. 
"  Hon.  James  M.  Mason, 

"  Commissioner  of  Confederate  States: 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
your  dispatch  of  the  nth  of  December,  1862,  enclosing  the  report 
of  Lieutenant  Chapman,  Confederate  States  Navy,  of  the  loth 
November,  1862,  in  relation  to  the  unfortunate  occurrence  on 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


board  the  '  Sumter.'  Your  course  with  regard  to  that  vessel  is 
approved  by  this  Department,  and  you  have  its  thanks  for  your 
prompt  attention. 

"  I  am  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

"  S.  N.  MALLORY, 
"  Secretary  of  the  Navy." 

"Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  State,  to  Hon.  J.  M.  Mason, 
Commissioner  Confederate  States  to  Great  Britain. 

"  SIR  :  The  delay  in  the  steamer's  departure  enables  me  to 
address  you  on  a  subject  which  attracts  the  earnest  attention  of 
this  Government. 

"  By  the  last  European  and  Northern  mails,  we  are  in 
formed  that  extensive  enlistments  are  now  in  progress  in  Ireland 
of  recruits  for  the  armies  of  the  United  States.  It  is,  of  course, 
impossible  for  us  here  to  be  as  well  informed  on  this  subject  as 
you  must  be  in  London,  but  there  seems  to  be  an  absence  of  all 
disguise  in  the  public  journals,  and  no  intimation  is  given  of  any 
effort  on  the  part  of  Her  Majesty's  Government  to  arrest  so 
flagrant  a  breach  of  the  neutrality  which  has  been  announced  as 
the  fixed  policy  of  Great  Britain.  It  is  assumed,  however,  that 
so  grave  a  matter  can  not  have  escaped  your  attention  and  that 
you  have  not  failed  both  to  procure  the  necessary  evidence  to 
establish  the  facts  and  to  place  that  evidence,  with  proper  repre 
sentations,  in  possession  of  Earl  Russell. 

"  It  is  not  necessary  to  refer  to  the  memorable  conduct  of 
the  United  States  during  the  Crimean  war,  nor  to  the  harsh  and 
peremptory  manner  in  which  it  asserted  its  rights  to  prevent  for 
eign  enlistment  on  its  territory,  in  order  to  justify  your  repre 
sentations  on  the  present  occasion. 

"  The  President  is  persuaded  that  no  citation  of  precedent  is 
required  to  induce  Her  Majesty's  Government  to  give  effect  to 
Her  Majesty's  proclamation  of  neutrality,  and  to  arrest  the  law 
less  attempts  of  the  official  agents  of  the  United  States  to  effect 
designs  violative  of  the  territorial  sovereignty  of  the  British 
Queen  and,  manifestly,  hostile  to  this  Confederacy.  In  the 
expectation  that  you  have  been  able  to  obtain  satisfactory  evi 
dence,  and  with  full  confidence  that  on  a  simple  communication 
of  the  facts  on  which  our  complaint  is  grounded,  Her  Majesty's 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASOX. 


Government  will  take  measures  to  prevent  the  commission  of 
acts  subversive  both  of  the  municipal  law  of  Great  Britain  and 
of  international  obligations,  you  are  instructed,  if  you  have  not 
previously  done  so,  to  bring  this  matter  to  the  attention  of  Earl 

Russell. 

"  I  am,  sir,  respectfully, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN, 

"  Secretary  of  State." 

DISPATCH  No.  38. 

"  PARIS,  4th  June,  1863. 

"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  I  came  here  a  few  days  ago,  at  the  suggestion  of 
Mr.  Slidell,  to  confer  with  Col.  Lamar  and  himself  upon  matters 
pending,  connected  with  our  naval  service,  of  the  character  of 
which  you  are  aware,  and  to  which  you  called  my  attention  in 
a  late  dispatch,  at  the  instance  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 
From  locality,  these  arrangements  being  more  particularly  under 
the  cognizance  of  Mr.  Slidell,  he  will  doubtless  advise  you  of  our 
success  so  far  as  things  have  advanced. 

"  General  McCrea  also,  who  is  here,  derived  the  benefit  of 
our  joint  counsels  in  matters  pertaining  to  the  disposition  of  the 
avails  of  the  loan,  so  far  as  they  have  been  received,  it  being  in 
dispensable  as  well  to  the  public  service  as  to  the  credit  of  the 
Government  that  money  should  be  supplied  to  its  officers  and 
agents  here,  whilst  no  warrants  from  the  Treasury  formally 
authorizing  disbursements  have  yet  been  received  by  General 
McCrae.  He  will,  of  course,  report  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  what  may  be  done  in  this  regard. 

"  A  note  from  Mr.  Macfarland,  dated  at  London  on  the 
ist  instant,  informs  me  that  on  that  day  dispatches  had  arrived 
for  Mr.  Slidell,  Colonel  Lamar  and  myself ;  that  he  opened  mine. 
The  only  extract  that  he  gives  me  from  it  is  that  in  which  you 
refer,  and  call  my  attention,  to  the  alleged  enlistment  of  recruits 
in  Ireland  for  the  Federal  Army.  You  are  right  in  supposing 
that  this  matter  had  not  escaped  my  observation.  The  informa 
tion,  as  it  reached  me,  was  that  extensive  shipments  were  made 
from  time  to  time,  from  Liverpool,  of  Irishmen  whose  passages 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON.          41 3 


were  paid,  and  who,  it  was  said,  had  received  small  bounties  in 
advance,  with  other  circumstances  tending  to  show  that  they 
were  intended  for  military  service  in  America,  although  the 
engagement  entered  into  was  to  work  on  railroads  or  in  some 
other  evasive  form.  I  took  the  only  measure  in  my  power  to 
uncover  the  real  purpose  of  this  emigration,  by  authorizing  a 
gentleman  of  Liverpool,  entirely  to  be  trusted,  to  employ  such 
agents  or  detectives  there  fit  for  such  service,  to  procure  the 
proper  evidence,  stipulating  to  pay  them  such  compensation  as 
he  might  promise.  His  last  report  was  that  he  had  such  men 
at  work,  but  so  far  they  had  been  unable  to  make  any  discov 
eries  clear  enough  to  found  a  representation  to  the  Government. 
Of  course,  every  precaution  is  taken  by  the  Federal  agents  in 
England  and  Ireland  to  conceal  the  real  design  of  the  enlistments, 
and  it  will  probably  be  no  easy  matter  to  make  a  case  for  the 
Government  to  interpose;  still,  I  beg  you  to  be  assured  that  it 
shall  be  diligently  followed  up  in  such  manner  as  shall  best 
promise  success.  I  do  not  personally  know  the  gentleman  to 
whom  you  recently  sent  a  communication,  through  me,  as  com 
mercial  agent  at  Cork,  or  of  his  fitness  for  his  duty,  but  as  your 
letter  imported  that  he  had  the  full  confidence  of  the  Depart 
ment,  I  shall  communicate  with  him  immediately  on  my  return  to 
London,  to  set  on  foot,  if  he  can,  the  proper  inquiries  in  Ireland. 

"  I  observe  that  the  subject  of  these  alleged  enlistments  in 
Ireland  was  brought  before  the  House  of  Commons,  I  think  on 
Monday  last,  by  a  question  to  Lord  Palmerston  whether  they 
were  being  made,  and  whether  any  steps  had  been  taken  by  the 
Government  to  prevent  them.  The  reply  of  Lord  Palmerston 
was  that  these  alleged  enlistments  had  been  brought  to  the  notice 
of  the  Government,  and  that  inquiries  in  the  proper  quarter  had 
been  promptly  instituted  and  should  be  diligently  prosecuted  to 
ascertain  the  truth,  and  if  true,  proper  measures  would  be  taken 
to  punish  the  parties  implicated. 

"  Mr.  Adams  has  so  tormented  the  Minister  with  charges 
of  alleged  violations  of  the  Foreign  Enlistment  Act  by  those  in 
the  interest  of  the  Confederates  that  I  think  the  latter  will  be 
even  alert  to  establish  like  charges  against  Federal  agents. 

"A  few  days  before  I  left  England,  I  spent  a  part  of  a  day 
and  a  night  with  Mr.  Roebuck  and  Mr.  Lindsay,  at  the  residence 


414 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


of  the  latter  gentleman,  near  London.  The  visit  was  projected 
by  Mr.  L.  to  talk  over  the  expediency  of  bringing  the  subject 
of  recognition  before  the  House  of  Commons.  Both  of  these 
gentlemen  seemed  to  think  the  time  might  now  be  opportune  for 
introducing  it,  but  that  it  would  not  be  advisable  to  do  it  without 
previous  consultation  with  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  Opposition. 
Since  I  came  here,  and  within  a  few  days  past,  I  find  that  Mr. 
Roebuck  has  given  notice  in  the  House  that  he  intended,  at  some 
future  day,  to  propose  that  Her  Majesty  be  requested  to  enter 
into  negotiations  with  the  principal  powers  of  Europe,  with  a 
view  to  recognize  the  independence  of  the  Confederate  States ; 
and  in  a  note  from  Mr.  Lindsay,  addressed  to  me  here,  he  in 
forms  me  that  before  Mr.  Roebuck  gave  the  notice,  he  had  a 
long  conversation  with  Mr.  Disraeli.  Mr.  Lindsay's  note  was 
brief  and  he  did  not  give  the  tenor  of  that  conversation,  though 
his  language  would  seem  to  imply  that  the  notice  was  made  to 
follow  it.  I  think  there  are  evidences,  too,  of  a  strong  disposi 
tion  to  agitate  the  question  of  recognition  by  our  friends  at  popu 
lar  meetings  got  up  for  the  purpose.  I  enclose  a  report  of  one, 
under  the  auspices  of  Mr.  Roebuck,  composed  of  his  constituents 
at  Sheffield,  after  our  conference  at  Lindsay's,  and  before  his 
notice  in  Parliament.  Yet,  after  our  experience  of  the  impassive 
condition  of  the  British  Government,  and  the  inertia  of  the  Oppo 
sition,  I  can  not  say  I  am  hopeful  of  results. 

"  Absent  from  the  office  of  the  Commission,  I  can  not  affix 
the  appropriate  number  of  this  dispatch,  but  will  have  it  done 
when  I  get  to  London,  and  must  ask  that  you  will  so  order  it 
at  Richmond. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.  39. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  LONDON,  June  I2th,  1863. 
"  Hon.  J .  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  As  I  told  you  in  my  No.  38,  immediately  on  my 
return  from  Paris,  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Dowling  at  Cork,  with  full 
instructions  to  collect  evidence,  if  practicable,  in  regard  to  the 
supposed  Federal  enlistments  in  Ireland.  Should  it  be  obtained, 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


the  subject  shall  be,  as  you  direct,  brought  before  Earl  Russell. 

"  From  your  No.  20,  of  the  I4th  of  April,  I  find  that  my 
dispatches  sent  by  Mr.  Hape,  had  been  destroyed.  I  have  not  the 
means  here  of  determining  what  dispatches  were  committed  to 
him,  but  presume  they  were  those  of  which  duplicates  were  sent 
with  my  No.  31,  of  the  igth  of  March. 

"  I  learn  also,  within  a  few  days  past,  that  triplicates  of  my 
Nos.  4,  5,  6,  7,  and  8,  which  were  sent  by  Mr.  Mohl  in  the 
'  PeterhofF  have  also  been  destroyed  at  sea — these  were  of  dis 
patches  of  which  you  informed  me  neither  originals  nor  dupli 
cates  had  been  received,  and  were  necessary  to  complete  your 
files.  I  have  also  just  learned,  through  the  Northern  papers, 
that  a  Mr.  Hobson,  of  Richmond,  who  sailed  from  here  in  the 
Havana  mail  steamer  early  in  April,  and  who  bore  my  dispatches 
No.  30  to  33  inclusive,  had  been  captured,  I  presume,  between 
one  of  the  islands  and  the  coast.  This  gentleman  was  strongly 
impressed  by  me  with  the  necessity  of  destroying  these  dis 
patches  in  the  event  which  has  happened  and,  I  doubt  not,  did  so. 

"  I  have  nothing  to  add  on  public  matters  since  my  No.  38, 
from  Paris.  We  are  all  in  much  doubt  of  the  result  of  things 
at  Vicksburg.  The  latest  accounts  were  that  the  enemy,  in  large 
forces,  had  been  repulsed  in  successive  assaults  on  the  entrench 
ments  at  the  city,  up  to  the  22d  of  May.  Should  the  defence 
be  successful,  I  think  Mr.  Roebuck's  motion,  now  fixed  for  the 
3Oth,  may  be  carried ;  if  otherwise,  I  should  not  advise  its  being 
put  to  a  vote. 

"  I  completed  the  purchase  of  the  books  you  have  ordered 
for  the  Department  of  State  yesterday,  and  they  will  go  off  to 
day  or  to-morrow,  to  the  house  of  Frazer,  Trenholm  and  Com 
pany,  of  Liverpool,  as  you  direct.  The  bill  shall  be  sent  with 
the  next  dispatch. 

"  The  Confederate  loan  seems  solidly  placed  at  last ;  the 
quotations  for  the  past  week  have  varied  only  from  one  to  two 
per  cent,  discount. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"J.  M.  MASON." 


416 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


"  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  State,  to  J.  M.  Mason,  Commissioner 
Confederate  States  to  Great  Britain. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 
"  RICHMOND,  6th  July,  1863. 

"  SIR  :  Your  No.  36,  of  nth  of  May,  was  received  on  3Oth 
ultimo,  and  on  the  4th  instant  I  received  your  dispatch  from  Paris, 
not  numbered,  bearing  date  the  4th  June.  This  last  is  the 
quickest  communication  yet  had  with  you. 

"  I  note  what  you  state  in  relation  to  the  recruiting  by  the 
enemy  in  Ireland.  While  it  is  satisfactory  to  know  that  you  are 
diligent  in  the  matter,  we  have  determined  to  send  two  or  three 
Irishmen,  long  residents  of  our  country,  to  act  as  far  as  they 
can  in  arresting  these  unlawful  acts  of  the  enemy,  by  commu 
nicating  directly  with  the  people  and  spreading  among  them  such 
information  and  intelligence  as  may  be  best  adapted  to  persuade 
them  of  the  folly  and  wickedness  of  volunteering  their  aid  in  the 
savage  warfare  waged  against  us.  I  enclose  you  copy  of  the 
instructions  to  one  of  them,  that  you  may  be  fully  possessed  of 
our  motives  and  purposes. 

"  I  have  no  special  news  for  you.  The  details  of  the  army 
operations  must  now  reach  you  through  Northern  sources,  as 
General  Lee  is  too  far  removed  to  enable  us  to  communicate 
freely  with  him.  In  Louisiana  we  have  succeeded  in  wresting 
from  the  enemy  the  whole  State  except  in  the  immediate  vicinity 
of  New  Orleans  on  the  east  bank  of  the  river.  No  fears  what 
ever  are  entertained  of  the  result  at  Port  Hudson,  and  our  pros 
pects  at  Vicksburg  are  brightening  fast,  through  the  operations 
of  General  Kirby  Smith  and  Richard  Taylor  in  Western 
Louisiana.  The  President  has  been  seriously  ill,  but  is  now  fast 
recovering.  "  I  am,  very  respectfully, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  T.  P.  BENJAMIN." 

DISPATCH  No.  40. 
"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  LONDON,  June  2Oth,  1863. 
"  Hon.  J .  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  An  opportunity  offering  by  a  good  ship  direct  either 
to  Bermuda  or  Nassau,  I  avail  myself  of  it  for  this  dispatch,  to 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


be  addressed,  as  the  case  may  be,  to  Major  Walker  or  Mr. 
Hezliger. 

"  I  send  also,  herewith,  dispatches  from  Mr.  Slidell, 
received  for  transmission  within  the  past  few  days.  I  en 
closed  also,  as  the  latest,  a  note  from  him  of  the  i8th  instant, 
advising  me  in  brief  of  his  interview  on  that  day  with  the 
Emperor  and  the  result.  I  have  nothing  from  him  since.  I 
sent  Mr.  Slidell's  note  to  Mr.  Lindsay,  and  he,  with  Mr.  Roebuck, 
called  on  me  this  morning.  They  are  both  much  interested  in 
the  success  of  the  motion  of  the  latter,  to  come  up  in  the  House 
of  Commons  on  the  3Oth  instant,  and  go  off  together  to  Paris 
to-night  to  have  an  interview  with  the  Emperor.  At  their 
request,  I  telegraphed  Mr.  Slidell  to  arrange  for  their  interview 
to-morrow.  They  desire  to  impress  on  the  Emperor:  first,  the 
importance  that  he  should  formally  invite  England  to  unite  with 
France  in  an  act  of  recognition  —  the  communication  to  be  made 
before  the  3Oth  —  with  permission  to  state  the  fact  (if  it  exists)  in 
debate  in  the  House  ;  secondly,  if  England  should  refuse  to  unite, 
then  that  the  Emperor  should  act  alone,  with  the  assurance  from 
them  that  in  such  an  event  England  must  follow  in  less  than 
one  month,  or  the  Ministry  would  go  out.  Mr.  Roebuck  is, 
as  you  know,  a  statesman  of  great  intelligence  and  experience, 
and  I  should  hope  good  results  from  the  mission.  It  certainly 
evinces  great  earnestness  on  their  part.  Without  news  of  decided 
successful  results  at  Vicksburg,  or  some  move  of  the  character 
contemplated  on  the  part  of  the  Emperor,  I  should  fear,  if  put  to 
the  vote,  that  Roebuck's  motion  would  fail. 

"  I  enclose  a  late  debate  in  the  House  of  Lords  between 
Lord  Clanricarde  and  Earl  Russell  involving  questions  of  the 
blockade.  You  will  see  that  the  latter  utterly  repudiates  the 
definition  of  the  Convention  of  Paris,  or  rather,  by  a  quibble  on 
its  text,  which  speaks  of  '  access  to  the  coast/  construes  the 
meaning  to  be  that  the  coast  and  not  the  port  alone,  may  be  the 
subject  of  a  blockade,  re-establishing,  thus,  the  doctrine  of  the 
blockade  supposed  to  have  become  obsolete,  or  wholly  rejected 
by  the  Paris  Convention.  These  declarations  of  Earl  Russell  go 
a  bowshot  beyond  the  very  latitudinous  views  expressed  by  him 
in  his  correspondence  with  me,  and,  I  think,  will  be  a  warning 
to  us  to  avoid  the  risk  of  any  entanglement  in  future  treaty 
stipulations,  when  the  time  comes. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  I  send  also,  as  bearing  upon  the  public  questions  of  the 
day,  a  correspondence  between  Mr.  Moncure  D.  Conway  and 
myself,  which  I  caused  to  be  published  in  the  Times,  with  a  copy 
of  the  advertisement  calling  a  public  meeting  in  the  city  of  Lon 
don,  under  the  auspices  of  Mr.  Bright,  to  enable  Mr.  Conway 
to  deliver  an  address  on  slavery.  You  will  see  that  in  the 
advertisement  Mr.  Conway  is  announced  as  from  Eastern  Vir 
ginia,  and  the  son  of  a  slave-holder.  Who  he  is  I  do  not  know, 
but  I  thought  his  proposition  to  negotiate  on  terms  resting  on 
the  basis  of  the  independence  of  the  Southern  States,  under 
authority  from  Northern  Abolitionists,  with  the  declaration  that 
they  would  coerce  their  Government  to  stop  the  war  and  admit 
our  independence,  afforded  an  opportunity  to  expose  the  duplicity 
of  that  party  to  their  own  people  not  to  be  omitted.  The  fact 
that  Mr.  Bright  was  to  preside  at  the  meeting  gave  him  and  his 
mission,  I  thought,  sufficient  consequence  to  excuse  me  for  enter 
taining  the  correspondence.  I  am  glad  to  find  that  what  I  have 
done  meets  the  approval  of  our  friends  here,  and  I  think  may 
do  service  at  the  North. 

"  I  enclose,  also,  copy  of  the  bill  for  the  books  ordered  for 
the  State  Department.  They  have  been  paid  for  out  of  the  Con 
tingent  Fund.  In  my  No.  34,  I  stated  that  a  copy  of  '  Han 
sard's  '  complete  (the  cost  of  which  you  inquired)  could  be 
obtained  in  good  half-binding  at  £105,  the  cost  price,  as  stated 
by  the  bookseller,  being  originally  £500.  The  box  of  books 
was  sent  to  Liverpool  on  the  i8th  instant. 

"  Within  the  last  two  or  three  months  organizations  call 
ing  themselves  '  Southern  Clubs  '  have  made  their  appearance  at 
Manchester,  Birmingham,  and  other  large  towns,  and  under  the 
auspices  of  respectable  and  influential  men.  These  movements 
have  been  spontaneous  and  without  instigation  from  Southern 
quarters,  so  far  as  I  know.  Their  objects  are,  by  public  addresses, 
publication,  etc.,  to  get  up  a  spirit  of  inquiry  amongst  the  peo 
ple  at  large,  and  to  diffuse  information  on  the  Southern  side  of 
the  American  question.  They  are  in  frequent  communication 
with  me  for  facts  and  in  search  of  material.  Of  course,  I  do  all  in 
my  power  to  encourage  them.  Under  their  auspices,  too,  public 
meetings  have  been  held  in  the  towns  and  villages,  principally  in 
the  manufacturing  districts,  which  are  addressed  by  speakers  in- 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


vited  for  the  occasion,  and  resolutions  are  adopted  expressive  of 
the  sense  of  the  meeting  in  favor  of  recognition,  etc.  Although 
rather  voluminous,  yet  there  being  room  in  the  dispatch-box,  I 
send  some  of  the  placards  which  have  been  sent  to  me,  to  show 
the  character  of  the  movement,  its  '  forms  and  pressure/ 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

) 

INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  EMPEROR  HELD  BY  MESSRS.  ROEBUCK 
AND  LINDSAY  IN  REGARD  TO  RECOGNITION. 

(Copied  from  Account  Written  by  Mr.  Lindsay.) 

"  SUNDAY,  June  2ist — Arrived  in  Paris  at  7  a.  m. ;  learned 
what  had  taken  place  up  to  that  time  and  left  for  Fontainebleau, 
where  we  arrived  at  6  p.  m.  As  the  Emperor  had  been  good 
enough  to  say  that  whenever  I  wished  to  see  him  I  had  merely 
to  express  my  wishes  in  a  note  to  himself — a  liberty  I  would  not 
under  ordinary  circumstances  have  taken,  but  as  this  matter  was 
urgent,  I  did  not  hesitate  to  address  the  Emperor  direct,  sending 
my  note,  however,  in  an  open  envelope  through  M.  Mocquard. 
I  had  an  immediate  answer,  saying  that  the  Emperor  would  be 
glad  to  see  us  on  the  following  morning  at  ten-thirty. 

"  MONDAY,  22d  June — At  the  time  named,  we  proceeded  to 
the  palace.  The  Emperor  at  once  received  us,  and  though  he 
has  always,  so  far  as  I  am  competent  to  judge,  been  pleased  to 
receive  me  very  graciously,  I  think  this  morning  he  was  even 
more  so  than  usual.  He  met  us  at  the  door  of  his  study,  shak 
ing  hands  with  me  and  bowing  to  Mr.  Roebuck  as  if  he  was  grati 
fied  to  make  his  personal  acquaintance,  and  asked  us  to  be  seated, 
intimating  that  he  would  be  glad  if  we  went  fully  into  the  ques 
tion  of  recognition,  and  that,  so  far  as  he  was  concerned,  he 
considered  our  meeting  not  a  mere  matter  of  form,  but  one  of 
grave  importance.  I  felt  it  to  be  so,  and  so  did  Mr.  Roebuck, 
and  we  were  too  earnest  to  waste  either  the  Emperor's  time  or 
our  own  with  formal  speeches.  He  saw  that,  and  I  believe  felt 
as  we  did. 

"  As  the  Emperor  had  been  pleased  on  various  occasions 
during  the  last  eighteen  months  to  open  his  mind  freely  to  me  on 
many  questions  relating  to  the  lamentable  war,  such  as  the  block- 


420 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


ade,  the  state  of  our  working  classes,  the  views  of  the  commer 
cial  classes  of  the  United  States,  etc.,  and  as  we,  on  all  the  main 
features  of  this  unhappy  struggle  and  its  results,  seemed  to  agree, 
I  considered  it  quite  unnecessary  to  go  into  any  details  as  to  the 
causes  of  the  war,  or  the  slight  effect  which,  in  my  judgment,  the 
institution  of  slavery  had  especially  upon  its  origin  or  its  prolon 
gation.  Knowing  that  he  held  somewhat  similar  views,  it  would 
have  been  a  mere  waste  of  His  Majesty's  time  to  tell  him  what  we 
knew,  or  to  reason  what  we  agreed  upon ;  therefore  I  went  at  once 
to  the  question  of  recognition  by  saying  that  I  was  glad  to  learn 
that  His  Majesty's  views  had  not  been  changed  in  regard  to  the 
claims  of  the  South  to  be  recognized  as  an  independent  nation. 
I  then  stated  that  Mr.  Roebuck  and  I  had  no  personal  interests 
to  serve.  We  appeared  before  him  as  two  of  the  representatives 
of  the  people,  different  in  many  respects,  but  as  one  on  the  desira 
bility  of  recognition,  to  state  our  views  in  regard  to  it  and  to  ask, 
I  might  say  to  implore,  His  Majesty  to  adopt  any  means  short 
of  war  to  put  an  end  to  the  terrible  and  vain  struggle  now  raging 
in  America,  in  which  both  the  people  of  France  and  Great  Britain 
were  so  deeply  interested.  I  told  him  that,  so  far  as  I  could 
ascertain,  the  feelings  of  the  people,  and  especially  the  views  of 
the  mercantile  community,  though  I  had  no  authority  to  speak 
for  either,  they  were  now,  I  thought,  of  the  opinion  that  the  North 
and  the  South  would  not  be  able  to  settle  their  differences  among 
themselves,  and  that  very  many  members  of  the  House  of  Com 
mons  appeared  to  be  also  of  that  opinion,  but  that  the  majority 
seemed  afraid  of  responsibility  and  wished  the  question  to  be  left 
with  the  Executive,  but  that  the  Executive  with  us  seemed  also 
to  be  afraid  of  responsibility,  and  thus  thousands  upon  thousands 
of  lives  were  sacrificed  and  a  fearful  amount  of  misery  inflicted 
upon  the  human  race  because  nobody  would  act,  and  that  we 
sincerely  hoped  that  His  Majesty  would  make  an  urgent  appeal 
to  the  English  Government  to  take  any  means  short  of  war  to 
stop  the  carnage.  I  ventured  also  to  remark  that,  if  the  English 
Government  refused  to  act  with  him,  I  was  confident  that  if  His 
Majesty  would  alone  pronounce  the  word  recognition,  peace 
would  be  restored.  That  word,  I  now  said,  would  be  the  har 
binger  of  peace,  and  I  devoutly  hoped  he  would  pronounce  it.  I 
further  ventured  to  remark  that  if  he  would  state  he  had  re- 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


solved  to  recognize  the  South  as  a  nation  for  the  reasons  he  had 
oreviously  named  to  me,  I  did  not  think  any  Ministry  in  England 
\,ould  or  could  stand  which  did  not  agree  to  join  him  in  recog 
nition  after  all  that  had  taken  place.  I  then  referred  to  Mr. 
Roebuck's  motion,  which  stood  for  the  3Oth. 

'  These  remarks,  of  which  I  have  given  merely  substance, 
were  made  in  the  way  of  conversation,  and  during  the  course  of 
them  the  Emperor  freely  offered  his  own  opinions,  to  which  I 
shall  refer  hereafter.  Mr.  Roebuck  then  begged  His  Majesty  to 
understand  that  in  what  he  was  about  to  say  he  should  speak  as 
an  Englishman,  but  that  he  believed  in  this  matter  he  could  point 
out  a  line  of  conduct  that  would  conciliate  the  interests  of  France 
and  England.  His  Majesty  here  interrupted  him  by  saying  that 
he  was  quite  aware  that  such  would  be  the  case,  and  thought  that 
Mr.  Roebuck  was  right  in  so  acting.  Mr.  Roebuck  then  said 
that  his  ultimate  object  was  the  immediate  recognition  of  the 
Southern  States  of  North  America ;  that  to  this  end  he  put  upon 
the  books  of  the  House  of  Commons  a  notice  of  motion  as  a 
means,  and  that  in  order  to  enable  him  to  carry  that  motion, 
he  asked  His  Majesty  for  aid — he*  begged  to  be  permitted  to 
submit  to  His  Majesty  a  line  of  conduct.  The  first  that  he  would 
submit  was  that  which  he  believed  the  most  advantageous  to 
England,  but  if  that  should  prove  impossible,  he  would  submit 
a  second,  less  advantageous  to  England,  but  far  more  advanta 
geous  to  France.  He  acknowledged  to  the  Emperor  that  he 
would  far  rather  that  His  Majesty  would  adopt  the  first  than 
the  second,  but  he  preferred  his  adopting  the  second  to  our 
remaining  as  we  are  at  present.  The  first  course,  then,  was 
that  His  Majesty  would  make  a  formal  proposition  to  England 
to  join  him  in  recognizing  the  South — the  second,  if  he  found 
the  first  impossible,  or  if  England  declined  to  act,  was  that  the 
Emperor  should  himself,  and  if  necessary  alone,  make  the  recog 
nition. 

"  Mr.  Roebuck  then  entered  into  a  full  statement  of  the  rea 
sons  which  he  thought  should  induce  the  Emperor  to  adopt 
either  one  course  or  the  other.  At  the  present  moment,  he  said, 
a  boon  was  offered  to  Europe  such  as  had  never  been  known 
in  the  history  of  Europe,  or  indeed  in  the  history  of  the  world. 
At  this  time  10,000,000  civilized  men,  producing  three  of  the  first 


422 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


necessaries  of  European  life,  cotton,  sugar,  and  tobacco,  were 
suddenly  compelled  to  look  for  a  new  customer,  to  change,  in 
fact,  their  whole  commercial  relations.  That  up  to  the  time  of 
secession  the  whole  commercial  business  of  the  South  had  been 
transacted  by  the  North.  In  1861,  the  United  States  had  begun 
their  system  of  protection — that  by  this  system  the  North  had 
compelled  the  South  to  grant  to  the  North  a  monopoly  which 
was  to  the  North  a  source  of  unexampled  wealth,  which,  if  it 
had  continued,  would  have  made  New  York  really  the  Imperial 
city,  and  which  would  have  enabled  the  North  to  domineer  over 
the  whole  commercial  world.  This  great  business  was  suddenly, 
by  the  secession,  withdrawn  from  the  North  and  was  as  suddenly 
offered  to  Europe.  If  England  had  been  sagacious  enough  to 
see  her  advantage,  and  had  alone  recognized  the  South,  she 
would  have  won  for  herself  the  greatest  part  of  this  lucrative  busi 
ness  and  London  would  have  continued  the  great  commercial 
city  of  the  world.  If  France  and  England  conjointly  were  to  pro 
ceed  to  recognition,  they  would  share  alike  in  the  advantage.  If 
France  were  to  proceed  alone,  then  to  her  would  fall  the  greater 
part  of  this  singular  benefit.  England,  it  was  clear,  would  not 
act  alone — the  first  course  of  conduct  which  he  entreated  His 
Majesty  to  adopt,  was  to  propose  to  England  a  joint  action ; 
this  failing,  he  begged  him  to  adopt  the  second,  namely  at  once 
and  by  himself  to  recognize  the  South.  This  he  knew  was  the 
conduct  most  beneficial  to  France,  but  he  only  wished  him  to 
adopt  it  if  his  proposal  to  England  should  be  impossible  or  not 
accepted  by  England.  The  Emperor  was  evidently  impressed 
with  what  Mr.  Roebuck  stated,  and  turning  to  me  he  said :  '  You 
know  how  anxious  I  have  been  to  maintain  friendly  relations  with 
your  country,  and  to  act  in  concert  with  your  Government  in  all 
great  questions,  more  especially  in  regard  to  the  sad  state  of 
things  in  the  United  States — and  though  I  have  no  reason  for 
displaying  any  unfriendly  feeling  towards  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  and  have  no  desire  whatever  to  take  any  measure 
which  might  even  be  construed  as  unfriendly  to  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment,  I  feel  more  strongly  now  than  I  have  ever  felt  that  this 
war  in  which  such  vast  sacrifices  have  been  made  can  not  restore 
the  Union  and  can  only  lead  to  greater  sacrifices  and  entail 
greater  misery  upon  all  who  are  now  unhappily  engaged  in  this 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


vain  and  terrible  struggle;  and  therefore  I  am  desirous  on 
account  of  the  interests  of  the  North  as  well  as  the  South  that 
the  carnage  should  cease.  I  believe  the  recognition  of  the  South 
as  an  independent  nation  would  restore  peace,  and  therefore  I 
am  most  anxious,  in  concert  with  Great  Britain,  to  adopt 
measures  for  the  recognition  of  a  people  who  have  given  such 
proofs  of  their  abilities  to  maintain  their  independence  and  to 
govern  themselves/  Then,  turning  towards  Mr.  Roebuck,  he 
said :  '  I  fear  I  can  not  make  the  formal  application  to  England 
which  you  wish,  and  I  will  tell  you  why  I  can  not :  I  have  already 
made  a  formal  application  to  England,  and  that  application  was 
immediately  transmitted  to  the  United  States  Government,  and  I 
can  not  help  feeling  that  the  object  of  that  proceeding  was  to 
create  ill  blood  between  me  and  the  United  States.  Therefore 
I  can  not  again  make  a  similar  application  and  subject  myself 
to  the  probability  of  being  treated  again  in  the  same  manner, 
but  in  addition  to  having  contradicted  the  rumour  which  you  had 
heard  in  regard  to  any  change  in  my  views,  I  have  just  requested 
Baron  Gros  to  ascertain  whether  England  is  prepared  to  coincide 
with  my  views  in  regard  to  recognition,  to  suggest  any  mode  for 
proceeding  for  the  recognition  of  the  Southern  States  which  I  so 
much  desire. 

" '  In  reply  to  the  second  course  named  by  Mr.  Roebuck,  I 
fear  if  I  took  that  measure  alone  it  might  in  some  respects  tend 
to  prolong  the  war,  embroil  me  with  the  North,  or  it  might  cause 
the  North  to  declare  war  against  me.  I  do  not  want  my  people 
to  be  involved  in  war  for  very  many  reasons,  and  especially  in  a 
war  with  America,  for  such  an  event  might  seriously  hamper  my 
operations  in  Mexico,  and  supposing  they  were  to  send  down 
their  iron-clads  to.Vera  Cruz,  what  would  be  the  result  upon  my 
fleet?  I  am  indeed  most  anxious/  His  Majesty  continued,  '  to  see 
this  war  brought  to  a  close,  for  I  dread  the  consequences  of  the 
want  of  cotton  to  my  people  during  the  next  winter/ 

"  I  then  remarked,  we  do  not  dread  it,  but  we  see  the  con 
sequences  must  be  great  misery  amongst  our  people  also,  and  we 
thought  we  need  not  fear  any  declaration  of  war  on  the  part  of 
the  Federal  Government  in  the  event  of  his  deciding,  for  the 
reasons  he  had  named,  to  recognize  the  South — but  that  in  the 
event  of  the  Federal  Government  taking  a  course  so  extraordi- 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


nary  we  did  not  think  His  Majesty  had  much  to  fear  from  any 
declaration  of  war  by  the  Federal  Government  in  its  present 
state.  But,  turning  to  me,  he  again  said,  '  In  what  position 
would  I  be  with  my  ships,  etc.,  etc.,  at  Vera  Cruz?  ' 

"  I  smiled  and  said  that  if  even  one-half  of  what  some  people 
in  England  said  was  true  in  regard  to  the  power  of  his  fleet  I  did 
not  think  he  had  much  reason  to  fear  the  fleet  of  the  Federals  — 
that  their  iron-cased  ships  were  not  fitted  for  operations  at  any 
distance  from  their  own  coast,  and  that  they  seemed  to  have  more 
than  enough  work  for  them  already  in  blockading  the  Southern 
ports  and  in  other  operations  without  seriously  contemplating,  in 
the  event  of  war,  an  attack  upon  his  fleet  at  Vera  Cruz.  The 
New  York  papers  might  write  about  such  an  attack  and  even  Mr. 
Seward  might  favor  the  world  with  a  few  more  of  his  threatening 
dispatches,  but  I  thought  that  Mr.  Seward  could  not  seriously 
contemplate  any  such  operation  —  that  so  far  from  the  people  of 
the  United  States  contemplating,  in  the  event  of  his  recognizing 
the  South,  any  war  with  France,  I  was  convinced  that  the  people 
of  the  West  would  hail  that  act  with  delight,  and  that  even  the 
thoughtful  men  of  the  North  (and  there  were  many  such)  whose 
voices  were  suppressed  by  the  despotic  acts  of  their  Government, 
would  thank  His  Majesty  for  an  act  of  necessity  and  mercy,  even 
if  they  did  not  coincide  with  His  Majesty  in  the  justice  of  it. 

"  I  then  referred  to  the  great  peace  demonstration  recently 
held  at  New  York  and  explained  that  though  New  York  had 
been  the  '  commission  city  '  of  the  Southern  States,  existing  to  a 
great  extent  on  the  trade  of  the  South,  and  was  consequently 
deeply  interested  in  the  restoration  of  the  Union  ;  that  even  there 
a  very  large  meeting,  in  that  city  had  recently,  in  face  of  the 
frowns  and  threats  of  the  Federal  Government,  declared  that  the 
restoration  of  the  Union  appeared  to  be  hopeless  and  that  they 
desired  peace. 

"  Mr.  Roebuck  then  expressed  a  fear  that  we  were  encroach 
ing  upon  His  Majesty's  time,  and  rose  to  leave,  but  the  Emperor 
remarked  :  '  Be  seated  ;  I  have  more  to  state  and  I  wish  to  hear 
more  of  this  important  matter/ 

"  I  then  said,  as  I  had  always  considered  my  audiences  with 
His  Majesty  to  be  confidential,  did  he  wish  this  to  be  treated  in 
a  similar  manner  ?  He  remarked,  '  No,  quite  the  contrary  ;  I  wish 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 

425 


it  to  be  known  that  you  and  Mr.  Roebuck  have  been  with  me.' 
'  And  may  we,'  I  said,  '  be  allowed  to  state  the  substance  of  what 
your  Majesty  has  been  pleased  to  say  to  us  ?  '  '  Not  merely  the 
substance,'  he  replied,  '  but  all  that  has  passed,  and  to  the  House 
of  Commons,  because  I  appear  to  have  been  misunderstood,  and  I 
also  wish  the  House  of  Commons  to  know  that  in  all  important 
international  questions  I  desire  to  act  with  England,  but  more 
particularly  in  all  that  relates  to  America.' 

"  I  then  said,  in  using  the  word  '  misunderstanding,'  '  I  pre 
sume  your  Majesty  refers  more  especially  to  the  answer  which 
Lord  Palmerston  gave  to  a  member  of  the  House  of  Commons 
last  session,  when  he  asked  if  any  communication  had  been  re 
ceived  from  your  Majesty's  Government  in  regard  to  American 
affairs  ?  '  '  Quite  so,'  he  remarked,  '  and  I  was  surprised  Lord 
Palmerston  gave  that  answer,  for  you  know,  Mr.  Lindsay,  it  was 
not  correct.' 

"  I  then  said  I  had  heard  that  answer  and  was  equally  sur 
prised,  '  but  your  Majesty  knows  that  I  have  always  considered 
anything  you  were  pleased  to  state  to  me  strictly  confidential  and 
not  to  be  named  except  to  Lord  Cowley,  and  I  did  not  feel 
myself  at  liberty  to  give  a  denial  to  that  assertion  which  I  could 
have  done;  but  may  I  be  allowed  now  to  ask  if  I  have  your 
Majesty's  permission  to  relate  all  that  occurred  between  us  in 
regard  to  American  affairs?'  He  replied,  'Certainly,  and  I  am 
glad  you  have  asked  permission,  as  I  wish  it  to  be  known  that 
you  have  my  authority  for  making  these  statements.'  He  then 
asked  an  opinion  in  regard  to  Poland,  and  offered  a  few  remarks 
concerning  the  feelings  of  his  people  and  his  own  wishes,  and  at 
parting  shook  hands  with  Mr.  Roebuck  and  myself  and  inquired 
if  we  proposed  to  remain  over  night  at  Fontainbleau.  I  said  no ; 
that  we  were,  leaving  at  once  as  I  was  anxious  to  be  back  to 
London. 

"  We  left  Fontainbleau  at  I  p.  m.  that  day,  and  arrived  in 
London  on  Tuesday  the  23d,  at  6  a.  m.,  remaining  at  Paris  four 
hours,  on  the  way  through,  and  reporting  to  Mr.  Slidell  the 
substance  of  our  conversation  with  the  Emperor." 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Statue  of  Stonewall  Jackson — Dismissal  of  Both  Consul  Moore  and  Mr. 
Cridland — State  of  Alabama  Fays  Interest  to  English  Creditors — Prisoner 
Hester— Reverses  at  Home  Affect  Loan — Success  of  Blockade  Runners — 
Suggestion  that  Government  Take  Exclusive  Control  of  Export  of  Cotton 
— Recall  from  London — Private  Letter  from  Mr.  Benjamin — Note  to  Earl 
Russell— Unofficial  Letter  to  Mr.  Davis— Earl  Russell's  Reply  to  Mr. 
Mason's  Note — Appointment  of  "Commissioner  on  the  Continent" — Let 
ter  to  Mrs.  Mason. 

DISPATCH  No.  41. 

\ 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  LONDON,  July  2d,  1863. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  Since  my  last,  dated  the  2Oth  of  June,  I  have  had  the 
honor  to  receive  your  No.  22  of  the  3Oth  of  May,  with  a  design 
of  the  new  flag,  and  a  copy  of  the  Act  of  Congress  adopting  it. 
The  flag  has  been  generally  admired,  and  when  the  time  comes 
authorizing  me  to  raise  it,  I  shall  feel  great  pride  in  unfurling  it 
to  England. 

"  I  shall  take  very  great  pleasure  in  carrying  out  your  in 
structions  to  have  the  work  properly  executed  in  London  by 
the  best  artists  to  be  had. 

"  A  number  of  gentlemen,  in  highest  social  and  political 
positions  here,  have  constituted  themselves  into  a  committee  to 
build  a  monument  to  our  great  soldier,  the  late  Lieutenant- 
General  Jackson.  The  movement  has  been  entirely  spontaneous 
and  voluntary  on  their  part,  and  it  was  only  after  it  had  been 
entered  upon,  that  they  communicated  with  me.  I  enclose,  here 
with,  a  copy  of  the  circular  just  issued.  Other  names  have  been 
since  added  to  the  committee,  of  the  highest  nobility.  It  is 
certainly  a  graceful  and,  I  hope,  a  grateful  tribute  to  the  memory 
of  the  illustrious  dead,  as  well  as  to  the  country  that  gave  him 
birth,  and  honored  him  with  its  confidence.  The  subscription, 
I  (loubt  not,  will  be  a  great  success.  I  have  promised  these 
gentlemen  to  obtain  for  them  as  exact  a  likeness  as  can  be  had. 
Will  you  be  so  obliging  as  to  aid  me  in  this  endeavor,  and  send 


LIFE   OF  JAME8   MURRAY   MASON. 


it  out  as  soon  as  practicable?  There  are  some  photographs  of 
him  here,  but  they  do  not  confirm  my  recollections  of  his  appear 
ance.  It  is  desirable,  also,  that  the  sculptor  should  have  informa 
tion  as  to  his  height,  and  the  general  mould  of  his  form.  The 
artist  named  in  the  circular,  Mr.  Foley,  is  said  to  be  the  most 
eminent  man  in  his  profession;  and  Mr.  Beresford  Hope,  him 
self  a  connoisseur  in  such  matters,  has  advised  that  I  should  con 
sult  with  Mr.  Foley,  invoking  his  professional  skill  to  arrange 
the  form  of  the  seal  under  the  provisions  of  the  joint  resolution  ; 
and  probably,  to  select  the  artist  to  execute  the  work.  Your  in 
structions  in  regard  to  it  shall  be  strictly  pursued. 

"  I  enclose,  also,  report  of  the  debate  from  London  Times 
on  .Mr.  Roebuck's  motion  of  the  3Oth  of  June.  Mr.  Slidell's 
dispatches  which  go  herewith,  communicate  to  you  the  result 
of  his  late  interview  with  the  Emperor;  and  you  will  see  from 
the  debate  (as  reported  by  Mr.  Roebuck),  the  conversation  held 
with  that  gentleman  and  Mr.  Lindsay  by  the  Emperor.  In  the 
slip  from  the  Times,  also  enclosed,  you  will  see  the  reply  made 
by  Lord  Russell  to  the  inquiry  of  Lord  Stratheden  on  the  same 
night,  in  the  House  of  Lords.  These  things  put  together  would 
seem  to  reduce  the  professions  made  by  the  Emperor  to  Mr. 
Slidell  and  to  Messrs.  R.  and  L.  to  a  mere  shadow.  It  would 
seem  indeed,  as  if  the  Emperor  held  one  language  to  those 
gentlemen,  in  conversations  intended  to  be  made  public,  but  held 
a  different  language  to  his  Ambassador  in  London;  and,  I  add, 
as  part  of  the  history  of  the  affair,  as  reported  to  me  by  Mr.  Roe 
buck  on  the  morning  of  the  3Oth  June,  that  to  enable  him  to 
speak  definitively  in  the  House  in  regard  to  the  communication 
promised  by  the  Emperor  to  be  made  to  England  through  Baron 
Gros,  his  Ambassador  here,  that  he  called  on  that  personage  on 
the  29th,  and  asked  him  (provided  he  felt  at  liberty  to  give  the 
information)  to  tell  him  the  substance  of  his  communication  to 
Earl  Russell,  and  when  it  had  been  made;  the  reply  to  which 
was,  that  he  did  not  feel  himself  at  liberty  to  give  an  answer  to 
his  question  ;  but  he  would  say,  that  he  had  made  no  formal 
communication  to  Earl  Russell  on  the  subject.  The  debate  was 
adjourned  over,  and,  it  is  expected,  will  be  resumed  to-night. 
Should  it  be  so,  I  may  have  it  in  my  power  to  communicate  the 
result  of  this  movement. 


428 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  There  appeared  in  the  London  papers  of  this  morning,  a 
dispatch  from  you  to  me  dated  on  the  6th  of  June,  relating  to 
the  recent  dismissal  of  the  British  Consul  at  Richmond.  It  was 
taken  from  a  recent  New  York  paper,  and  is  stated  to  have  been 
copied  from  the  Richmond  Sentinel  of  the  I2th.  Its  appearance 
here,  in  this  form,  was  my  first  acquaintance  with  it.  The  dis 
patch  alone  is  published — the  documents  to  which  it  refers  are 
not  included  in  the  publication.  I  am  instructed,  in  the  dispatch, 
to  furnish  a  copy  to  Earl  Russell.  My  present  idea  is  to  send  the 
printed  copy  to  his  Lordship  at  once,  telling  him  it  shall  be  fol 
lowed  by  a  copy  of  the  original  when  it  reaches  me.  This  in 
cident  may  furnish  the  hint  to  communicate  with  me  through  the 
same  channel,  whenever  it  may  be  desirable  to  get  a  dispatch  to 
me,  without  objection  to  its  being  equally  known  to  the  enemy. 

JULY  3d. — It  has  been  arranged  to  resume  the  debate  on 
Roebuck's  motion  on  Monday,  the  I3th  of  July,  with  the  assent 
of  the  Government ;  but  last  night  the  subject  came  up  again  in 
the  House,  upon  an  explanation  made  by  Mr.  Layard,  Under 
Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  of  which  I  enclose  a  report,  in  a 
slip  from  the  London  Times.  This  gentleman  more  elaborately 
and  pointedly  denied  the  statements  of  the  Emperor,  as  stated  by 
Mr.  Roebuck.  The  matter  charged  (in  so  much  of  it  as  referred 
to  alleged  betrayal,  by  the  Government  here  to  that  at  Washing 
ton,  of  communications  from  France  touching  American  affairs), 
was  erroneously  conceived  by  the  Under  Secretary.  He  referred 
it  to  the  late  communication  from  France  containing  proposals 
for  an  armistice,  mediation,  etc. ;  whereas,  the  complaint  made  by 
the  Emperor  went  back  to  a  period  antecedent  to  April,  1862; 
and  was  made  by  him  in  conversations  then  held  both  with  Mr. 
Slidell  and  Mr.  Lindsay.  I  find  it  thus  referred  to  in  my  No.  8 
of  April  2  ist,  1862 — reporting  what  passed  between  Mr.  Lindsay 
and  the  Emperor  on  the  i8th  of  that  month,  viz :  '  That  Earl 
Russell  had  dealt  unfairly  in  sending  to  Lord  Lyons  his  previous 
propositions  to  England  in  regard  to  action  on  the  blockade,  who 
had  made  them  known  to  Mr.  Seward;  and  this  latter  was  an 
insuperable  objection  to  his  again  communicating  officially  at 
London,  touching  American  affairs,  until  he  knew  England  was 
in  accord/ 

"  Mr.  Lindsay,  who  is  au  fait  in  the  whole  matter,  will  doubt- 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


less  present  the  true  issue  when  the  debate  is  resumed  on  the 
I3th.  The  Under  Secretary,  as  you  will  see,  also  reiterated  the 
denial  that  any  communication  had  been  recently  received  from 
the  Emperor;  in  which  denial,  he  said  the  Foreign  Office  was 
backed  by  Baron  Gros,  the  French  Ambassador.  These  collat 
eral  issues  are  used  in  Parliament  only  to  damage  the  ministry, 
though,  if  established,  we  may  have  the  incidental  benefit. 

"  The  Paris  correspondent  of  the  Times,  who  is  generally 
considered  accurate,  in  his  letter  published  this  morning  says, 
that  private  letters  from  Madrid  inform  him  that  the  Spanish 
Government  had  been  sounded  on  the  question  of  recognition, 
with  an  intimation,  if  Spain  was  ready,  she  should  have  the  sup 
port  of  France.  This  latter  power  would  seem  to  be  playing  a 
complicated  diplomatic  game ;  but  under  what  form  of  policy,  I 
am  not  skillful  enough  to  divine. 

"  I  have,  etc., 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

Circular  referred  to  in  last  dispatch : 

GENERAL  THOMAS  J.  (STONEWALL)  JACKSON. 

'  Two  continents,  both  friend  and  foe,  combine  to  mourn 
the  premature  death  of  General  Jackson,  hero  and  Christian. 
Two  years  have  been  sufficient  to  create  a  fame  which  has  won 
the  kindly  respect  of  enemies  and  the  admiration  of  the  Old 
World,  which  twenty-four  months  since  was  ignorant  of  his  ex 
istence. 

"  It  has  been  suggested  that  some  general  recognition  from 
Great  Britain  of  the  worth  of  such  a  man,  by  name,  by  race,  and 
by  character  related  to  us,  although  the  citizen  of  another  land, 
would  be  a  graceful  token  of  friendly  feeling  from  the  old  country 
to  our  kinsmen  across  the  Atlantic. 

'  The  eminent  sculptor,  J.  H.  Foley,  Esq.,  R.  A.,  has  under 
taken  to  execute  a  marble  statue,  heroic  size,  of  the  General  for 
£  1,000  while  £500  may  be  required  for  pedestal,  inscription,  and 
other  extras. 

"Accordingly,  for  £1,500  a  complete  statue  of  Stonewall 
Jackson,  by  one  of  our  most  distinguished  sculptors,  may  be 
prepared  for  transmission  to  his  native  country  when  the  unhappy 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


war  shall  have  ceased.  Towards  raising  this  sum,  the  sub 
scriptions  of  our  countrymen  and  countrywomen  are  earnestly 
solicited.  Central  and  local  committees,  with  auxiliary  ladies' 
committees,  are  being  formed  to  collect  the  necessary  funds. 

"  The  undersigned  will  gladly  receive  subscriptions  until 
final  arrangements  are  made,  and  an  account  has  been  opened  for 
General  Jackson's  statue,  at  Messrs.  Coutts  &  Company,  Strand, 
London,  W.  C. 

"  N.  B.  —  It  is  not  at  all  intended  that  subscriptions  to  this 
statue  should  imply  any  opinion  on  the  merits  of  the  American 
struggle.  They  will  be  taken  solely  and  simply  as  a  recognition 
of  the  rare  personal  merit  of  General  Jackson. 

[COMMITTEE:] 

A.  J.  B.  BERESFORD  HOPE,  ESQ., 

SIR  JAMES  FERGUSSON,  BART.,  M.  P. 

LORD  CAMPBELL, 

W.  H.  GREGORY,  ESQ.,  M.  P., 

SIR  COUTTS  LINDSAY,  BART., 

G.  PEACOCK,  ESQ., 

W.  LINDSAY,  ESQ.,  M.  P., 

G.  E.  SEYMOUR,  ESQ., 

SIR  E.  KERRISON,  BART.,  M.  P., 

LORD  EUSTACE  CECIL, 

HON.  EARNEST  DUNCOMBE,  M.  P., 

HON.  C.  FITZWILLIAM, 

J.  LAIRD,  M.  P., 

J.  SPENCE,  ESQ. 

EARL  OF  DONOUGHMORE, 

SIR  EARDLEY  EARDLEY,  BART, 

COLONEL  GREVILLE,  M.  P., 

A.  J.  B.  BERESFORD  HOPE,  ESQ.,  i  Connaught  Place, 
Hon.   Treasurer. 

W.  H.  GREGORY,  ESQ.,  M.  P.,  19  Grovesnor  Street,  W., 
Hon.  Secretary. 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


DISPATCH  No.  42. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  LONDON,  July  loth,  1863. 

"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  I  enclose  copies  of  the  communications  to  Earl  Rus 
sell,  dated  respectively  the  4th  and  6th  of  July — the  first  contain 
ing  the  newspaper  slip  of  your  dispatch  of  the  6th  of  June  re 
ferred  to  in  my  No.  41,  with  the  reply  of  Lord  Russell  acknowl 
edging  its  receipt — the  second,  transmitting  to  him  the  protest 
of  the  master  and  crew  of  the  Confederate  steamer  '  Margaret 
and  Jessie/ 

:<  There  has  been  no  further  debate  on  Mr.  Roebuck's 
motion  since  the  date  of  my  last ;  but  the  imbroglio  which  then 
presented  itself  on  the  French  question,  to  which  I  referred,  has 
been  somewhat  solved  by  the  enclosed  slip  (translated)  from  the 
Moniteur  of  the  4th  instant.  The  debate  stands  adjourned  to 
Monday  next,  the  I3th  instant.  In  a  note  from  Mr.  Slidell, 
dated  yesterday,  he  says:  'As  regards  what  was  said  of  recogni 
tion  by  the  Emperor,  I  am  satisfied  that  he  has  kept  his  promise 
in  good  faith.  Either  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  or  Baron 
Gros,  or  both,  have  failed  to  carry  out  his  instructions  or  Messrs. 
Russell  and  Layard  have  asserted  what  is  false.  Perhaps  Lord 
Palmerston  may  have  received  the  communication  and  failed  to 
inform  his  colleagues  of  the  fact.'  The  House  of  Commons  is, 
manifestly,  much  agitated  by  the  entanglement  around  the  ques 
tion,  as  it  rests  since  the  last  debate ;  and  I  think  it  not  improb 
able  that  some  new  phase  of  it  may  be  presented  before  closing 
this  dispatch  to-morrow.  I  am  assured  from  every  quarter,  and 
such  is  the  result  of  my  own  observation,  that  four-fifths  of  the 
House  of  Commons  is  with  us ;  but  as  parties  stand  there  be 
tween  the  Ministry  and  the  Opposition,  it  is  thought,  if  Roebuck's 
motion  should  go  to  a  vote,  it  would  be  rejected. 

"  We  are  anxiously  awaiting  the  steamer,  due  to-morrow, 
by  which  we  confidently  expect  something  definite  from  General 
Lee's  movements  into  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania. 

"JULY  nth. — The  debate  on  Roebuck's  motion  was  re 
sumed  last  night.  I  send  it  to  you  as  reported  in  the  Times  of 
this  morning.  As  you  are  aware,  Sir  James  Fcrgusson,  who 


432  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


appealed  to  Mr.  Roebuck  to  consent  to  a  postponement  of  the 
debate,  is  one  of  the  earliest  and  most  earnest  friends  of  the 
cause  of  the  South ;  and  it  was  a  good  sign  that  Lord  Palmerston 
immediately  united  with  Sir  James  in  this  appeal.  The  occasion 
was  further  marked,  too,  by  the  admission  of  Lord  Palmerston 
that  the  opinions  of  the  French  Emperor  were  well  known  (an 
admission  never  hitherto  made  by  the  Ministry),  and  that  Eng 
land  was  now  ready  to  interchange  views  with  France  on  the 
American  question.  To  be  sure,  Lord  Palmerston  made  the 
admission  in  a  manner  qualified,  designedly,  to  take  from  its 
force.  Still,  it  is  a  great  step  gained.  You  will  see  from  the 
general  tenor  of  the  debate,  that  our  friends  who  spoke  were 
all  in  favor  of  the  adjournment — with  our  adversaries  against  it. 

"  The  great  movements  of  General  Lee,  which  have  just 
reached  us,  had  much  to  do  with  influencing  the  opinions  of  our 
friends  in  favor  of  postponement.  The  holding-back  on  the  part 
of  Roebuck  and  Lindsay  was  designed  only  to  bring  the  Premier, 
if  possible,  to  a  more  full  committal. 

"  Our  reports  from  the  North  by  telegraph  from  Queenstown 
are  to  the  ist  of  July  instant.  They  would  seem  to  indicate  that 
Lee  is  perfectly  master  of  the  field  of  his  operations  both  in 
Maryland  and  in  Pennsylvania;  and  that  Washington  must 
speedily  fall,  with  Baltimore  as  accessory,  into  his  possession. 
Should  this  be  realized  before  Parliament  adjourns,  I  do  not 
think  the  Ministry  would  hold  out  against  recognition ;  or,  if  they 
did,  I  think  the  House  of  Commons  would  overrule  them.  It  is  ex 
pected  that  Parliament  will  adjourn  about  the  first  week  in 
August. 

"  I  have  the  honor,  etc., 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No  24. 

"From  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  State,  to  J.M.  Mason,  Commis 
sioner  Confederate  States  to  England. 

11  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  6th  June,  1863. 

"  SIR  :  Herewith  you  will  receive  copies  of  the  following 
papers : 

"  A. — Letter  of  George  Moore,  Esq.,  Her  Britannic  Majesty's 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


Consul  in  Richmond,  to  this  Department,  dated  i6th  February, 
1863. 

"  B.  —  Letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State  to  Consul  Moore, 
2Oth  February,  1863. 

"  C.  —  Letters  patent  by  the  President,  revoking  the  ex 
equatur  of  Consul  Moore,  5th  June,  1863. 

"  D.  —  Letter  enclosing  to  Consul  Moore  a  copy  of  the  letters 
patent  revoking-  his  exequatur. 

"  It  is  deemed  proper  to  inform  you  that  this  action  of  the 
President  was  influenced  in  no  small  degree  by  the  communica 
tion  to  him  of  an  unofficial  letter  of  Consul  Moore  to  which  I 
shall  presently  refer. 

"  It  appears  that  two  persons  named  Moloney  and  Farrell 
who  were  enrolled  as  conscripts  in  our  service  claimed  exemption 
on  the  ground  that  they  were  British  subjects,  and  Consul 
Moore,  in  order  to  avoid  the  difficulty  which  prevented  his  cor 
responding  with  this  Department  as  set  forth  in  the  paper  B. 
addressed  himself  directly  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  who  was 
ignorant  of  the  request  made  by  this  Department  for  the  pro 
duction  of  the  Consul's  commission.  The  Secretary  of  War 
ordered  an  investigation  of  the  facts,  when  it  became  apparent 
that  the  two  men  had  exercised  the  right  of  suffrage  in  this 
State,  thus  debarring  themselves  of  all  pretext  for  denying  their 
citizenship;  that  both  had  resided  here  for  eight  years,  and 
had  settled  on  and  were  cultivating  farms  owned  by  themselves. 
You  will  find  annexed  the  report  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Edgar, 
marked  E.,  and  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  a  case  presenting 
stronger  proofs  of  the  renunciation  of  native  allegiance,  and  of 
the  acquisition  of  de  facto  citizenship,  than  are  found  in  that 
report.  It  is  in  relation  to  such  a  case  that  it  has  seemed  proper 
to  Consul  Moore  to  denounce  the  Government  of  the  Confeder 
ate  States  to  one  of  its  own  citizens  as  being  '  indifferent  '  to 
cases  of  the  most  atrocious  cruelty.  A  copy  of  his  letter  to  the 
counsel  of  the  two  men  is  annexed,  marked  F. 

"  The  earnest  desire  of  this  Government  is  to  entertain 
amicable  relations  with  all  nations,  and  with  none  do  its  interests 
invite  the  formation  of  closer  ties  than  with  Great  Britain. 
Although  feeling  aggrieved  that  the  Government  of  Her  Majesty 
has  pursued  a  policy,  which  according  to  the  confessions  of  Earl 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


Russell  himself,  has  increased  the  disparity  of  strength  which  he 
considers  to  exist  between  the  belligerents,  and  has  conferred 
signal  advantage  on  our  enemies  in  a  war  in  which  Great  Britain 
announces  herself  to  be  really  and  not  nominally  neutral,  the 
President  has  not  deemed  it  necessary  to  interpose  any  obstacle 
to  the  continued  residence  of  British  Consuls  within  the  Con 
federacy  by  virtue  of  exequaturs  granted  by  the  former  Govern 
ment.  His  course  has  been  consistently  guided  by  the  principles 
which  underlie  the  whole  structure  of  our  Government.  The  State 
of  Virginia  having  delegated  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  by  the  Constitution  of  1787,  the  power  of  controlling  its 
foreign  relations,  became  bound  by  the  action  of  that  Govern 
ment  in  its  grant  of  an  exequatur  to  Consul  Moore.  When  Vir 
ginia  seceded,  withdrew  the  powers  delegated  to  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  and  conferred  them  on  this  Government, 
the  exequatur  granted  to  Consul  Moore  was  not  thereby  in 
validated.  An  act  done  by  an  agent  while  duly  authorized  con 
tinues  to  bind  the  principal  after  the  revocation  of  the  agent's 
authority. 

"  On  these  grounds  the  President  has  hitherto  steadily  re 
sisted  all  influences  which  have  been  exerted  to  induce  him  to 
exact  of  foreign  consuls  that  they  should  ask  for  an  exequatur 
from  the  Government  as  a  condition  of  the  continued  exercise  of 
their  functions.  It  was  not  deemed  compatible  with  the  dignity 
of  the  Government  to  extort,  by  enforcing  the  withdrawal  of 
national  protection  from  neutral  residents,  such  inferential  recog 
nition  of  its  -independence  as  might  be  supposed  to  be  implied  in 
the  request  for  an  exequatur.  The  consuls  of  foreign  nations 
therefore,  established  within  the  Confederacy,  who  were  in  the 
possession  of  an  exequatur  issued  by  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  prior  to  the  formation  of  the  Confederacy,  have 
been  maintained  and  respected  in  the  exercise  of  their  respective 
functions,  and  the  same  respect  and  protection  will  be  accorded 
to  them  in  the  future  so  long  as  they  confine  themselves  to  the 
sphere  of  their  duties  and  seek  neither  to  evade  nor  defy  the 
legitimate  authority  of  this  Government  within  its  own  jurisdic 
tion. 

"  There  has  grown  up  an  abuse,  however,  the  result  of  this 
tolerance  on  the  part  of  the  President,  which  is  too  serious  to  be 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


435. 


longer  allowed.  Great  Britain  has  deemed  it  for  her  interest  to 
refuse  acknowledging  the  patent  fact  of  the  existence  of  this  Con 
federacy  as  an  independent  nation.  It  is  scarcely  to  be  expected 
that  we  should,  by  our  own  conduct,  imply  assent  to  the  justice 
or  propriety  of  that  refusal. 

"  Now,  the  British  Minister  accredited  to  the  Government 
of  our  enemies  assumes  the  power  to  issue  instructions  to,  and 
exercise  authority  over  the  consuls  of  Great  Britain  residing 
within  this  country:  nay,  even  to  appoint  agents  to  supervise 
British  interests  in  the  Confederate  States.  This  course  of 
conduct  plainly  ignores  the  existence  of  this  Government,  and 
implies  the  continuance  of  the  relations  between  that  Minister 
and  the  Consuls  of  Her  Majesty  resident  within  the  Confederacy 
which  existed  prior  to  withdrawal  of  these  States  from  the  Union. 

"  It  is  further  the  assertion  of  a  right  on  the  part  of  Lord 
Lyons  by  virtue  of  his  credentials  as  Her  Majesty's  Minister 
at  Washington  to  exercise  the  power  and  authority  of  a  minister 
accredited  to  Richmond,  and  officially  received  as  such  by  the 
President.  Under  these  circumstances  and  because  of  similar 
action  by  other  ministers,  the  President  has  felt  it  his  duty  to 
order  that  no  direct  communication  be  permitted  between  the 
consuls  of  neutral  nations  in  the  Confederacy  and  the  function 
aries  of  those  nations  residing  within  the  enemy's  country.  All 
communications  therefore,  between  her  Majesty's  Consuls  or 
consular  agents  in  the  Confederacy  and  foreign  countries 
whether  neutral  or  hostile,  will  hereafter  be  restricted  to  vessels 
arriving  from  or  dispatched  for  neutral  ports.  The  President  has 
the  less  reluctance  in  imposing  this  restriction  because  of  the 
ample  facilities  for  correspondence  which  are  now  afforded  by 
the  fleets  of  Confederate  and  neutral  steamships  engaged  in  reg 
ular  trade  between  neutral  countries  and  the  Confederate  ports. 
This  trade  is  daily  increasing,  in  spite  of  the  paper  blockade 
which  is  upheld  by  Her  Majesty's  Government  in  disregard,  as 
the  President  conceives,  of  the  dictates  of  public  law  and  of  the 
duties  of  impartial  neutrality. 

"  You  are  instructed  by  the  President  to  furnish  a  copy  of 
this  dispatch  with  a  copy  of  the  papers  appended,  to  Her 
Majesty's  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs. 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"J.  P.  BENJAMIN." 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


DISPATCH  No.  25. 

"  From  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  State,  to  J.  M.  Mason,  Commis 
sioner  Confederate  States  to  Great  Britain. 
"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  OF  AMERICA, 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"RICHMOND,  nth  June,  1863. 

"  SIR  :  Since  my  No.  24  of  6th  inst.,  further  information 
has  reached  the  Department  illustrating  most  forcibly  the  neces 
sity  for  the  action  taken  by  the  President  on  the  subject  of  Her 
Britannic  Majesty's  Consuls  resident  within  the  Confederacy  as 
explained  in  that  dispatch. 

"  On  the  1  8th  May,  Mr.  Cridland,  who  had  occasion-ally 
acted  as  Consul  in  Richmond  during  temporary  absences  of 
Consul  Moore,  sought  an  interview  at  the  Department,  and  on 
being  admitted  called  my  attention  to  an  article  in  the  Richmond 
Whig  of  that  date  which  announced  that  Mr.  Cridland  was  about 
to  depart  for  Mobile  with  the  commission  of  Consul,  and  that  he 
was  accredited  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  not  to  this  Government.  Mr. 
Cridland  assured  me  that  the  statement  was  erroneous,  that  he 
was  going  to  Mobile  as  a  private  individual,  unofficially,  to  look 
after  certain  interests  of  the  British  Government  that  had  been 
left  unprotected  by  the  withdrawal  of  Consul  Magee.  He  further 
stated  that  as  he  was  going  there  unofficially  he  had  not  con 
ceived  that  there  was  any  impropriety  in  doing  so  without  com 
municating  his  intenton  to  the  Department  and  hoped  that  such 
was  my  own  view  of  the  matter.  I  informed  him  that  all  neutral 
residents  were  at  liberty  to  travel  within  the  Confederacy  and  to 
transact  their  business  without  other  restriction  than  such  as  the 
military  authorities  found  it  necessary  to  impose  for  the  public 
safety,  and  that  this  Department  saw  no  reason  to  interpose  any 
objection  to  his  going  to  Mobile  to  transact  business  unofficially. 
He  then  said  that  he  had  called  at  the  office  of  the  Whig  to  make 
a  similar  explanation  to  the  editor  of  that  paper  with  a  view  to 
the  correction  of  the  erroneous  impression  created  by  its  article, 
and  accordingly  on  the  next  day,  an  article  appeared  in  that 
journal  announcing  that  it  had  received  the  assurance  from  Mr. 
Cridland  that  he  was  going  to  Mobile  '  to  look  after  British  in 
terests  In  that  quarter  in  an  unofficial  way  '  and  that  he  was 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


'  without  commission  from  the  Queen  or  exequatur  from  Wash 
ington/ 

"  I  was  therefore  quite  surprised  at  receiving  from  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  Navy  official  communication  of  a  telegram  received 
by  him  from  Admiral  Buchanan  informing  the  Secretary  that  Mr. 
Cridland  had  been  officially  introduced  to  him  by  the  French 
Consul  as  acting  English  Consul  at  Mobile  and  had  shown  the 
Admiral  '  an  official  document  signed  by  Lord  Lyons  appointing 
him  acting  English  Consul  at  Mobile/  I  append  copies  of  this 
telegram  and  of  the  two  articles  above  referred  to  extracted  from 
the  Richmond  Whig. 

"  These,  however,  are  not  the  only  exceptionable  features 
which  mark  this  affair.  Other  circumstances  to  which  your 
attention  is  invited  have  been  brought  to  the  notice  of  tEe  De 
partment  by  official  communications  from  the  Governor  of 
Alabama. 

"  On  the  nth  November  last,  the  bank  of  Mobile  as  agent 
for  the  State  of  Alabama  addressed  a  communication  to  Consul 
Magee  at  Mobile  informing  him  that  the  State  would  owe  during 
the  ensuing  year  to  British  subjects  interest  coupons  on  the  State 
bonds,  to  the  amount  of  some  forty  thousand  pounds  sterling; 
that  this  interest  was  payable  in  London  at  the  Union  Bank  and 
at  the  Counting  House  of  the  Messrs.  Rothschild,  and  request 
ing  to  know  whether  the  bank  would  be  allowed  to  place  in  the 
hands  of  the  Consul,  in  coin,  the  sum  necessary,  for  transmission 
to  England  at  the  expense  of  the  State  for  the  purpose  men 
tioned. 

"  On-  the  I4th  November,  Consul  Magee  replied  that  he  had 
sent  to  Her  Britannic  Majesty's  Consul  at  New  Orleans  to  ask 
if  Her  Majesty's  steamship  '  Rinaldo  '  could  not  be  sent  to 
Mobile  to  receive  the  specie  and  take  it  to  Havana  to  be  for 
warded  thence  by  the  Consul-General  of  Great  Britain  to  London. 

"  The  specie  was  not  conveyed  by  the  '  Rinaldo  '  but  by  Her 
Majesty's  ship  '  Vesuvius/'  and  was  accompanied  by  a  certificate 
of  the  president  of  the  bank  stating  that  the  remittance  of  the 
'  thirty-one  kegs  of  specie  containing  each  five  thousand  dollars, 
together  $155,000,  is  for  the  purpose  of  paying  dues  to  British 
subjects  from  the  State  of  Alabama,  and  is  the  property  and  be 
longs  to  the  subjects  of  Her  Britannic  Majesty/ 


438 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


"  The  shipment  was  accompanied  by  a  letter  addressed  by 
the  bank,  as  agent  of  the  State  of  Alabama,  to  W.  W.  Scrimge- 
our,  Esq.,  manager  of  the  Union  Bank  of  London,  directing  its 
appropriation  to  the  payment  of  the  interest  due  to  British  and 
other  foreign  holders  of  the  State  bonds,  with  a  statement  of  the 
dates  at  which  the  several  instalments  of  the  interest  would  be 
come  due  and  of  the  places  in  London  where  they  were  to  be 
paid. 

"  So  little  doubt  seems  to  have  been  entertained  of  the  pro 
priety  of  this  transaction  by  all  that  were  engaged  in  it,  that  the 
'  Vesuvius  '  informed  the  commander  of  the  United  States  block 
ading  squadron  that  the  British  Consul  had  money  to  send  by 
him,  and  no  objection  or  protest  was  made.  Among  the  papers 
annexed  you  will  find  the  account  given  by  Commodore  Hitch 
cock  himself  of  his  conversation  with  the  commander  of  the 
'  Vesuvius '  written  after  the  dismissal  of  Consul  Magee,  and 
therefore  at  the  period  when  the  Commodore  could  certainly 
have  no  motive  for  giving  a  coloring  to  his  narrative  adverse 
to  what  was  then  known  to  be  the  views  of  his  Government  on 
the  subject. 

"  Under  these  circumstances,  the  '  Vesuvius  '  received  and 
conveyed  the  specie  which  has  since  been  received  in  England, 
and,  as  stated  in  the  public  journals,  paid  in  whole  or  in  part  to 
British  subjects,  thus  establishing  the  bona  fides  of  the  conduct 
of  all  the  parties  to  the  transaction. 

"  It  now  appears  that  no  sooner  was  the  intention  of  mak 
ing  this  remittance  communicated  to  Her  Britannic  Majesty's 
Minister  in  Washington  than  he  took  active  measures -to  prevent 
it  by  sending  dispatches  to  Mobile  forbidding  the  shipment. 
They,  however,  failed  to  arrive  before  the  departure  of  the 
'  Vesuvius  '  with  the  specie,  whereupon  Consul  Magee  was  dis 
missed  from  office  for  receiving  and  forwarding  it,  and  the 
vacancy  thus  created  in  the  office  of  the  British  Consul  at  Mobile 
was  filled  by  Lord  Lyons  by  the  issue  of  a  commission  to  Mr. 
Cridland  and  his  departure  for  Mobile  under  the  circumstances 
already  explained.  These  facts  are  of  a  character  so  grave  as 
to  have  attracted  the  earnest  attention  of  the  President,  and  it  is 
my  duty  to  apprise  you  of  the  conclusions  at  which  he  has 
arrived,  in  order  that  you  may  lose  no  time  in  laying  them  before 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


Her  Majesty's  Government,  in  the  hope  that  a  renewed  examina 
tion  of  the  subject  and  a  knowledge  of  the  serious  complications 
which  the  present  anomalous  relations  between  the  two  Gov 
ernments  may  involve,  will  induce  the  British  Cabinet  to  review  its 
whole  policy  connected  with  these  relations  and  to  place  them  on 
the  sole  footing  consistent  with  accomplished  facts  that  are  too 
notorious  and  too  firmly  established  to  be  much  longer  ignored. 

"  By  the  principles  of  the  modern  public  code,  debts  due  by 
a  State  are  not  subject  to  the  operation  of  the  laws  of  war,  and 
are  considered  so  sacred  as  to  be  beyond  the  reach  of  confisca 
tion.  An  attempt  at  such  confiscation  woufd  be  reprobated  by 
mankind.  The  United  States  alone  in  modern  times  have 
courted  such  reprobation,  and  just  detestation  has  been  uni 
versally  expressed  of  their  confiscation  laws  passed  during  the 
pending  war.  The  Government  of  Great  Britain,  on  the  contrary, 
has  at  all  times  manifested  its  abhorrence  of  such  breaches  of 
public  faith,  and  in  the  Crimean  war  gave  to  the  world  a  memo 
rable  example  of  its  own  high  regard  for  public  honor  by  paying 
over  to  its  enemy  money  which  it  well  knew  would  be  immediately 
employed  in  waging  hostilities  against  itself.  The  States  of  this 
Confederacy  are  emulous  of  examples  of  honor.  And  they  ac 
cordingly  refrained,  on  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities,  from  even 
the  temporary  sequestration  of  the  dividends  of  their  public  debt 
due  to  their  enemies.  It  was  not  until  they  had  received  notice 
of  the  confiscation  law  passed  by  the  United  States  on  the  6th 
August,  1861,  that  they  consented  to  the  temporary  sequestration 
of  the  property  of  their  enemies,  and  even  then  the  sequestration 
was  declared  to  be  for  the  sole  purpose  of  securing  a  fund  to 
indemnify  the  sufferers  under  the  confiscation  law  of  the  United 
States. 

'  The  following  clause  of  our  law,  exempting  public  debts 
from  its  operation,  is  extracted  as  a  proof  of  the  sacred  regard 
for  public  faith  manifested  by  these  States  under  strong  tempta 
tion  to  retaliate,  and  under  all  the  exasperation  of  the  savage 
warfare  then  actually  waged  against  them :  '  Provided  further, 
That  the  provisions  of  this  act  shall  not  extend  to  the  stocks  or 
public  securities  of  the  Confederate  Government,  or  of  any  of  the 
States  of  this  Confederacy,  held  or  owned  by  any  alien  enemy, 
or  to  any  debt,  obligation  or  sum  due  from  the  Confederate  Gov- 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


ernment  or  any  of  the  States  to  such  alien  enemies/  (Sequestra 
tion  Law  of  Confederate  States,  passed  3<Dth  August,  1861.) 

"  Such  being  the  obligations  imposed  on  States  in  regard  to 
the  payment  of  public  debts  towards  even  their  enemies,  no  deeper 
reproach  can  stain  their  name  than  the  refusal  to  do  justice  to 
mutual  creditors.  The  observance  of  plighted  public  faith  con 
cerns  mankind  at  large ;  in  it  all  nations  have  a  common  interest, 
and  the  belligerent  who  perverts  the  weapons  of  legitimate  war 
fare  into  an  instrumentality  for  forcing  his  enemy  to  dishonor  his 
obligations  and  incur  the  reproach  of  being  faithless  to  his 
engagements,  wages  a  piratical  and  not  an  honorable  warfare, 
and  becomes  hosfis  generis  humani.  Public  honor  is  held  sacred 
by  international  law  against  the  attack  of  the  most  malevolent  foe, 
and  as  susceptible  of  loss  only  by  the  recreancy  of  its  possessor. 

"  What  possible  lawful  interest  could  the  United  States 
liave  in  preventing  the  remittance  of  the  specie  due  to  the  credi 
tors  of  the  State  of  Alabama  ?  Blockades  are  allowed  by  the  law 
-of  nations  as  a  means  of  enforcing  the  submission  of  an  enemy 
by  the  destruction  of  his  commerce,  the  exhaustion  of  his  re 
sources,  and  consequent  forced  abandonment  of  the  struggle.  The 
remittance  of  the  specie  in  the  present  case,  far  from  retarding 
these  legitimate  objects,  tended,  on  the  contrary,  to  promote 
them  by  the  diversion  of  the  money  from  application  to  military 
purposes.  The  United  States  could  not  have  desired  that  the 
specie  should  remain  within  the  Confederacy  save  with  one  or  two 
motives :  First,  to  dishonor  the  State  of  Alabama  by  giving 
color  to  the  reproach  that  it  was  regardless  of  public  faith,  and  on 
this,  comment  has  already  been  made;  or,  secondly,  in  the  hope 
that  by  the  fortunes  of  war  the  money  would  come  within  the 
reach  of  spoliation  under  its  confiscation  law.  It  is  scarcely 
necessary  to  observe  that  the  desire  to  enrich  itself  by  plunder 
at  the  expense  of  neutral  creditors  is  as  little  consonant  with 
respect  for  public  law  and  the  rights  of  neutrals,  as  the  purpose 
forcibly  to  prevent  the  State  of  Alabama  from  redeeming  its 
plighted  faith. 

"  Whatever  may  be  the  value  to  which  these  views  may  be 
justly  entitled,  it  is  certain  that  there  are  but  few  aspects  in  which 
the  State  of  Alabama  can  be  regarded  by  Her  Majesty's  Gov 
ernment.  Alabama  is  either  one  of  the  States  of  the  former 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON.          ^7 

Union  engaged  in  armed  rebellion  against  the  legitimate  authority 
of  the  United  States,  or  is  an  independent  State,  and  a  member 
of  the  Confederacy  engaged  in  lawful  war  against  the  United 
States.  An  examination  of  the  effect  of  either  of  these  relations 
upon  the  facts  connected  with  the  dismissal  of  Consul  Magee 
and  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Cridland,  will  now  be  presented  in 
vindication  of  the  action  which  the  President  deems  it  his  duty  to 
take  on  this  subject. 

"  i. — If  the  British  Government  think  proper  to  assume 
(although  the  contrary  is  deemed  by  this  Government  to  be  fully 
established  by  convincing  reason  and  victorious  arms)  that  the 
State  of  Alabama  is  still  one  of  the  United  States,  then  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States  is  bound,  towards  Great  Britain  as 
well  as  to  all  other  neutral  nations,  to  render  all  legitimate  aid 
in  the  collection  of  their  just  claims  against  that  State.  Although 
by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  its  Government  may  be 
without  power  to  enforce  the  payment  of  a  debt  due  to  foreign 
subjects  or  powers  by  an  unwilling  State,  none  can  doubt  its 
duty  to  interpose  no  obstruction  to  the  payment  of  such  debt ; 
and  no  more  legitimate  ground  of  complaint  could  be  afforded 
to  Great  Britain  against  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
than  an  opposition  made  by  that  Government  to  the  payment  of 
a  just  debt  due  by  Alabama  to  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain.  In 
this  aspect  of  the  case,  the  British  officials  at  Mobile  were  doing 
a  duty  which  ought  to  have  been  equally  acceptable  both  to  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  when  they  facilitated  the  trans 
mission  of  funds  by  that  State  for  that  purpose  to  England, 
where  the  debt  was  made  payable,  and  merited  applause  rather 
than  a  manifestation  of  displeasure. 

"  2. — If,  on  the  contrary,  the  State  of  Alabama  be  regarded 
(as  in  right  and  fact  she  really  is)  an  independent  State  engaged  in 
war  against  the  United  States  as  a  foreign  enemy,  then  the  Presi 
dent  can  not  refrain  from  observing  that  the  action  of  Her  Britan 
nic  Majesty's  Minister  at  Washington  savored,  on  this  occasion, 
rather  of  unfriendly  cooperation  with  an  enemy,  than  of  just 
observance  of  neutral  obligations.  For  in  this  view  of  the  case, 
a  Minister  accredited  to  the  Government  of  our  enemies  has  not 
only  assumed  the  exercise  of  authority  within  this  Confederacy 
without  the  knowledge  or  consent  of  its  Government,  but  has  done 


442 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


so  under  circumstances  that  rather  aggravate  than  palliate  the 
offense  of  disregarding  its  sovereign  rights.  His  action  further 
conveys  the  implication  that  the  Confederacy  is  subordinate  to 
the  United  States,  and  that  his  credentials  addressed  to  the  Gov 
ernment  at  Washington  justify  his  ignoring  the  existence  of  this 
Government  and  his  regarding  these  States  as  an  appendage  of 
the  country  to  which  he  is  accredited.  Nor  will  Her  Majesty's 
Government  fail  to  perceive  that  in  no  sense  can  it  be  considered 
consonant  with  the  rights  of  this  Government,  or  with  neutral 
obligations,  that  a  public  Minister  should  be  maintained  near  the 
Cabinet  of  our  enemies  charged  both  with  the  duty  of  entertain 
ing  amicable  relations  with  them,  and  with  the  power  of  control 
ling  the  conduct  of  British  officials  resident  with  us. 

"  Nor  will  the  application  of  the  foregoing  remarks  be  at 
all  impaired  if  Her  Majesty's  Government,  declining  to  determine 
the  true  relation  of  the  State  of  Alabama  to  the  United  States, 
cfioose  to  consider  that  question  as  still  in  abeyance  and  to  regard 
that  State  as  simply  a  belligerent  whose  ulterior  status  must  await 
the  event  of  the  war.  In  this  hypothesis,  the  objection  to  dele 
gating  authority  over  British  officials  residing  with  us,  to  a  Min 
ister  charged  with  the  duty  of  rendering  himself  acceptable  to 
our  enemies,  is  still  graver  than  would  exist  in  the  case  of  hos 
tile  nations  equally  recognized  as  independent  by  a  neutral  power. 
For  in  the  latter  case,  the  parties  would  have  equal  ability  to 
vindicate  their  rights  through  the  usual  channels  of  official  inter 
course,  whereas  in  the  former  the  belligerent  which  enjoys  ex 
clusively  this  advantage  is  armed  by  the  neutral  with  additional 
power  to  inflict  injury  on  his  enemy. 

"  The  President  has,  in  the  facts  already  recited,  seen  re 
newed  reasons  for  adhering  to  his  determination  mentioned  in 
my  preceding  dispatch  of  prohibiting  any  direct  communication 
between  Consuls  or  Consular  Agents  residing  within  the  Con 
federacy  and  the  functionaries  of  their  Governments  residing 
amongst  our  enemies.  He  further  indulges  the  hope  (which  Her 
Majesty's  Government  can  not  but  regard  as  reasonable  and 
which  he  is  therefore  confident  will  be  justified  by  its  action)  that 
Her  Majesty's  Government  will  chose  some  other  mode  of  trans 
mitting  its  orders  and  exercising  authority  over  its  agents  within 
the  Confederacy  than  by  delegating  to  functionaries  who  reside 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


among  our  enemies  the  powers  to  give  orders  or  instructions  to 
those  who  reside  among  us. 

"  Finally,  and  in  order  to  prevent  any  further  misunderstand 
ing  in  Mr.  Cridland's  case,  that  gentleman  has  been  informed 
that  he  can  not  be  permitted  to  exercise  Consular  functions  at 
Mobile,  and  it  has  been  intimated  to  him  that  his  choice  of  some 
other  State  than  Alabama  for  his  residence  would  be  agreeable 
to  this  Government.  This  intimation  has  been  given  in  order  to 
avoid  any  difficulty  which  might  result  from  the  doubtful  position 
of  Mr.  Cridland,  who  is  looked  on  here  as  a  private  individual  and 
who  in  Alabama  represents  himself  as  '  Acting  English  Consul/ 

"  The  President  is  confident  Her  Majesty's  Government  will 
render  full  justice  to  the  motives  by  which  these  measures  are 
prompted,  and  will  perceive  in  them  a  manifestation  of  the  earn 
est  desire  entertained  by  him  to  prevent  the  possibility  of  any 
unfortunate  complications  having  a  tendency  to  impair  the  amity 
which  it  is  equally  the  interest  and  the  desire  of  this  Government 
to  cherish  with  that  of  Great  Britain. 

"  The  President  wishes  a  copy  of  this  dispatch  to  be  placed  by 
you  in  the  hands  of  Earl  Russell. 

"  I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 
"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN, 

"  Secretary  of  State." 

DISPATCH  No.  26. 

"  From  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  State,  to  J.  M.  Mason,  Commis 
sioner  Confederate  States  to  Great  Britain. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 
"  RICHMOND,  June  I2th,  1863. 

"  SIR  :  I  append  copies  of  two  letters  of  Earl  Russell  on  the 
subject  of  the  prisoner  Hester,  enclosed  by  Mr.  Moore  to  this 
Department. 

"  You  are  requested  to  inform  his  Lordship  that  this  Gov 
ernment  will  be  prepared  to  receive  the  prisoner  at  any  port  of 
the  Confederacy  where  he  may  be  delivered,  and  that  in  the  event 
of  a  refusal  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  to  consent  to  the  pas 
sage  of  the  '  Shannon  '  through  the  blockade,  we  will  send  a 
naval  officer  of  the  Confederacy  to  Bermuda,  charged  with 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


authority  to  receive  the  prisoner  and  bring  him  into  one  of  our 
ports  on  a  vessel  of  the  Confederate  Government. 

"  You  will  be  pleased  to  renew  to  Her  Majesty's  Secretary 
of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs  the  expression  of  the  thanks  of  this 
Government  for  his  considerate  attention  in  the  matter. 
"  I  am,  very  respectfully, 

''  Your   obedient   servant, 

"J.  P.  BENJAMIN." 

Copy  of  letter  from  Earl  Russell  to  Consul  Moore: 

"  FOREIGN  OFFICE,  May  2d,  1863. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  to  acquaint  you,  in  reply  to  your  dispatch  No. 
14,  of  the  1  7th  of  February,  that  arrangements  are  in  progress  for 
transferring  to  Bermuda  for  present  custody,  the  prisoner  charged 
with  having  committed  a  murder  on  board  the  Confederate 
steamer  '  Sumter,'  at  Gibraltar,  and  that  as  soon  as  the  consent 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  has  been  obtained,  for  the 
passage  through  the  blockade  of  Her  Majesty's  ship,  in  which  the 
prisoner  will  be  embarked,  he  will  be  sent  to  a  port  in  the  pos 
session  of  the  Confederates,  for  delivery  to  the  local  authorities. 

"  I  am,  of  course,  unable  now  to  say  to  what  port  the  prisoner 
will  eventually  be  sent,  but  you  should  arrange  for  his  being  re 
ceived  by  the  Confederate  authorities  at  whatever  port  the  ship 
conveying  him  may  arrive. 

"  I  am,  etc., 

"  RUSSELL." 

"  FOREIGN  OFFICE,  May  i5th,  1863. 

"  SIR  :  With  reference  to  my  dispatch  No.  5,  of  the  2d  inst, 
I  have  to  acquaint  you  that  I  have  been  informed  by  the  Board 
of  Admiralty  that  Her  Majesty's  ship  '  Shannon  '  left  Gibraltar 
on  the  5th  instant  for  Bermuda,  having  on  board  Mr.  Hester,  the 
prisoner  charged  with  the  murder  of  the  commanding  officer  of 
the  Confederate  steamer  '  Sumter/ 

"  I  am,  etc., 

"  RUSSELL. 
"  G.  Moore,  Esq." 

In  his  dispatch  No.  43,  of  the  6th  of  August,  Mr.  Mason 
wrote  :  "  The  hopes  and  expectations  of  our  friends  in  Europe 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


have  been  much  depressed  by  the  late  intelligence  from  the  South, 
one  marked  effect  of  which  has  been  on  the  Loan,  quoted  yester 
day  as  low  as  30  per  cent,  discount.  I  am  informed,  however, 
by  Mr.  McRae,  the  Treasury  agent  here,  that  arrangements  had 
been  previously  fully  completed  to  make  the  whole  proceeds  of  the 
loan  available,  as  stipulated  in  the  contract,  of  which  he  has  doubt 
less  informed  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

"  The  engagements  of  the  Government  here,  present  and 
prospective,  both  for  the  army  and  navy,  it  is  very  manifest  will 
require  much  larger  sums  than  will  be  derived  from  the  loan, 
•and  I  would  earnestly  suggest  that  arrangements  should  be  per 
fected  as  speedily  as  possible,  by  means  of  fast  steamers,  for  bring 
ing  out  cotton  on  Government  account  (as  is  now  done  to  some 
extent)  to  Nassau  and  Bermuda.  When  there  it  could  be  made 
immediately  available  here  by  insurance.  The  fortunes  of  the 
late  loan,  I  think,  will  preclude  any  other  for  the  present." 

Dispatch  No.  44,  dated  the  4th  of  September,  said :  "  The 
copy  of  '  Hansard's  Debates,'  directed  to  be  purchased  by  your 
No.  27,  will  go  off  to  Bermuda,  via  Halifax,  to-morrow  in  the 
steamer  bearing  this  dispatch,  sent  to  N.  S.  Walker,  Esq.,  com 
mercial  agent,  to  whom  I  have  written,  with  instructions  to  for 
ward  it.  Your  instructions  for  a  continuing  subscription  by  the 
Department  of  State  have  been  executed,  but  I  regret  the  volumes 
could  not  be  lettered  in  time  for  their  departure.  I  hope  they  may 
safely  reach  you.  The  books  previously  sent  went  to  Bermuda, 
via  Halifax,  a  month  ago. 

"  In  regard  to  the  transmission  of  my  dispatches,  they  are 
now  sent  regularly  by  the  British  mail,  either  to  Bermuda  or 
Nassau. 

"  I  shall  be  happy  to  receive  the  appeal  '  to  the  justice  of 
neutral  powers  on  the  subject  of  the  blockade,'  proposed  in  your 
No.  27.  The  correspondence  with  Earl  Russell,  I  fear,  will  show 
that  little  impression  can  be  expected  to  be  produced  on  this  Gov 
ernment,  at  least,  on  the  subject  of  the  blockade.  You  will  find 
that  I  laid  before  him  evidence  of  the  arrival  of  one  hundred  and 
two  vessels  at  the  port  of  Nassau,  alone,  from  blockaded  ports, 
within  less  than  a  year,  terminating  on  the  2d  June  last ;  in  reply 
to  which  he  merely  says  that  '  Her  Majesty's  Government  see 
no  reason  to  alter  their  opinion  as  to  the  efficiency  of  the  block- 


446 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


ade,  etc.'  I  think  that  I  expressed  the  opinion  in  former  dis 
patches  that  this  Government  did  not  intend  to  treat  the  text  of 
the  Convention  of  Paris  (although  a  party  to  the  Convention)  as 
the  law  of  blockade  binding  on  it,  but  would  resort  to  evasions, 
however  palpable,  to  justify  its  violation  on  their  part. 

"  I  regret  that  I  did  not  see  Lieutenant  Capston,  spoken  of 
in  your  No.  29  as  sent  by  the  Department  to  Ireland.  He  re 
mained,  it  appears,  but  a  day  or  two  in  London,  where  he  saw  Mr. 
Hotze,  to  whom  he  was  referred,  and  then  proceeded  on  his  mis 
sion.  There  being  a  recess  in  public  affairs  at  this  season  of  the 
year,  I  availed  myself  of  it  to  pay  a  visit  to  Ireland  of  a  fortnight, 
whence  I  returned  about  the  time  Lieutenant  Capston  went  there. 
His  mission  may  be  of  value  in  obtaining  information  as  to  the 
manner  in  which  emigrants  are  induced  to  go  to  the  United  States, 
and  thus,  possibly,  furnish  the  means  of  counter-movement  on 
our  part ;  but  I  should  doubt  whether  he  could  make  much  impres 
sion  upon  the  emigrating  class  in  endeavors  to  enlighten  them  as 
to  the  true  character  of  the  war.  Such  seems  the  ignorant  and  des 
titute  condition  of  most  of  that  class  that  the  temptation  of  a  little 
ready  money  and  promise  of  good  wages  would  lead  them 
to  go  anywhere.  In  regard  to  this  emigration,  I  could  learn  only 
that  it  was  going  on  largely,  chiefly  to  New  York,  and  under  the 
inducements  offered  by  Northern  emissaries,  but  always  under 
the  guise  that  they  were  wanted  for  work  on  railroads  or  as  farm 
hands.  Whatever  aid  I  can  render  to  give  efficiency  in  the  accom 
plishment  of  this  mission  shall  be  fully  extended. 

"  Our  loan,  as  you  will  have  seen,  sustained  a  sudden  and 
great  fall  on  the  intelligence  of  our  reverses  on  the  Mississippi 
and  General  Lee's  return  to  Virginia.  These  incidents  of  the  war 
have  had  a  most  depressing  effect  on  the  barometer  of  the  Stock 
Exchange,  and  it  can  not  be  denied  that  they  produce  doubt  and 
uncertainty  in  regard  to  our  affairs  on  the  public  mind ;  yet  the 
considerate  and  settled  judgment  of  intelligent  men  remains,  that 
reunion  or  reconstruction  is  a  thing  impossible.  Perhaps  the 
best  index  of  opinion  of  that  character  is  found  in  the  Times, 
and  in  this  connection,  I  send  an  extract  from  its  impressions  of 
to-day,  being  a  succinct  reply  to  the  late  elaborate  manifesto 
addressed  by  Mr.  Seward  to  his  foreign  Consuls  on  the  subject 
of  the  War.  The  opinion  seems  general  now  that  the  war  will 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


continue,  at  least,  during  the  present  Federal  Administration, 
and  which  I  have  great  fears  may  be  well  founded.  It  may  drag 
on  more  heavily  than  hitherto  from  want  of  men,  but  I  think  the 
late  manifestations  in  New  York  evince  that  the  State  Government 
there  has  succumbed  to  the  Federal  military  power. 

"  From  recent  events  in  Mexico  I  am  again  hopeful  that 
France  may  be  compelled  to  take  a  position  of  value  to  us.  The  in 
dications  now  are,  and  such  seems  the  tone  of  the  Continental 
press,  that  Russia  wrill  so  far  modify  her  policy  in  regard  to 
Poland  as  to  remove  all  apprehension  of  war  with  the  Western 
Powers.  This  will  much  disembarrass  the  Emperor  ;  and  as  soon 
as  the  Empire  becomes  an  accomplished  fact,  or,  in  advance  of 
that,  when  such  Empire  is  determined  upon  and  avowed  on  the 
part  of  France,  there  must  arise,  it  appears  to  me,  unamicable 
relations  between  that  country  and  the  United  States.  What  form 
they  will  first  assume  may  be  problematical,  but  the  advantage  to 
result  to  us  is  inevitable. 

"  You  have  not  adverted  in  your  dispatches  to  the  views  of 
the  President  as  to  the  policy  it  may  become  us  to  pursue  in  the 
event,  now  at  hand,  of  monarchy  established  in  Mexico  by 
France.  Would  it  not  be  well  that  such  policy  should  be  defined, 
and  put  in  possession  of  Mr.  Slidell  and  myself?  Looking  on  at 
this  distance,  and  in  view  of  what  has  happened  in  our  own  coun 
try,  and  what  may  be  yet  in  store  for  us  in  the  South  when, 
even  after  peace,  we  must  have  for  years  a  licentious  and  irre 
sponsible  mob  Government  as  our  neighbor  in  the  North,  it  would 
seem  to  me  of  no  little  moment  to  have  France,  through  its  inter 
ests  in  Mexico,  as  our  ally  against  it. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.  45. 

"  CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

"  LONDON,  September  5th,  1863. 
"  PI  on.  I.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  It  is  very  manifest  from  what  comes  before  me  here, 
that  there  are  already  existing  and  prospective  demands  by  the 
Government  for  money  in  Europe  very  far  exceeding  the  avails 
of  the  late  loan.  Correspondence  between  officers  here  and  their 


448  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

respective  departments  at  home  show  that  exchange  there  is 
exhausted  or  to  be  had  only  in  small  sums  at  5  or  6  for  one.  The 
quotations  yesterday  for  our  loan  were  at  28  per  cent,  dis 
count,  and  its  late  fluctuations  fully  establish  that  its  fortunes 
vary  with  the  varying  fortunes  of  the  war.  I  think  it  would  be 
unwise,  therefore,  to  look  at  present  to  a  future  loan  in  Europe. 

:t  The  success  of  those  engaged  in  running  the  blockade,  and 
who  bring  out  cotton  in  exchange  for  their  inward  cargoes,  I  am 
told,  has  already  made  that  article  scarce  on  the  seaboard.  I  am 
aware  that  the  War  Department  and,  perhaps,  the  Navy,  have 
commenced,  in  a  limited  way,  to  send  out  cotton  to  meet  demands 
upon  them  here,  and  done  it  successfully,  though  far  below  the 
demands  upon  them. 

"  In  a  conversation  last  night  with  Mr.  McRae,  the  Treasury 
agent  for  the  loan,  he  told  me  that  he  had  recently  written  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  strongly  urging  that  the  Govern 
ment  should  take  the  whole  subject  of  the  export  of  cotton  and 
running  the  blockade  into  its  own  hands.  I  do  not  know  that 
better  or  more  skillful  counsels  in  this  matter  could  be  had  than 
from  that  gentleman.  Besides  being  an  earnest  patriot,  he  is  well 
versed  in  everything  pertaining  to  the  export  of  cotton.  The  ex 
perience  of  private  enterprise  seems  to  have  adjusted  trade  through 
the  blockade  in  such  manner  as  to  have  removed  much  of  the  risk 
and  expense.  Supplies  are  sent  from  here  in  sailing  vessels  as 
English  property,  bona  fide,  and  thence  transshipped  to  the  coast 
in  fast  sailing  steamers  of  small  draught,  and  they  bring  out  cotton 
as  return  cargoes.  I  can  see  nothing  to  prevent  the  Government 
taking  this  whole  business  into  its  exclusive  hands,  and  when 
the  cotton  is  placed  in  one  of  the  islands,  its  value  is  available  here 
at  once,  without  further  risk.  Under  the  control  of  a  separate 
bureau,  and  in  charge  of  naval  officers,  it  must  work  well.  If 
the  war  is  prolonged,  besides  supplying  all  the  wants  of  the  Gov 
ernment  in  Europe  at  a  cost  cheapened  by  the  absence  of  the 
immoderate  profits  now  reaped  by  private  enterprise,  it  would 
bring  down  exchange,  and  thus  have  an  important  influence  in 
strengthening  our  currency  at  home ;  besides,  its  effect  upon  our 
credit  in  Europe,  when  results  were  attained,  would  be  of  immense 
importance  in  a  political  view. 

"  As  things  are  conducted  at  present,  through  private  chan- 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


nels,  there  is  little  doubt  that  the  enemy  shares  largely  in  the 
profits  of  running  the  blockade,  as  evinced,  amongst  other  things, 
by  the  large  shipments  of  cotton  made  to  New  York  from  the 
West  Indian  Islands. 

"  I  have  been  so  strongly  impressed  by  our  increasing  wants 
here,  with  the  importance  of  this  matter,  that  I  venture  thus  to 
submit  it  to  the  consideration  of  the  Government. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc.« 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 


DISPATCH  No.  30. — RECEIVED  SEPTEMBER  14,  1863. 
"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 
"  RICHMOND,  August  4th,  1863. 
"  Hon.  James  M.  Mason, 

"  Commissioner  of  the  Confederate  States, 

"London,  England. 

"  SIR  :  The  perusal  of  the  recent  debates  in  the  British  Par 
liament  satisfies  the  President  that  the  Government  of  Her 
Majesty  has  determined  to  decline  the  overtures  made  through 
you  for  establishing,  by  treaty,  friendly  relations  between  the  two 
Governments,  and  entertains  no  intentions  of  receiving  you  as  the 
accredited  Minister  of  this  Government  near  the  British  Court. 
"  Under  these  circumstances,  your  continued  residence  in 
London  is  neither  conducive  to  the  interests  nor  consistent  with 
the  dignity  of  this  Government,  and  the  President  therefore  re 
quests  that  you  consider  your  mission  at  an  end,  and  that  you 
withdraw,  with  your  secretary,  from  London. 

"  In  arriving  at  this  conclusion,  it  gives  me  pleasure  to  say 
that  the  President  is  entirely  satisfied  with  your  own  conduct  of 
the  delicate  mission  confided  to  you,  and  that  it  is  in  no  want  of 
proper  effort  on  your  part  that  the  necessity  for  your  recall  has 
originated. 

"  If  you  find  that  it  is  in  accordance  with  usage,  to  give 
notice  of  your  intended  withdrawal  to  Earl  Russell,  you  will,  of 
course,  conform  to  precedent  in  that  respect. 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN, 

"  Secretary  of  State." 


450 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


PRIVATE. 
"  Hon.  James  M.  Mason. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  The  President  desires  me  to  say  to  you  that, 
while  the  instructions  contained  in  my  No.  30,  herewith  forwarded, 
purport  to  be  unconditional,  he  does  not  desire  that  you  should 
consider  yourself  precluded  from  the  exercise  of  all  discretion  on 
the  subject,  in  the  event  of  any  marked  or  decisive  change  in  the 
policy  of  the  British  Cabinet  before  your  receipt  of  the  dispatch. 
"  Although  no  such  change  is  anticipated,  it  is  not  deemed 
prudent  to  ignore  altogether  its  possibility,  and  it  is  in  this  view 
of  the  case  that  discretion  is  left  you  as  to  your  action. 

"  In  the  absence  of  some  important  and  marked  change  of 
conduct  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  however,  the  President 
desires  that  your  action  on  the  instructions  in  No.  30  be  as  prompt 
as  convenient. 

"  I  am,  very  respectfully, 
"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN, 

"  Secretary  of  State." 

DISPATCH  No.  31. 

"  DEPARTMENT -OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  August  i7th. 
"Hon.  James  M.  Mason, 

"  Commissioner  of  Confederate  States: 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  forward  duplicate  of  my  No. 
30,  of  the  4th  instant.  I  should  have  mentioned  in  that  dispatch 
that  the  President  deems  the  best  mode  of  disposing  of  the 
archives  of  your  mission  will  be  to  deposit  them  with  Mr. 
Slidell,  until  our  relations  with  Great  Britain  can  be  placed  on 
a  footing  satisfactory  to  this  Government.  It  would  be  well,  also, 
that  you  should  inform  our  officers  in  England  that  whenever  at 
a  loss  how  to  act  in  the  business  confided  to  them  by  the  several 
departments,  it  is  expected  by  the  President  that  they  will  con 
sult  Mr.  Slidell  with  the  same  freedom  as  they  have  heretofore 
consulted  with  you. 

"  In  the  matter  of  the  Seal  of  the  Confederacy,  and  some 
other  small  affairs  which  you  have  been  good  enough  to  put  in 
train  for  the  Department,  I  suppose  Mr.  Hotze  can  take  your  in- 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASOX. 


structions  about  terminating  them.  You  may,  however,  confide 
them  to  another  person  at  your  choice  if  you  have  any  reason  for 
preferring  not  to  entrust  them  to  Mr.  Hotze. 

"  I  have  received  your  dispatches  down  to  No.  41  inclusive 
(with  the  exception  of  Nos.  4,  5,  6,  7,  and  8),  but  deem  it  scarcely 
necessary,  under  the  circumstances,  to  reply  to  them  in  detail. 

"  We  have  as  yet  no  news  of  the  books  purchased,  and  for 
which  you  enclosed  a  bill. 

"  Your  letters  for  Mrs.  Mason  have  been  handed  to  her.    I 
am  happy  to  inform  you  that  all  your  family  are  well. 
"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"].  P.  BENJAMIN." 

DISPATCH  No.  46. 

"  LONDON,  September  25th,  1863. 
"Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin, 

"Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  Your  No.  30,  of  the  4th  August  last,  with  your 
private  note  of  the  same  date,  reached  me  on  the  I4th  of  Septem 
ber  instant.  Having  seen  no  evidence  of  any  probable  change  in 
the  policy  of  the  British  Government  in  regard  to  recognition, 
which  was  the  only  contingency  expressed  in  the  private  note, 
on  which  I  should  exercise  discretion  in  carrying  into  effect  the 
instructions  contained  in  your  No.  30,  I  was  prepared  at  once  to 
notify  Her  Majesty's  Government  of  the  termination  of  this  mis 
sion.  Still,  as  Mr.  Slidell  and  I  had  always  freely  conferred 
before  taking  any  step  of  importance  in  our  respective  positions, 
I  thought  it  best  to  defer  any  action  until  consultation  with  him. 
His  absence  in  Biarritz  delayed  his  reply  to  my  letter  until  the 
1 9th  instant.  He  fully  agreed  with  me  that  there  appeared  noth 
ing,  present  or  in  prospect,  to  be  expected  from  this  Govern 
ment  which  could  affect  the  limited  discretion  given  in  your 
private  note,  and  we  both  agreed  in  the  propriety  and  soundness 
of  the  policy  embodied  in  your  instructions  to  terminate  this  mis 
sion,  and  to  withdraw,  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Commission, 
from  London.  I  accordingly,  on  Monday  last  (the  2ist  instant), 
addressed  to  Earl  Russell  the  note  of  which  I  have  the  honor  to 
transmit  a  copy  herewith,  which  was  delivered  the  same  day  at 
the  Foreign  Office.  I  have,  as  yet,  had  no  reply,  but  Lord  Russell 


452  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

was  then,  I  understand,  and  yet  remains,  absent  in  Scotland.  I 
hope  the  form  given  to  this  note  will  meet  with  your  approval. 
It  quotes  from  the  dispatch  the  reasons  assigned  for  the  termina 
tion  of  the  mission ;  and  to  bring  them  before  the  British  and 
European  public,  I  deemed  it  proper  to  publish  the  note  in  the 
Index,  the  reputed  organ  of  Southern  interests.  It  appeared 
there  in  its  issue  of  yesterday,  and  this  morning  was  generally 
copied  by  the  daily  press,  with  various  comments. 

"  It  is  difficult  to  say,  in  advance,  what  effect  may  be  pro 
duced  upon  the  public  mind  in  England  by  this  decided  act  of  our 
Government;  nor  should  I  anticipate  its  having  any  effect  on 
ministerial  counsels.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  some  prejudice  may 
result  to  the  many  and  large  interests  of  our  Government  now 
pending  in  this  country,  from  the  absence  of  a  responsible  head 
to  solve  the  difficulties  or  assume  responsibilities.  Still,  as  a 
measure  of  dignified  and  becoming  policy,  I  am  satisfied  of  the 
entire  wisdom  in  which  it  is  founded. 

"  I  shall  be  prepared  to  leave  London  in  the  course  of  a 
very  few  days,  and  at  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  Slidell,  shall  go  to 
Paris,  where  he  will  again  be  about  the  ist  of  October.  Should 
there  be  anything  further  to  communicate,  I  will  write  to  you 
again  by  mail  to  Bermuda,  leaving  on  the  3d  of  October.  This 
goes  in  the  closed  mail  to  Nassau. 

"  The  Record  Book  and  Archives  shall  be  deposited  with 
Mr.  Slidell.  Other  property  belonging  to  the  Commission,  con 
sisting  of  two  desks  for  papers,  books,  etc.,  shall  be  placed  in  safe 
hands  here,  and  accurate  lists,  together  with  information  of  the 
place  of  deposit,  be  transmitted  to  the  Department.  Notice  shall 
be  given  to  the  officers  of  the  Government  in  England,  as  you 
direct,  to  consult  Mr.  Slidell  in  matters  pertaining  to  their  mis 
sions. 

"  The  preparations  of  the  devices  for  the  Seal,  I  have  already 
placed  in  charge  of  Mr.  Foley,  R.  N.,  probably  the  most  eminent 
sculptor  in  England,  and  will  take  care  that  it  is  promptly 
attended  to. 

"  I  was  surprised  to  learn  that  you  had  not  received,  so  late 
as  yours  of  iyth  August,  the  parcel  of  books  first  sent,  and  of 
which  you  had  received  the  bill.  As  directed  by  you,  they  were 
sent  to  Messrs.  Eraser,  Trenholm  and  Company,  at  Liverpool, 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


addressed  to  Major  N.  S.  Walker,  Bermuda,  for  shipment,  and  I 
have  their  letter,  dated  iQth  June  last,  acknowledging  the  receipt 
of  the  box  of  books  for  the  Department  of  State,  with  an  assur 
ance  that  it  should  be  sent  to  Bermuda,  via  Halifax.  It  should, 
therefore,  have  reached  you  long  since. 

"  The  copy  of  '  Hansard/  ordered  by  a  late  dispatch,  was 
put  up  in  two  boxes,  addressed  to  N.  S.  Walker,  Bermuda,  and 
marked  with  the  initials  /.  P.  B. 

"  Should  you  have  further  occasion  to  communicate  with  me, 
please  address  me  to  the  care  of  Mr.  Slidell. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc.4 

"  J.  M.  MASON/' 

/ 

"  24  UPPER  SEYMOUR   STREET, 

"  PORTMAN  SQUARE, 

"  September  2ist  1863. 
"  The  Right  Hon.  Earl  Russell,  etc.,  etc.: 

"  MY  LORD  :  In  a  dispatch  from  the  Secretary  of  State  of 
the  Confederate  States  of  America,  dated  4th  of  August,  and 
just  now  received,  I  am  instructed  to  consider  the  Commission 
which  brought  me  to  England  as  at  an  end,  and  I  am  directed  to 
withdraw  at  once  from  the  country. 

"  The  reasons  for  terminating  this  mission  are  set  forth  in 
an  extract  from  the  dispatch  which  I  have  the  honor  to  communi 
cate  herewith. 

"  The  President  believes  that,  '  The  Government  of  Her 
Majesty  has  determined  to  decline  the  overtures  made  through 
you  for  establishing,  by  treaty,  friendly  relations  between  the 
two  Governments,  and  entertains  no  intentions  of  receiving  you 
as  the  accredited  Minister  of  this  Government  near  the  British 
Court. 

"  '  Under  these  circumstances,  your  continued  residence  in 
London  is  neither  conducive  to  the  interests  nor  consistent  with 
the  dignity  of  this  Government,  and  the  President,  therefore,  re 
quests  that  you  consider  your  mission  at  an  end,  and  that  you 
withdraw,  with  your  secretary,  from  London/ 

"  Having  made  known  to  your  Lordship,  on  my  arrival  here, 
the  character  and  purpose  of  the  mission  entrusted  to  me  by  my 


454 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


Government,  I  have  deemed  it  due  to  courtesy  thus  to  make 
known  to  the  Government  of  Her  Majesty  its  termination,  and 
that  I  shall,  as  directed,  at  once  withdraw  from  England. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON, 
"Special  Commissioner,  etc." 

UNOFFICIAL  LETTER  TO  MR.   DAVIS. 

"  PARIS,  2d  October,  1863. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  By  mail  via  Nassau  last  week,  I  sent  to  the 
Department  of  State  my  letter  to  Earl  Russell,  announcing  the 
termination  of  the  Commission  to  England,  pursuant  to  your  in 
structions  in  the  dispatch  of  Mr.  Benjamin  of  the  4th  August  and 
that  as  directed  I  should  withdraw  from  London.  By  the  same 
mail  I  sent  you  a  private  note  expressing  that  I  was  at  some  loss 
to  know  whether  it  was  intended  that  I  should  remain  for  the 
present  in  Europe,  or  at  my  discretion  should  return  home,  and 
that  in  a  note  from  Mr.  Slidell,  independent  of  any  suggestion  from 
me,  he  assumed  as  of  course,  that  I  was  to  remain  in  Europe, 
to  await  further  instructions  from  the  Government.  Since  I 
came  here,  after  a  full  conversation  with  Mr.  Slidell,  he  retains 
the  same  opinion  as  he  may  probably  write  to  you  by  mail  with 
this.  My  desire  is  to  have  the  doubt  solved,  having  it  only  in 
view  to  do  that  which  may  best  conform  to  the  purposes  of  the 
Government,  or  which,  in  its  judgment,  may  best  promote  its 
service.  It  has  seemed  to  me,  too,  the  more  proper  that  I  should 
await  further  instructions,  because  of  the  uncertainty  attending 
communications  with  Europe,  and  because,  should  a  contingency 
arise  when  England,  receding  from  her  position  (perhaps  at  the 
renewed  instance  of  France)  might  be  disposed  to  enter  into 
relations  with  us,  I  should  be  at  hand  with  the  letter  of  credence 
in  my  possession,  to  present  myself  as  the  representative  of  our 
country.  Mr.  Slidell  and  I  both  agree  that  as  things  stand,  though 
no  longer  Commissioner  to  England  yet  until  otherwise  instructed, 
should  the  contingency  suggested  above  arise,  and  that  England 
was  prepared  to  receive  me  as  Minister,  it  would  be  my  duty  at 
once  to  present  my  letter  of  credence.  Such,  at  least,  is  the  form  on 
which  the  question  presents  itself  here  and  it  is  thought  better  to 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


await  further  advice  than  to  act  precipitately.  And  I  should  add 
that  Colonel  Lamar,  now  in  Paris,  with  whom  I  have  also  freely 
conferred,  entirely  concurs  in  the  views  of  Mr.  Slidell.  I  shall, 
therefore,  remain  in  Europe  until  your  wishes  or  purpose  in 
regard  to  this  matter,  are  received,  and  act  accordingly. 

"  Notwithstanding  the  reluctance  of  those  really  our  friends 
in  the  House  of  Commons  to  vote  Mr.  Roebuck's  motion,  yet  I 
am  satisfied  from  intercourse  with  them  at  the  time,  that  it 
resulted  from  no  disaffection  to  our  cause,  but  was  really  attribu 
table  to  the  peculiar  juncture  of  parties  just  now  in  England. 
Lord  Palmerston's  great  personal  popularity  is  the  mainstay  of 
his  administration;  the  opposition  are  by  no  means  satisfied  that 
were  his  party  overthrown  in  the  House,  it  would  not,  by  reason 
of  his  general  popularity,  be  strengthened  by  a  new  election.  They 
think  were  he  out  of  the  way,  they  would  come  in  with  a  strength 
greatly  increased — add  to  this  that  he  is  now  far  advanced  in 
years  and  subject  to  sharp  attacks  of  gout,  or  its  incidents. 

"  Were  there  a  new  administration  or  one  reconstructed  on 
the  loss  of  its  chief,  or  any  event  that  would  displace  Lord  Rus 
sell,  it  is  thought,  and  I  think  correctly,  that  the  policy  of  Eng 
land  in  regard  to  our  country  would  undergo  great  modification. 

"  Colonel  Lamar,  who  found  it  desirable  to  avail  himself  of 
the  best  medical  advice  in  Paris,  is  now  in  much  improved  health 
and  about  to  return  home. 

"  When  it  is  determined  whether  I  am  to  remain  in  Europe  or 
otherwise  (and  if  there  be  no  reason  against  promulging  it)  it 
would,  I  think,  much  interest  my  good  wife  to  learn  it.  I,  of 
course,  do  not  inform  her  of  what  I  have  written  to  you. 

"  With  most  respectful  and  kind  regards  to  Mrs.  Davis, 
"Yours,  my  dear  sir,  most  truly, 

"J.  M.  MASON. 
" Hon.  Jefferson  Davis" 

"  LONDON,  October  igth,  1863. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  to  you  herewith  a  copy 
of  a  letter  from  Earl  Russell  to  me,  dated  the  25th  of  September 
ultimo,  in  reply  to  mine  of  the  2ist  of  same  month,  in  which  I 
informed  him  of  the  termination  of  my  mission  to  London.  It 


456 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


would  seem  proper  that  it  should  go  on  the  files  of  the  Department. 

"  My  letter  to  Earl  Russell,  as  you  will  see,  is  dated  2ist 
September — on  the  3<Dth  I  left  London  for  Paris,  having  given  up 
my  house,  and  removed  all  my  effects,  with  the  archives  of  the  mis 
sion.  All  the  books  and  other  things  belonging  to  the  Commis 
sion  are  carefully  packed  and  deposited  for  safe-keeping  with 
my  bankers.  The  cases  for  papers,  etc.,  I  left  with  Mr.  Hotze. 
Complete  lists  of  all  are  preserved  in  the  box  with  the  archives. 

"  After  remaining  some  two  weeks  in  Paris,  I  returned,  a  few 
days  since,  here,  to  close  some  matters  necessarily  left  open;  but 
have  remained  chiefly  in  the  country,  coming  to  London  but 
occasionally;  and  shall  soon  return  to  the  Continent.  I  have 
nothing  of  interest  to  communicate.  Colonel  Lamar,  who  bears 
this,  can  give  you  the  latest  and  best  impressions  of  things  in 
Europe. 

"  I  have,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

"  From  Earl  Russell. 

"  FOREIGN  OFFICE,  September,  1863. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  had  the  honor  of  receiving  your  letter  of  the 
21  st  instant,  informing  me  that  your  Government  had  ordered  you 
to  withdraw  from  this  country  on  the  ground  that  Her  Majesty's 
Government  had  declined  the  overtures  made  through  you  for 
establishing,  by  treaty,  friendly  relations,  and  have  no  intention 
of  receiving  you  as  the  accredited  Minister  of  the  Confederate 
States  at  the  British  Court. 

"  I  have  on  other  occasions  explained  to  you  the  reasons 
which  have  induced  Her  Majesty's  Government  to  decline  the 
overtures  you  allude  to,  and  the  motives  which  have  hitherto  pre 
vented  the  British  Court  from  recognizing  you  as  the  accredited 
Minister  of  an  established  State. 

"  These  reasons  are  still  in  force,  and  it  is  not  necessary  to 
repeat  them. 

"  I  regret  that  circumstances  have  prevented  my  cultivating 
your  personal  acquaintance,  which,  in  a  different  state  of  affairs 
I  should  have  done  with  much  pleasure  and  satisfaction. 

"  I  have,  etc., 

"  RUSSELL. 
"  J.  M.  Mason,  Esq." 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 
DISPATCH  No.  32. 

From  7.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  State,  to  J.  M.  Mason,  Commis 
sioner  Confederate  States  to  Great  Britain. 

11  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  i3th  November,  1863. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  been  compelled  to  await  the  President's  return 
from  the  Southwest  before  answering  your  No.  46  announcing 
your  withdrawal  from  London  in  conformity  with  the  instructions 
contained  in  my  No.  30. 

"  Until  the  receipt  of  your  dispatch  it  was  of  course  impos 
sible  to  foresee  whether  you  might  not  find  it  necessary  to  ex 
ercise  the  discretion  confided  to  you  in  the  private  instructions 
which  accompanied  those  containing  your  recall. 

"  As  we  now  know,  however,  that  your  mission  to  England 
has  terminated,  I  have  the  President's  authority  for  informing 
you  that  your  services  are  considered  by  your  Government  as  too 
valuable  and  useful  to  be  dispensed  with,  and  that  you  have  again 
been  appointed  by  him  Commissioner  under  the  Act  No.  226  of 
2oth  August,  1861,  entitled  'An  Act  to  empower  the  President 
of  the  Confederate  States  to  appoint  additional  Commissioners  to 
Foreign  Nations.'  Mr.  Macfarland  has  also  been  appointed  your 
Secretary. 

"  These  appointments  bear  date  on  the  I2th  instant,  and  you 
will  receive  the  formal  commissions  for  yourself  and  Secretary  by 
the  next  mail,  as  there  is  no  time  to  make  up  the  instructions  for 
the  present  conveyance. 

"  As  your  former  commission  (together  with  that  of  Mr. 
Macfarland)  was  for  England  only,  it  is  considered  as  having 
come  to  an  end,  by  your  withdrawal  under  instructions,  but  your 
accounts  for  salary,  contingent  expenses,  etc.,  will  be  rendered  up 
to  the  1 2th  instant,  and  your  salary  under  the  new  appointment 
will  commence  at  this  last  named  date.  You  are  of  course  aware 
that  this  being  a  new  appointment  made  during  recess  will  expire 
at  the  close  of  the  next  session  of  the  Senate  if  not  confirmed  by 
that  body.  The  books  which  you  were  good  enough  to  procure 
for  the  Department  have  at  last  arrived  in  Wilmington,  but  all  the 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


cases  have  not  yet  reached  Richmond  nor  have  any  been  opened. 
I  doubt  not,  however,  that  they  are  all  right. 
"  I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN." 

"  PARIS,  1  6  RUE  DE  MARIGNON, 

January  I3th,  1864. 

"My  Very  Dear  Wife:  It  is  now  four  months  since  the  last 
dates  from  home,  though  I  have  written  by  each  of  the  semi 
monthly  West  India  mails.  And  now  letters  have  arrived  here 
dated  from  the  South  in  November  and  December,  and  still  I  have 
nothing.  I  can  only  hope  for  the  best,  and  that  you  all  remain  as 
well  and  comfortable  as  I  could  wish  you,  or  as  the  times  will 
admit. 

"  I  told  you  in  my  last  letters  that  I  should  remain  in  Europe, 
until  I  heard  farther  from  the  Government.  A  few  days  since  I  had 
a  note  from  our  commercial  agent  in  London,  quoting  an  extract 
from  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State  of  November  28th,  con 
veying  a  request  to  me  that  I  would  remain  abroad,  and  that  a 
dispatch  was  then  on  the  way  to  me,  but  it  has  not  yet  arrived, 
so  that  I  am  still  in  doubt  as  to  my  future  ;  but  my  great  concern 
is  for  you  and  the  dear  children  under  your  charge.  What  a 
bright  day  it  will  be,  when  we  are  all  once  more  reunited,  and  I 
feel  the  assurance  of  certainty  that  that  day  will  yet  come. 

"  My  agent  in  England  wrote  me  some  weeks  since  that  he 
had  sent  you  a  parcel  of  supplies  by  a  ship  then  about  to  sail,  under, 
a  general  order  from  me.  He  did  not  say  what  they  were,  but  that 
they  were  in  charge  of  Colonel  White,  of  North  Carolina.  I  hope 
they  may  reach  you  safely. 

"  I  am  plodding  on  in  this  Babel,  but  with  little  in  it  to  inter 
est  me,  except  a  large  circle  of  Confederates,  embracing  some 
very  agreeable  families,  who  intermingle  very  sociably. 

"  I  have  told  you  that  under  most  kind  and  hospitable  invita 
tion,  I  was  the  guest  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Soutter,  both  Virginians, 
though  now  refugees  from  New  York.  I  have  a  chamber  and 
small  parlor  detached,  and  with  a  separate  entrance,  though  under 
the  same  roof,  and  nothing  ever  can  exceed  their  cordiality  and 
kindness.  They  have  two  sons  in  the  Southern  army  and  two 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


daughters  at  home,  both  interesting  and  useful  girls ;  they  write 
for  me  constantly. 

"  I  have  seen  nothing  in  Paris,  except  the  streets,  have  not 
been  to  the  theater  or  opera,  or  anywhere  except  once,  to  the 
corps  Legislatif  (the  Chamber  of  Deputies)  to  hear  their  most 
celebrated  orator.  In  truth  I  have  not  the  heart  or  spirit  to  gaze 
after  new  things,  or  else  I  am  getting  too  old  for  new  excite 
ments. 

"  In  all  my  letters,  my  dear  wife,  I  have  told  you  to  call  on 
our  good  friend  Macfarland  as  before,  whenever  you  want  money, 
and  not  to  be  frightened  at  the  large  nominal  sums  in  Confederate 
currency.  His  bill,  I  have  told  him,  on  my  bankers,  J.  K.  Gilliat 
&  Company,  London,  will  be  paid  as  heretofore  for  my  account. 

"  My  constant  love  to  my  dear  Kate  and  her  family,  as  well 
as  to  all  the  dear  ones  under  your  roof. 

"  Always  most  affectionately  yours, 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 


460 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Makes  Short  Visit  to  London  in  Private  Capacity — Southern  Independence 
Association  of  London — Society  for  Promoting  Cessation  of  Hostilities  in 
America — Anti-Slavery  Sentiment  in  England — Seizure  of  Tuscaloosa — 
Seal  to  be  Made  of  Silver — Instructions  for  New  Commission — President 
gives  Fuller  Discretion  as  to  Residence — Maximilian  Visits  Emperor — 
His  Policy  Towards  Confederacy  Changed  after  Reaching  Paris — Release 
of  Tuscaloosa — Mr.  Seward  admits  the  "Mallory  Report"  was  a  Forgery. 

DISPATCH  No  i. 

"  OFFICE  OF  COMMISSIONER  ON  THE  CONTINENT, 

PARIS,  1 6  Rue  de  Marignan,  January  25th,  1864 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  Your  dispatch  dated  on  the  3Oth  of  November  ultimo, 
reached  me  here  on  the  2oth  of  the  present  month;  and,  as 
directed,  the  accounts  of  the  Special  Commission  to  Great  Britain 
shall  be  closed  as  on  the  nth  of  November  last,  and  those  of  the 
Commissioner  on  the  Continent  shall  commence  on  the  I2th  of  the 
same  month,  and  stated  to  the  3ist  December  last.  These 
accounts,  together  with  those  for  the  Contingent  Fund,  stated  in 
like  manner,  shall  be  forwarded  by  the  next  mail  to  Bermuda,  via 
Halifax.  This  goes  by  private  opportunity  just  offering  for 
Bermuda. 

"  Commencing  a  new  series  of  correspondence  I  shall  make 
this  Dispatch  No.  i.  Yours  to  which  it  is  in  reply,  is  not  marked. 
I  shall  treat  it  as  your  No.  i  unless  there  be  a  predecessor,  in 
which  case  the  number  shall  conform  accordingly. 

"  Unless  instructions  shall  arrive  inconsistent  with  it,  I  pro 
pose  to  go,  soon  after  the  meeting  of  Parliament,  to  England,  of 
course,  in  a  private  capacity,  only;  and  may  remain  there  a  few 
weeks.  Parliament  meets  on  the  4th  of  February.  We  have  in  it 
a  body  of  earnest  and  sincere  friends,  some  of  whom  have  told  me 
it  would  be  very  desirable  to  keep  the  public  mind  in  England 
awake  and  informed  on  matters  interesting  to  us ;  though  I  am 
not  aware  of  any  reasons  from  which  we  may  hope  for  any  speedy 
action  on  the  part  of  the  Government.  I  could  tell  better,  how- 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


ever,  after  a  week  or  two  in  London ;  and  shall,  of  course,  keep 
you  advised. 

"  As  some  evidence  that  we  have  earnest  and  active  friends 
in  high  position  there,  I  enclose  a  circular  recently  issued  by 
the  '  Southern  Independence  Association  of  London,'  and  which 
fully  explains  itself.  With  most  of  the  members  of  the  '  com 
mittee  '  I  have  a  personal  acquaintance,  and  am,  with  many  of 
them,  on  terms  of  intimate  relation.  As  of  like  character,  I 
enclose,  also,  another  circular  just  issued  at  London  under  aus 
pices  of  which  I  am  fully  aware,  by  a  Society  for  '  Promoting  the 
Cessation  of  Hostilities  in  America/  which  also  discloses  its 
objects.  It  is  important  to  notice  that  both  these  movements  are 
purely  of  English  origin — their  promoters  indeed,  have  fully  con 
sulted  with  me;  but  not  until  after  the  respective  plans  were 
devised  and,  to  some  extent,  matured  by  themselves.  They  are, 
really,  as  they  import,  views  of  Englishmen  addressed  to  the 
English  people,  and  in  this  light  is  to  be  received  the  concluding 
paragraph  in  the  circular  of  the  '  Southern  Independence  Asso 
ciation  of  London.' 

"  In  my  conversations  with  English  gentlemen,  I  have  found 
it  was  in  vain  to  combat  their  sentiment.  The  so-called  anti- 
slavery  feeling  seems  to  have  become  with  them  a  sentiment  akin 
to  patriotism.  I  have  always  told  them  that  in  the  South  we 
could  rely  confidently,  that  after  independence — when  our  people 
and  theirs  became  better  acquainted  by  direct  communication — 
when  they  saw  for  themselves  the  true  condition  of  the  African 
servitude  with  us,  the  film  would  fall  from  their  eyes;  and  that, 
in  the  meantime,  it  was  not  presumptuous  in  us  to  suppose  that  we 
knew  better  than  they  did  what  it  became  us  to  do  in  our  affairs. 

"  The  German  complication  with  Denmark  which  seemed 
imminently  to  threaten  an  European  war,  within  the  last  day  or 
two  has  given  a  better  promise,  by  a  request  from  the  latter  power 
to  be  allowed  to  assemble  and  consult  with  the  Danish  Legislative 
Assembly  before  giving  a  final  answer  to  the  Austro-Prussian 
ultimatum.  The  reply  of  the  latter  power  is  not  yet  known,  but 
it  can  hardly  be  a  refusal.  Peace  and  repose  in  Europe  is  just 
now  of  great  importance  to  us,  while  awaiting  European  recogni 
tion. 

"  On  the  subject  of  the  Contingent  Fund,  the  expenses  in  that 


462  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


quarter  are  so  moderate  on  comparing  notes  with  Mr.  Slidell, 
that  there  is  no  occasion  for  any  addition.  The  instructions  we 
brought  with  us  confine  this  expenditure  to  limited  objects,  cer 
tainly,  very  proper  in  ordinary  times ;  but  we  both  agree  that 
there  are  objects  of  expenditure  for  political  ends  occasionally 
presenting  themselves,  when  it  would  be  well  that  the  Commis 
sioners  in  Europe  should  have  a  large  discretion.  This  character 
of  expenditure  might  admit  of  a  regular  voucher,  but  must  be  sub 
mitted  to  the  integrity  of  the  Commissioner  himself.  It  might  be 
limited — say  not  to  exceed  three  or  four  hundred  pounds  sterling 
in  any  one  year.  Occasions  have  presented  themselves  to  me, 
when  good,  and  not  unfair,  use  to  our  cause  could  have  been  made 
of  moderate  sums.  I  venture  to  submit  this  to  your  consideration. 

"  I  have,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.  2. 

i 
"  COMMISSION  TO  THE  CONTINENT, 

"  PARIS,  February  8th,  1864. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  Parliament  in  England  met  on  the  4th  instant,  and  I 
enclose  herewith  the  debate  in  each  House  on  the  Queen's 
Speech,  which  you  may  not  otherwise  obtain  in  extenso.  I  think 
it  a  matter  of  pregnant  meaning  that  no  reference  was  made  in  the 
speech  to  American  affairs — the  solution  being  (besides  apathy  or 
indifference  in  the  Ministry)  in  the  fact  that  the  public  mind  of 
Europe  is  engrossed  by  European  affairs,  the  principal  being  the 
complications  in  Germany.  We  have  intelligence  to-day  that  the 
Danes  have  retreated  from  Schleswig,  leaving  it  entirely  in  the 
possession  of  the  Austro-Prussian  forces.  Whether  this  will  end 
the  war  remains  to  be  seen ;  but  I  think  it  strongly  imports  that 
other  European  powers  will  not  be  brought  in. 

"  I  think  the  general  tenor  of  the  debate  imports  that  the 
Opposition  in  England  are  preparing  for  an  issue  with  the 
Ministry  on  their  foreign  policy,  but  the  former  are  conscious  of 
weakness  and  it  may  be  that  they  will  not  attempt  it.  I  can  not 
see,  therefore,  any  prospect  of  an  early  movement  anywhere 
advantageous  to  us,  unless  it  arise  from  agitations  before  the 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


463 


people  in  England.  In  my  last  I  spoke  of  the  activity  of  our 
friends  in  that  quarter.  They  are  confident  of  good  results ;  and 
are  sincere :  but,  at  best,  this  must  be  the  work  of  time.  Having 
nothing  particular  to  detain  me  here,  I  shall  go  over  to  England 
in  a  few  days;  and  my  next,  I  hope,  may  give  you  further  and 
encouraging  accounts  of  prospects  there. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  transmit,  also  herewith,  as  directed  in 
yours  of  the  3Oth  November,  my  accounts  for  salary  as  Special 
Commissioner  to  Great  Britain,  and  as  Commissioner  on  the  Con 
tinent.  These  accounts  show  only  the  sums  that  I  have  received 
respectively,  closing  the  Commission  to  England  on  the  nth 
November  last,  and  for  the  payment  of  a  quarter  as  Commissioner 
on  the  Continent,  terminating  on  the  3ist  December  last.  As 
directed  by  you,  the  drafts  drawn  on  Messrs.  Eraser,  Trenholm  & 
Company  were  in  duplicate.  In  regard  to  the  question  of  ex 
change,  it  could  apply  only  to  the  fragment  of  the  quarter  as 
Commissioner  on  the  Continent,  and,  within  the  terms  of  your 
dispatch,  upon  actual  sale  of  the  drafts.  To  avoid  complication, 
I  did  not  sell  the  draft,  but  sent  it  to  my  bankers  in  London, 
simply  to  be  collected  and  placed  to  my  credit. 

"  FEBRUARY  QTH. — I  have,  by  mail  to-day  from  London,  re 
ceived  your  Nos.  32  and  33,  dated  respectively  the  I3th  and  I4th 
November  ultimo.  Oblige  me  by  expressing  to  the  President  my 
sincere  sense  of  his  kindness  in  the  expressions  you  were  author 
ized  to  use  in  regard  to  my  services  in  Europe.  I  can  only  regret 
that  better  opportunities  have  not  offered  to  make  them  of  real 
value.  The  new  Commission  to  which  you  refer,  with  the  in 
structions,  has  not  yet  arrived.  I  can  only  say  in  the  meantime 
that  the  latter  shall  be  properly  observed. 

"  I  am  not  a  little  surprised  and  mortified  to  learn  from  your 
No.  33,  of  the  deficiency  in  the  volumes  of  Hansard.  The  order 
for  them  came  but  two  days  before  the  sailing  of  the  Halifax 
steamer,  and  I  was  thus  obliged  to  trust  to  the  accuracy  of  the 
booksellers,  without  a  personal  examination  of  the  boxes ;  but  the 
house  of  Willis  &  Sotheran  was  of  such  standing  and  character 
that  such  extraordinary  neglect  could  not  have  been  anticipated. 
I  shall  at  once  communicate  with  them,  and  have  the  missing 
volumes  supplied  down  to  the  latest  issue  of  Hansard,  to  go  by  the 
Halifax  steamer  of  the  2Oth  of  this  month,  by  which  mail  I  will, 
of  course,  write  you. 


464 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


"  In  regard  to  the  Confederate  Seal,  the  execution  of  which 
you  placed  in  my  charge,  it  is  difficult  to  account  for  the  delay  in 
getting  it  finished.  Before  I  left  London,  the  design  for  it  had 
been  successfully  completed  by  Mr.  Harvey,  an  eminent  sculptor ; 
who,  at  my  request,  undertook  to  have  the  Seal  made  by  the  most 
skillful  artist.  I  have  written  twice  to  him  since,  but  without 
answer.  I  will  see  further  about  it  when  in  London,  and  hope 
soon  to  send  it  to  you. 

"  I  have,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

"  24  UPPER  SEYMOUR   STREET, 

"  LONDON,  February  i6th,  1864. 

"My  Very  Dear  Wife:  My  last  letters  were  from  Paris, 
where  I  remained  about  three  months,  returning  here  the  day 
before  yesterday.  I  have  written  at  least  twice  a  month  by  the 
English  mails  to  Bermuda,  and  Nassau  alternately,  since  my  first 
departure  from  England  in  September,  yet  I  have  no  letter  from 
home  later  than  the  3Oth  of  August.  In  a  dispatch  from  Mr. 
Benjamin  of  the  iQth  November,  he  was  good  enough  to  say  that 
he  had  seen  you  a  day  or  two  before,  and  reported  all  well.  I 
suppose  I  may  put  all  this  down  to  your  uncertainty  about  my 
movements  since  I  was  dislocated.  Yesterday,  however,  Mr.  Law- 
ley,  just  returned,  was  good  enough  to  call  on  me.  He  said  that 
he  saw  you  the  day  before  he  left  Richmond,  though  I  can  not  say 
I  was  entirely  satisfied  with  the  accounts  he  gave  of  your  appear 
ance  as  to  health.  Mr.  Washington,  who  is  either  Assistant  Sec- 
retaryh  or  Chief  Clerk  in  the  Department  of  State,  is  an  earnest 
and  kind  friend  of  mine,  and  I  think  would  be  most  likely  to  know 
when  opportunity  offered  for  letters  to  Bermuda  or  Nassau,  and  I 
am  sure  would  aid  you  in  their  transmission.  They  should  be 
sent  to  the  care.,  at  Bermuda,  of  Major  N.  T.  Walker,  agent  of 
the  Confederate  States,  or  to  Nassau,  to  the  care  of  L.  Hezliger, 
Esq.,  agent  Confederate  States.  I  hope  indeed  hereafter  for  more 
regular  accounts. 

"  Mr.  Benjamin's  late  dispatch,  which  I  am  gratified  to  say, 
conveyed  to  me  the  President's  entire  approval  of  my  conduct  in 
the  Commission  to  England,  tells  me  that  I  have  been  appointed 
anew  as  '  Commissioner  on  the  Continent,'  which  Commission, 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


with  full  instructions,  will  be  sent  by  the  following  mail.  They 
have  not  yet  been  received. 

"  Being  thus  afloat,  I  came  over  to  London,  in  a  private 
capacity  only,  at  the  suggestion  of  many  friends  I  have  had  the 
good  fortune  to  make  in  England,  to  be  present  for  conversation 
and  to  furnish  information,  after  the  meeting  of  Parliament ;  how 
long  I  may  remain  must  depend  on  events,  chiefly  on  instructions 
I  may  get  from  home,  but  I  think  I  may  be  of  more  service  herein 
intercourse  with  public  men  in  regard  to  affairs  interesting  to  us, 
than  I  could  be  on  the  Continent. 

"  When  last  in  Paris,  as  I  think  I  wrote  you  from  there,  I 
was  the  guest  for  the  whole  time  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Soutter,  both 
from  Virginia,  he  from  Norfolk,  and  his  wife  from  Fredericks- 
burg.  Their  joint  invitation  was  so  cordial,  frank,  and  sincere, 
that  I  felt  at  full  liberty  to  accept  it,  and  my  residence  with  them 
took  away  all  the  desagremens  of  being  left  to  a  hotel,  or  the  dreari 
ness  of  apartments.  I  owe  them  much  indeed  for  their  grateful 
and  graceful  hospitality,  the  more  easily  acceptable  to  me,  from  a 
knowledge  of  their  ample  means.  Their  house  was  the  rendezvous 
of  all  Confederates  in  Paris,  especially  of  our  officers,  of  whom 
we  had  many  there,  their  doors  always  open,  and  their  table 
always  spread,  our  nephews  Smith  Lee,  and  Macomb  Mason,  with 
Pinckney  Mason  always  amongst  them.  I  have  nothing  to  tell 
you  that  is  hopeful  of  our  prospects  in  Europe.  England  will  do 
nothing  that  might  by  possibility  offend  the  Yankees,  and  France 
will  only  move  in  unison  with  England.  Still,  there  can  be  no 
mistake  that  with  all  classes  in  England  which  have  opinion,  their 
entire  sympathy  is  with  us.  Societies  are  forming  all  through 
the  kingdom,  headed  by  noblemen  and  eminent  public  men,  whose 
object  is  by  public  addresses,  publications,  etc.,  and  by  petitions  to 
Parliament,  to  bring  about  a  recognition  of  our  independence.  It 
is  in  these  circles  where  I  find  that  I  can  be  of  aid.  *  *  *  So 
far,  my  dear  wife,  I  have  availed  myself  of  an  amanuensis,  and 
the  character  of  my  writing,  I  fear,  shows  its  necessity.  To-day, 
I  saw  Mr.  Collie.  He  tells  me  that  he  sent  to  you  some  months 
ago  a  supply  of  flannel  and  such  things.  I  hope  they  will  reach 
you  safely ;  they  will,  at  least  assure  you  I  bear  you  all  in  mind. 
Mr.  Lawley  tells  me  that  English  merchandise  of  all  kinds  is 
abundant  in  Richmond,  and  although  at  nominal  high  prices,  yet 


466 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


when  difference  in  exchange  is  computed,  I  suspect  you  can  buy 
as  cheaply  there  as  I  can  here,  and  avoid  the  great  risk  of  entire 
loss  in  forcing  the  blockade.  To  show  the  difference  in  exchange, 
I  have  just  paid  a  bill  here  drawn  on  me  by  Mr.  Macfarland  for 
£32.  3.  6  sterling,  which  at  par  is  equal  to  about  $175,  but  which 
he  advises  me  yielded  to  you  in  Confederate  currency,  about 
$2,000.  You  may  be  satisfied  therefore  though  you  may  pay  high 
prices  at  home,  to  supply  the  means  is  not  oppressive  to  me  here, 
and  I  am  economical  in  my  expenses. 

"  And  now,  my  dear  wife,  farewell.  My  constant  and  sincere 
love  to  those  with  you. 

"  Yours  most  affectionately, 

"  J.  M.  M." 

DISPATCH  No.  3. 

"  LONDON,  February  i8th,  1864. 
"  H on.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  Since  my  arrival,  we  have  had  reported  the  seizure  of 
the  Confederate  cruiser  '  Tuscaloosa '  at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope 
by  the  Colonial  authorities  there,  under  instructions  from  the 
Government  in  England.  Having  no  intercourse  with  the  Foreign 
Office  here,  I  addressed  a  note  to  Mr.  Seymour  Fitzgerald,  M.  P., 
calling  his  attention  to  the  report  of  it  in  the  Times;  and  request 
ing,  if  he  saw  no  reason  to  the  contrary,  that  he  would  make  a 
call  on  the  Government  for  information.  I  have  had  no  reply,  but 
on  the  1 6th,  the  Earl  of  Carnarvon  made  the  call  in  the  House 
of  Lords,  in  connection  with  other  matters  relating  to  the  '  Ala 
bama.'  You  will  see  Earl  Russell's  reply  in  the  Times  of  the  I7th, 
which  I  send  herewith.  It  seems  that  he  avows  the  instructions, 
but  says  it  will  be  necessary  to  communicate  with  the  Colonial 
authorities,  before  they  could  be  laid  before  the  House.  This  is 
certainly  a  most  extraordinary  aggression.  The  '  Tuscaloosa,'  as 
yott  are  probably  aware,  was  an  enemy's  ship  captured  by  the 
'  Alabama,'  and  fitted  out  as  a  cruiser  under  officers  transferred 
from  the  latter.  It  is  difficult  to  conjecture  upon  what  grounds  or 
pretexts  instructions  were  issued  from  the  Foreign  Office  author 
izing  her  seizure ;  nor  were  they  disclosed  by  Earl  Russell  in 
debate. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


467 


"  I  can  only  say  that  the  inquiry  shall  be  followed  up,  so  far 
as  I  can  be  instrumental  by  communication  with  our  friends  here 
in  Parliament.  I  send,  also,  several  late  copies  of  the  Times  with 
the  report  made  from  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  In  this  connection 
I  do  not  know  whether  files  of  the  English  papers  are  received  at 
the  Department  of  State.  If  notj..  would  it  not  be  as  well  that  I 
should  order  them  to  be  sent  regularly  by  the  semi-monthly  mails 
via  Nassau  and  Bermuda  to  our  agents  there,  to  be  forwarded  by 
them?  If  two,  I  should  suggest  the  Times  and  the  Morning 
Herald — the  latter  the  organ  of  the  Opposition.  If  three,  the  Post 
might  be  added — said  to  be  the  immediate  organ  of  Lord  Pal- 
merston. 

"  These  dispatches  will  be  borne  by  Commander  Maury  of 
the  Navy,  who  is  sent  home  by  Commodore  Barren,  with  the 
approbation  of  Mr.  Slidell  and  myself,  in  order,  personally,  to 
communicate  to  the  Navy  Department  full  information  in  regard 
to  the  total  failure  of  all  efforts  to  get  out  ships  either  from  France 
or  England.  Mr.  Slidell,  who  had  full  cognizance  of  all  the 
machinery  set  to  work  in  France,  will,  by  his  dispatch  to  go  with 
this,  have  given  you  full  information ;  or,  if  lost,  it  will  be  fur 
nished,  orally,  by  Captain  Maury.  Suffice  it  to  say  here,  the  con 
viction  has  been  forced  upon  us  that  there  remains  no  chance  or 
hope  of  getting  ships  out  either  from  England  or  France:  and 
that,  in  consequence,  those  in  prospect  are  to  be  disposed  of  in  the 
best  way  that  can  be  done.  It  is  a  painful  disappointment  but  I 
am  satisfied  that  nothing  was  left  undone  to  effect  the  object. 
From  England  we,  long  since,  had  nothing  to  expect — from 
France  we  had  a  right  to  entertain  a  belief  in  other  results — why, 
Mr.  Slidell's  dispatches,  or  Captain  Maury  will  explain.  I  confess 
that  I  can  see  neither  excuse  nor  palliation  in  the  defeat  of  our 
expectations  in  that  quarter. 

"  As  my  address  in  Europe  may,  for  a  time,  be  uncertain, 
perhaps  it  would  be  safe  until  further  advice,  to  send  my  dis 
patches  to  the  care  of  Henry  Hotze,  Esq.,  whose  address  you 
have. 

**  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


DISPATCH  No.  4. 

"  LONDON,  February  i8th,  1864. 

"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  Referring  to  the  concluding  paragraphs  in  my  No. 
2  from  Paris,  which  goes  by  the  same  conveyance  as  this,  on  my 
arrival  in  London  four  days  ago,  I  called  at  the  house  of  Willis 
and  Sotheran  and  exhibited  to  them  a  copy  of  your  dispatch  No. 
33,  of  the  1  4th  November,  relating  to  the  imperfect  condition  of 
the  copy  of  '  Hansard  '  which  they  had  furnished,  and  asked 
for  explanations.  It  required  some  time  to  examine  the  sub- 
jectt  and  they  have  just  reported  that  the  facts  were  as  stated  in 
your  letter.  In  excuse  they  say  '  the  remaining  volumes  were 
at  that  time  very  imperfect,  and  some  very  difficult  to  procure, 
so  that  we  only  packed  to  the  period  that  was  perfect,  viz.  :  1853 
inclusive  —  the  portion  from  the  session  1854  to  1863  —  which  will 
complete  the  set,  we  hope  to  have  from  the  binders  within  a  week 
from  this  time,  when  they  shall  be  carefully  packed  and  dispatched 
without  delay.'  There  is,  certainly  in  all  this,  no  excuse,  at  least, 
for  their  strange  neglect  in  not  informing  me  at  the  time,  or 
since,  of  the  deficiency  in  the  number  of  volumes  ;  and  stranger 
still  this  omission,  when  they  were  paid  for  the  full  set.  I  called 
their  attention,  too,  to  the  difference  between  the  price  paid  and 
that  quoted  in  their  catalogue,  to  which  you  referred,  but  their 
note  not  referring  to  it,  I  have  again  called  their  attention  to  it, 
and  may  have  their  reply  in  time  for  this  dispatch,  which  goes 
off  to-night.  Although  I  went  to  them  at  once,  on  my  arrival  here, 
and  urged  dispatch,  that  the  books  might  go  by  the  Halifax 
steamer  which  bears  this,  it  seems  that  it  can  not  be  effected.  I 
shall  be  able  to  send  them,  however,  I  hope,  by  a  steamer  of 
Crenshaw's  Line,  to  sail  direct  for  Bermuda  in  course  of  ten  days. 
After  I  get  the  affair  ended,  unless  better  explanation  is  made 
than  yet  afforded,  I  shall  be  cautious  of  this  house  hereafter. 

"  In  regard  to  the  Seal,  too,  I  have  now  a  report  from  Mr. 
Foley,  who,  it  seems,  has  been  some  time  absent  from  London. 
He  says  that  the  artisan,  Mr.  Wyon,  employed  to  engrave  it,  in 
forms  him  that  it  will  yet  require  six  weeks  or  two  months  to  finish 
it,  '  as  he  is  anxious/  he  says,  '  to  bestow  upon  it  all  the  pains 
so  important  a  work  demands.  He  is  executing  it  in  silver  (the 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASOX. 


metal  the  State  Seals  of  England  are  executed  in)  which  offers 
the  advantage  of  proof  against  rust  so  often  destructive  to  a 
seal  engraved  in  steel.' 

"  The  above  is  from  Mr.  Foley's  note  from  Dublin  to  me  at 
Paris.  He  tells  me  further  that  the  cost  for  engraving  the  Seal, 
including  the  press  for  working  it,  will  be  eighty  guineas;  and 
that,  as  it  is  customary  in  England  to  receive  half  the  amount 
on  commencing  the  work,  advises  that  I  should  conform,  as  it 
\vill  at  least  prevent  excuse  for  delay,  and  which  I  will  do  as 
soon  as  I  can  obtain  the  address  of  Mr.  Wyon. 

"  It  occurs  to  me  that  I  have  no  instructions  from  you  as  to 
sending  the  Seal  over,  and  from  its  character,  it  appears  to  me 
that  no  risk  whatever  should  be  incurred  in  its  getting  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy,  which  might  happen,  whatever  precautions 
were  taken  here.  As  it  may  involve  an  additional  delay  of  only 
a  few  weeks,  I  think  I  shall  retain  the  Seal  until  further  instruc 
tions. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc.., 

"  J.  M.  MASON/' 

DISPATCH  No.  34. 

"/.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State  Confederate  States,  to  J.  M. 

Mason,  Commissioner  Confederate  States  to  Great  Britain. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 
"  RICHMOND,  25th  January,  1864. 

"SiR:  The  near  approach  of  the  session  of  Congress 
induced  me  to  defer  forwarding  your  commission  and  instructions 
under  the  appointment  communicated  to  you  in  November  last, 
until  the  action  of  the  Senate  on  your  nomination.  I  have  now 
the  honor  to  inform  you  that  you  were,  on  the  i8th  instant,  con 
firmed  by  the  Senate  as  Commissioner  to  represent  the  Confed 
erate  States  to  such  foreign  nations  as  the  President  might  deem 
expedient,  under  the  act  of  Congress  approved  on  the  2Oth 
August,  1861,  and  your  commission  as  such  is  herewith  forwarded. 
It  is  accompanied  by  a  commission  for  Mr.  Macfarland,  as  your 
secretary,  he  having  been  nominated  and  confirmed  as  such  on 
the  1 8th  instant. 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


11  The  act  under  which  you  were  appointed  authorizes  the 
President,  as  you  will  perceive,  to  accredit  you  to  such  foreign 
nations  as  he  may  deem  expedient.  At  present  we  have  in  Europe 
but  two  Commissioners,  Mr.  Slidell  accredited  to  Paris  and 
Madrid,  and  Mr.  Mann  accredited  to  Belgium.  It  is  not  deemed 
necessary  to  associate  an  additional  Commissioner  with  either  of 
these  gentlemen. 

"  The  considerations  which  have  dictated  your  appointment 
are  the  following  : 

'  In  the  present  disturbed  condition  of  European  affairs, 
when  grave  events  seem  pending  and  when  new  and  unexpected 
relations  may  arise  between  the  European  powers,  prudence  re 
quires  that  the  interests  of  the  Confederate  States  should  not  be 
left  unrepresented  during  the  delays  incident  to  our  present  uncer 
tain  and  tardy  communication  with  Europe.  If  a  general  war 
should  grow  out  of  any  one  of  the  many  disturbing  causes  which 
threaten  the  tranquility  of  Europe.,  it  is  not  difficult  to  imagine 
that  a  representative  of  this  Government,  with  adequate  powers, 
might  find  occasion  for  acting  with  signal  benefit  to  his  country. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  the  Archduke  Maximilian  shall  accept  the 
Mexican  throne,  the  interest  whicfi  will  naturally  be  felt  by  the 
Emperor  of  Austria  in  the  fortunes  of  his  brother,  as  well  as 
the  interest  of  the  French  Government,  in  the  maintenance  of 
their  own  work,  suggest  a  series  of  contingencies,  in  any  one  of 
which  it  may  be  all-important  that  the  Government  should  have 
discreet  and  able  assistance  at  Vienna.' 

"  The  views  of  the  President  upon  the  subject  of  our  future 
relations  with  our  Southern  neighbor  have  been  fully  developed  in 
my  recent  correspondence  with  Mr.  Slidell,  and  it  will  be  well 
that  you  sliould  make  yourself  acquainted  with  them,  if  indeed 
you  have  not,  from  your  intimacy  with  him,  already  been 
apprised  of  all  that  has  occurred.  Although  it  now  seems  to  us 
here  most  probable  that  your  services  may  first  be  required  in 
Austria,  it  is  deemed  more  prudent  to  provide  you  with  duplicate 
full  powers,  addressed  in  blank,  that  may  be  filled  up  by  you 
in  any  contingency  requiring  your  presence  at  more  than  one  of 
the  European  courts.  It  might  even  happen  that,  by  unfortunate 
calamity,  the  Government  might  be  deprived  of  the  services  of 
Mr.  Slidell  at  a  critical  moment  requiring  the  presence  of  a  pleni- 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


potentiary  authorized  to  sign  treaties  or  conventions  that  could 
not  be  postponed  without  hazard  or  even  grave  prejudice  to  our 
interests.  The  President  will  feel  much  more  secure  in  the  pro 
vision  which  it  is  his  duty  to  make  for  the  safeguard  of  our  inter 
ests  abroad  when  they  are  no  longer  dependent  on  the  continued 
existence  of  a  single  public  servant,  however  valuable  he  may  be. 

"  The  discretion  which  he  vests  in  you,  therefore,  is,  as  you 
perceive,  very  wide,  and  is  intended  to  embrace  unforeseen  events 
which  may  render  necessary  prompt  action  by  an  accredited  diplo 
matic  agent. 

"  It  is  one  which  could  only  be  warranted  by  his  entire  con 
fidence  in  your  prudence  and  discretion,  and  which  he  doubts  not 
you  will  fully  justify. 

"  There  is  one  point,  however,  on  which  it  is  perhaps  neces 
sary  to  be  quite  explicit.  The  President  does  not  deem  it,  in  the 
present  advanced  state  of  our  struggle,  either  judicious  or  con 
sistent  with  the  dignity  of  our  country,  that  there  should  be  any 
addition  to  the  number  of  our  Commissioners  occupying  the  posi 
tion  of  accredited  agents  awaiting  recognition  at  European  courts. 

"  It  is  not  expected  that  you  will  present  yourself  at  any 
court  in  such  an  attitude,  nor  that  you  will  make  any  formal  appli 
cation  for  official  reception  as  an  accredited  Commissioner,  unless 
previously  assured  unofficially  that  your  reception  as  such  will 
at  once  be  accorded.  If,  therefore,  you  find,  at  any  time,  that  your 
presence  at  any  capital  or  seat  of  government  would  be  useful 
and  probably  productive  of  advantage,  it  is  not  expected  by  the 
President  that  you  should  reside  there  in  any  other  capacity  than 
as  a  private  gentleman  known  to  be  in  the  confidence  of  his  Gov 
ernment,  nor  that  you  should  remain  there  after  satisfying  your 
self  that  the  demand  for  an  official  audience  to  present  your  cre 
dentials  would,  if  made,  be  refused. 

"  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add  that  in  regard  to  Great 
Britain  you  would  be  expected  to  await  some  intimation  from 
that  Government  of  its  desire  to  enter  into  official  relations  with 
you,  before  again  approaching  it  even  in  the  most  informal 
manner. 

"  The  President  would  also  prefer  that  in  the  absence  of  such 
intimation  you  should  refrain  from  visiting  England  even  in  a 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


private   capacity,   unless   some   urgent   necessity   should   compel 
your  presence  there. 

"  I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"J.  P.  BENJAMIN. 

"  P.  S. — Please  inform  me  of  the  prospects  of  getting  the 
Seal  of  State.  It  ought  surely  to  be  ready  by  this  time." 

DISPATCH  No.  35. 

"  From  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  State,  to  J.  M.  Mason,  Commis 
sioner  Confederate  States  to  Great  Britain. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 
"  RICHMOND,  i8th  April,  1864. 

"  SIR  :  In  the  instructions  which  accompanied  your  com 
mission,  letters  of  credence,  etc.,  under  date  of  25th  January  last, 
I  intimated,  by  direction  of  the  President,  his  preference  that  you 
should  abstain  from  visiting  London,  even  unofficially,  unless 
some  urgent  necessity  should  arise. 

"  His  attention  has  been  called  by  me  to  certain  passages  in 
yotir  dispatches,  as  well  as  to  intimations  received  by  the  Depart 
ment  from  other  sources,  all  indicating  the  probability  that  your 
presence  in  London  at  certain  junctures,  as  a  private  gentleman 
called  there  by  his  personal  interests,  would  be  useful  to  our  coun 
try.  The  President,  yielding  to  these  suggestions,  now  directs  me 
to  say  that  he  is  content  to  leave  this  subject  to  your  discretion, 
confident  that  you  will  do  no  act  that  could  countenance  the  infer 
ence  of  any  intention  on  our  part  to  withdraw  from  the  position 
assumed  towards  the  British  Government  when  you  were  recalled 
from  London. 

"  I  am  obliged  for  your  suggestion  about  furnishing  me  the 
London  papers,  but  this  was  a  matter  with  which  I  would  not 
trouble  you,  and  I  have  long  been  in  receipt  at  the  Department 
of  the  Times,  the  Saturday  Review,  Economist,  and  Examiner, 
as  well  as  of  the  principal  quarterly  reviews,  and  Blackwoood's 
Magazine.  I  am  thus  enabled  to  obtain  as  lively  an  impression 
of  the  state  and  progress  of  public  opinion  in  Great  Britain  on  all 
matters  connected  with  our  interests  as  can  be  reached  through 
the  leading  organs  of  the  different  political  parties.  The  most 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRA7    MASON. 


striking  articles  from  the  Herald,  Post,  and  other  London  dailies 
are  cut  out  and  forwarded  by  Mr.  Hotze,  and  these  suffice  till  the 
opening  of  our  ports  shall  put  us  in  possession  of  a  line  of  regular 
mail  steamers. 

"  I  am  sorry  to  have  given  you  so  much  trouble  with  the 
books  for  the  Department,  the  more  so  as  after  all  I  have  to 
announce  the  loss  of  all  you  sent  except  the  two  cases  of  '  Han 
sard.' 

:'  The  remaining  cases,  containing  the  annual  register,  etc., 
etc.,  were  lost  on  the  '  Hatfield/  after  having  been  detained  in 
Bermuda  some  six  months  before  being  shipped. 

"  In  relation  to  the  Seal,  it  would  be  quite  inconvenient  to 
await  the  return  of  peace  for  its  arrival,  but  of  course  every  pre 
caution  must  be  used  to  avoid  any  worse  disaster  than  its  loss. 

"  I  incline  to  think  that  the  best  plan  will  be  to  entrust  it 
to  some  discreet  and  careful  officer  of  the  navy  or  army  who 
may  have  occasion  to  return  to  the  Confederacy,  with  the  most 
stringent  directions  for  having  it  ready  to  be  thrown  into  the  sea, 
should  the  danger  of  capture  become  imminent.  By  retaining 
the  impression  in  England,  its  loss  under  such  circumstances 
would  involve  nothing  more  than  the  mere  cost  of  the  Seal  and 
the  delay  in  having  another  made.  There  is  nothing  of  general 
interest  which  I  can  communicate  that  you  will  not  find  in  greater 
detail  than  I  could  give  you  in  the  files  of  Richmond  papers 
which  will  accompany  this. 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"J.  P.  BENJAMIN." 

DISPATCH  No.  5. 

"  LONDON,  March  i6th,  1864. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  I  had  the  honor  to  receive  yesterday  from  you  five 
packets  containing  as  follows  : 

"  ist.  Commissions  in  duplicate  and  in  blank  as  Commis 
sioner,  etc. 

"  2d.  Letters  of  introduction  to  Ministers  of  Foreign 
Affairs  in  duplicate  and  in  blank,  with  two  blank  seals  to  be 
annexed. 


474 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  3d.     Special  passports  in  duplicate. 

"  4th.     Full  powers  as   Commissioner  in  duplicate. 

"  5th.  Your  dispatch  No.  34,  dated  the  25th  January,  1864, 
containing  instructions  for  my  guidance  under  my  new  Commis 
sion. 

"  I  beg  to  express  my  sense  of  gratitude  to  the  President  for 
the  confidence  he  has  reposed  in  me  in  regard  to  the  exercise  of 
the  discretion  left  to  me  in  the  use  of  these  commissions.  The 
instructions  are  so  explicit  and  definite  that  I  apprehend  no 
embarrassment  in  carrying  them  out  in  their  exact  spirit.  Should 
a  question  arise,  however,  I  shall  have  the  able  counsels  of  Mr. 
Slidell,  the  better  to  lead  me  to  a  satisfactory  conclusion. 

"  The  present  disturbed  and  unsettled  condition  of  Europe 
makes  it  impossible  to  foresee  what  may  be  the  solution  of  its 
complications  so  far  as  this  Commission  is  involved — for  the  pres 
ent  we  can  only  await  events. 

"  Should  the  Danish-Holstein  question  be  adjusted  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  have  the  cordial  support  of  Austria  and  Prussia, 
it  is  believed  they  will  be  in  a  position  to  repress  further  present 
enterprises  of  the  other  German  powers,  and  the  peace  of  -Europe, 
for  the  present  at  least,  be  secured.  Until  such  peaceful  attitude  be 
attained,  it  will  be  utterly  impracticable,  in  my  judgment,  to  fix 
the  attention  of  European  powers  upon  what  it  may  become  them 
to  do  in  regard  to  relations  with  us.  In  regard  to  the  new  duties 
which  are  devolved  upon  me,  I  need  hardly  say  that  I  shall  take 
peculiar  care,  in  no  manner,  to  compromit  the  dignity  of  the  Gov 
ernment  by  any  approach  to  any  of  those  powers  without  previous 
distinct  intimation  of  my  reception. 

"  In  regard  to  Mexico,  I  much  fear,  from  recent  evidences, 
that  the  new  Emperor  will  be  as  little  disposed  to  enter  into  diplo 
matic  relations  with  us  as  is  the  controlling  power  on  the  Conti 
nent,  under  whose  auspices  he  is  to  be  placed  on  the  throne.  There 
was  reason  to  believe,  from  sources  entitled  to  full  credit,  that 
the  Archduke  had  expressed  himself,  at  one  time,  of  opinion  that 
amicable  relations  with  us  were  of  the  last  importance  to  the 
stability  of  his  new  Empire ;  and  he  even  desired,  at  once,  to 
establish  the  necessary  diplomatic  intercourse.  Before  this  reaches 
you  you  will  have  seen,  through  the  public  journals  of  the  day,  his 
recent  visit  to  Paris  as  the  guest  of  the  Emperor.  In  a  late  note 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


from  Mr.  Slidell,  he  informed  me  that  he  had  been  told  by  Mr. 
Estrada,  chief  of  the  Mexican  Commission  sent  to  offer  to  the 
Archduke  the  throne  of  Mexico,  that  'the  latter  desired  to  see 
him  (Mr.  S.),  and  he  might  accordingly  expect  an  invitation 
to  an  interview  ;  but  such  invitation  did  not  come>  and  the  Arch 
duke  left  Paris,  Mr.  Slidell  not  having  seen  or  heard  further 
from  him.  It  had  been  previously  strongly  rumored  in  Paris 
that  M.  Mercier  came  from  Washington  authorized  by  President 
Lincoln  to  say  to  the  Emperor  that  he,  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  would  have  his  Minister  accredited  to  the  Emperor  of 
Mexico,  provided  no  negotiations  for  recognition  of  the  Confed 
erate  Government  were  entertained  by  the  latter  ;  and  Mr.  Slidell 
believes  that  it  was  under  such  influence,  through  the  Emperor, 
that  the  mind  and  purpose  of  the  Archduke  was  changed,  after 
his  arrival  in  Paris.  Be  this  as  it  may,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  before  he  left  Miramar,  the  Archduke  clearly  and  distinctly 
declared  a  policy  which  looked  to  an  immediate  recognition  and 
intimate  relations  between  his  Government,  when  established,  and 
ours.  I  have  deemed  it  proper  to  give  you  this  much,  even  at 
second  hand,  though  I  doubt  not  the  dispatches  of  Mr.  Slidell, 
by  same  opportunity  with  this,  will  be  fuller  and  more  direct  on 
this  head.  In  a  late  letter  from  Mr.  Fearn  to  Mr.  Hotze,  which 
the  latter  showed  me  (written,  I  think,  from  Nassau),  Mr.  F. 
spoke  of  being  there  with  General  Preston,  on  a  mission  which 
might  result  contingently  on  their  going  to  Mexico.  I  am  aware 
that  Mr.  Williams,  of  Tennessee,  late  United  States  Minister  at 
Constantinople,  who  is  now  here,  has  written  fully,  both  to  the 
President  and  Colonel  L.  Q.  C.  Lamar,  of  his  interviews  with  the 
Archduke  at  Miramar  ;  and  of  the  views  and  opinions  of  this  per 
sonage  in  regard  to  future  Mexican  relations  with  us  ;  and  I 
have  thought  it  not  improbable  that  the  contingent  mission  of 
General  Preston  to  Mexico  had  been  founded  on  such  information. 
Under  these  circumstances,  and  as  at  present  advised,  I  shall 
suggest  to  Mr.  Slidell  whether  his  late  experience  with  the 
Archduke,  with  whatever  lights  are  before  him,  may  not  make 
it  proper  that  he  should  communicate  the  apparent  state  of  things 
to  General  Preston  for  his  consideration,  in  event  of  his  mission 
to  Mexico  being  contingent  upon  previous  intimation  that  he 
would  be  received. 


47$ 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


"  In  regard  to  the  seizure  of  the  Confederate  cruiser  '  Tus- 
caloosa,'  at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  spoken  of  in  my  No.  3, 
I  have  now  further  to  report  that  some  short  time  after  its  date, 
Earl  Russell  announced  in  the  House  of  Lords  that  orders  had 
been  issued  for  her  release,  for  the  reason  that  her  seizure  had 
been  authorized  under  a  state  of  facts  supposed  to  exist,  which  it 
was  afterwards  found  did  not  exist.  Some  short  time  afterwards 
I  was  informed  by  Lieutenant  Low,  who  commanded  her,  and 
who  has  arrived  here,  that  after  waiting  three  weeks,  he  deter 
mined  to  discharge  her  crew  and  go  to  England  with  his  officers, 
and  that  no  one  was  left  at  the  Cape  authorized  to  receive  the 
ship  when  released.  As  it  was  impracticable,  even  if  thought 
judicious,  again  to  man  the  ship  where  she  was,  I  advised  that 
things  remain  in  statu  quo,  and  the  responsibility  be  left  with 
the  British  Government  what  should  become  of  her.  Reporting 
this  to  Mr.  Slidell  and  to  Commodore  Barron,  they  both  con 
curred  that  it  was  the  best  thing  to  do.  Of  course,  the  matter 
will  be  fully  reported  by  the  latter  to  the  Navy  Department. 

"  These  dispatches  will  be  borne  by  Dr.  Darby,  of  the  Con 
federate  States  Army,  and  I  send  by  him  Parliamentary  Docu 
ments  Nos.  I  to  5  inclusive,  containing  correspondence  relating 
to  American  affairs.  At  page  30  of  No.  5  you  will  find  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Adams  to  Earl  Russell,  dated  iQth  January  last,  com 
municating  to  him  a  copy  of  what  he  alleges  to  be  '  the  report 
of  Mr.  S.  R.  Mallory,'  etc.,  etc.,  which  '  report '  is  printed  at  large 
on  the  preceding  and  same  page.  Mr.  Adams,  assuming  this 
report  to  be  genuine,  bases  upon  it  several  specific  demands  for 
the  action  of  the  British  Government  in  regard  thereto.  Earl 
Russell,  in  his  reply  of  the  8th  February,  accepts  the  'report '  as 
genuine — speaks  of  the  '  nature  and  importance  of  its  admis 
sions/  and  informs  Mr.  Adams  that  '  Her  Majesty's  Government 
have  already  taken  steps  to  make  the  (Confederate)  Govern 
ment  aware  that  such  proceedings  can  not  be  tolerated,'  etc. 

"  This  '  report '  had  previously  reached  us  through  the 
Northern  papers,  and  Captain  Maury,  then,  as  now,  in  England, 
had,  by  a  letter  in  the  Times,  denounced  it  as  a  fabrication.  I 
did  not  see  the  paper  until  a  few  days  ago,  when  I  received  the 
Parliamentary  Document.  It  bears  intrinsic  marks,  which  none 
conversant  with  the  facts  it  professes  to  recite  can  doubt,  stamp 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


it  as  a  forgery.  We  learn,  too,  by  a  note  from  Mr.  Helm,  at 
Havana,  to  Mr.  Slidell,  that  the  British  Consul-General  there, 
Mr.  Crawford,  had  been  ordered  by  his  Government  to  proceed 
in  a  ship-of-war  to  one  of  our  ports,  on  a  mission  to  Richmond, 
I  suppose  of  no  very  amicable  character,  based  chiefly  on  the 
'  admissions  '  contained  in  this  '  report.' 

"  I  have  not,  of  course,  in  any  manner,  direct  or  indirect, 
approached  the  British  Government  since  my  recall  from  London ; 
but  I  have  not  hesitated  whenever  an  occasion  offered,  whether 
on  the  Continent  or  here,  to  place  some  one  of  our  real  friends  in 
Parliament  in  possession  of  any  facts  which  might  be  used  to 
put  the  Government  in  the  wrong  in  its  offensive  attitude  toward 
us.  So.  in  regard  to  this  fabricated  report  of  Mr.  Mallory — to 
say  nothing  of  the  incongruity  of  its  being  addressed  to  the 
Speaker  of  the  House,  the  allegations  it  contains :  First,  in 
regard  to  the  capture  and  condition  of  the  '  Harriet  Lane  ' ;  2d,  to 
the  attack  of  our  ironclads  upon  the  blockading  fleet  off  Charles 
ton  ;  3,  the  statement  that  the  '  Nashville '  was  a  Confederate  ship 
at  the  time  she  was  destroyed  near  Savannah ;  4th.  what  was 
said  of  the  recapture  of  the  '  Queen  of  the  West/  and  that  her 
commander  had  been  cashiered  and  dismissed  from  the  service; 
and  5th,  the  statement  in  regard  to  the  capture  of  the  '  Caleb 
Cushing '  by  the  '  Tacony,'  are  all  such  manifest  departures  from 
the  truth,  and  so  plainly  proved  the  fabrication,  that  I  brought 
the  matter  to  the  direct  notice  of  Commodore  Barren,  and  have 
obtained  from  him  the  written  statements  of  several  officers  now 
in  France,  personally  conversant  with  the  facts  in  each  case 
respectively,  fully  establishing  their  falsity ;  and  it  is  my  purpose 
to  make  all  this  fully  known  to  Lord  Robert  Cecil,  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Commons  of  admitted  influence  and  ability,  and  one 
of  our  most  earnest  and  decided  friends,  for  such  use  as  he  may 
think  proper  to  make  of  it.  Should  the  mission  of  Mr.  Craw 
ford  be  admitted  at  Richmond,  the  fact  of  this  impudent  forgery 
will  be  officially  made  known  to  Her  Majesty's  Government. 
My  communications  to  Lord  Robert  Cecil  will  prepare  our  friends 
here  for  any  steps  they  may  deem  proper  in  the  meantime. 

"  I  have  not,  since  I  last  came  to  England,  been  at  either 
House  of  Parliament?,  or  in  any  public  assemblage,  nor  have  I 
reason  to  believe  that  my  being  here  was  known  to  any  but  a 


478 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


few  private  friends.  It  was  my  intention  to  return  to  the  Con 
tinent  about  this  time,  now  confirmed,  of  course,  on  learning  that 
the  President  would  prefer  that  I  should  not  visit  England  unless 
on  an  occasion  of  real  urgency. 

"  I  shall  return  to  Paris  in  the  course  of  a  very  few  days, 
and  remain  there,  or  elsewhere,  unofficially,  on  the  Continent. 
Until  located,  dispatches  will  always  best  reach  me,  as  heretofore, 
addressed  to  the  care  of  Henry  Hotze,  Esq. 

"  Since  writing  the  foregoing,  I  have  seen  and  conversed 
with  Mr.  Ward,  just  here  from  the  Confederacy.  He  told  me  of 
all  that  he  learned  from  you  in  regard  to  General  Preston's  mis 
sion  to  Mexico.  Mr.  Ward  goes  to-night  to  Paris,  and  I  have 
requested  him  to  see  Mr.  Slidell  on  his  arrival,  and  to  tell  him 
what  he  knows  about  the  mission  for  his  better  guidance,  in  case 
Mr.  Slidell  should  think  it  advisable  to  write  to  General  Preston. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

"  P.  S. — I  ship  through  Eraser,  Trenholm  and  Company,  of 
Liverpool,  on  the  British  mail  steamer  which  leaves  the  day  after 
to-morrow  for  Bermuda,  addressed  to  Major  N.  S.  Walker,  with 
your  initials  marked  on  it,  a  box  containing  the  missing  volumes 
of  '  Hansard.'  They  make  the  set  entire,  including  the  last 
volume  issued.  The  booksellers  excuse  their  apparent  remiss- 
ness  by  saying  that  at  the  time  of  the  first  shipment  of  *  Hansard ' 
they  were  unable  to  obtain  the  volumes  now  sent,,  and  then,  time 
was  required  in  having  them  uniformly  bound.  Their  real  fault 
was  in  not  apprising  me  of  the  deficiency  at  the  time. 

"  I  send,  also,  the  Statesman's  Year-Book  for  1864,  a  very 
compendious  and  useful  volume,  published  for  the  first  time  this 
year ;  also,  the  British  Almanac  and  Companion  for  the  year.  I 
think  you  will  find  them  useful  in  the  Department. 

"  I  am  surprised  and  concerned  at  learning  that  the  boxes 
containing  the  Annual  Register,  etc.,  had  never  reached  you  nor 
been  heard  of.  In  a  previous  dispatch  I  advised  you  that  in 
obedience  to  your  instructions  at  the  time,  they  were  sent  for 
shipment  to  Eraser,  Trenholm  and  Company,  at  Liverpool,  in 
June  last,  and  I  have  their  letter  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  the 
boxes,  and  advising  that  they  would  be  shipped  by  the  Cunard 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


line,  sailing  on  that  month  for  Bermuda,  via  Halifax.  I  have 
written  to  Major  Walker,  by  mail  bearing  this,  advising  him  of  the 
new  shipment,  of  which  you  are  notified  above,  and  calling  his 
attention  to  the  loss  of  the  boxes  shipped  in  June  last,  giving  him 
the  facts  in  regard  to  their  shipment,  and  asking  that  he  would 
make  diligent  search  and  inquiry  for  them,  and  let  me  know  the 
result.  I  fear  they  have  been  lost  in  transitu  between  Bermuda 
and  the  Confederacy ;  but  Major  Walker  should  know  that. 

"  I  have  no  further  information  to  give  about  the  Seal  in 
addition  to  what  is  stated  in  my  No.  4,  of  which  duplicate  here 
with.  When  I  leave  England  it  shall  be  committed  to  the  special 
charge  of  Mr.  Hotze. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

The  following  dispatch  from  Mr.  Seward  to  the  United  States 
Minister  in  London  claims  a  place  in  the  these  records  in  connec 
tion  with  the  foregoing  denunciation  of  the  "  Forgery."  It  is 
here  copied  from  the  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  United 
States  Government,  1864,  pt.  i,  p.  46. 

"  Mr.  Seward  to  Mr.  Adams. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 
"  WASHINGTON,  December  2Oth,  1863. 

"  SIR  :  I  send  herewith  a  copy,  which  has  accidentally 
attracted  my  notice,  of  what  purports  to  be  an  extract  from  an 
annual  report  of  S.  R.  Mallory,  who  is  pretending  to  act  as 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  for  the  insurgents  at  Richmond.  So  soon 
as  I  can  lay  my  hand  ©n  a  full  copy  of  that  paper  I  shall  transmit 
it.  In  the  meantime,  it  is  proper  to  say  that  I  have  not  the  least 
doubt  that  the  extract  now  sent  is  authentic. 

"  It  boldly  avows  the  authority  and  activity  of  the  insur 
gents  at  Richmond  in  the  building  of  the  rams  in  Great  Britain 
and  France  on  their  own  account,  and  for  their  use  in  making 
war  from  British  and  French  ports  against  the  United  States. 

"  SECONDLY. — It  avows,  with  equal  boldness  and  directness, 
the  sending  of  twenty-seven  so-called  commissioned  officers  and 
forty  reliable  petty  officers  from  Richmond  to  the  British  North 
American  provinces,  to  organize  an  expedition  from  thence  to 
cooperate  witfi  the  so-called  army  officers,  in  making  war  against 


4So  LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 

the  United  States  on  our  northern  border  lakes.  And  it  con 
fesses  that  this  expedition  has  only  been  defeated  through  the 
watchfulness  of  the  British  provincial  authorities. 

"  THIRDLY. — In  connection  with  these  two  avowals,  the 
same  conspirator  says  that  he  has  sent  another  courier  with  in 
structions,  which  will  shortly  be  made  apparent  to  the  enemies  of 
the  insurgents  nearer  home,  which  may  possibly  mean  instructions 
under  which  the  actors  in  the  piracy  and  murder  lately  committed 
on  board  the  '  Chesapeake '  proceeded  in  that  criminal  enterprise 
from  and  returned  to  the  British  provinces  of  New  Brunswick 
and  Nova  Scotia. 

"  You  will  lose  no  time  in  laying  this  information  before  Earl 
Russell^  and  you  will  submit  to  him,  as  the  opinion  of  this  Govern 
ment,  that  the  proof  thus  furnished  is  sufficient  to  remove  all 
doubt  that  might  yet  be  lingering  over  the  objects,  character, 
and  designs  of  the  builders  of  the  steam  rams  which  Her  Majesty's 
Government  has  recently  detained  in  the  British  ports  upon  your 
representation. 

"  SECONDLY. — In  the  opinion  of  this  Government,  a  toleration 
in  Great  Britain,  or  in  those  provinces,  of  the  practices  avowed 
by  the  insurgents,  after  the  knowledge  of  them  now  communicated 
to  his  Lordship,  would  not  be  neutrality,  but  would  be  a  permis 
sion  to  the  enemies  of  the  United  States  to  make  war  against 
them  from  the  British  shores. 

"  THIRDLY. — It  is  the  opinion  of  this  Government  that  to 
tolerate  in  the  British  realm  or  provinces,  without  some  restraint, 
these  avowed  enemies  of  the  United  States,  while  carrying  on  the 
hostile  practices  now  avowed,  after  the  knowledge  herein  com 
municated,  would  not  be  an  exercise  of  the  unquestioned  right  of 
sheltering  political  exiles,  but  would  be  permitting  them  to  use  the 
British  soil  and  British  waters,  and  British  vessels  and  arma 
ments,  to  wage  war  against  a  country  with  whom  Great  Britain 
is  at  peace. 

"  FOURTHLY. — That  in  the  opinion  of  this  Government  it 
is  the  design  of  the  Confederates  in  these  proceedings  to  involve 
Great  Britain  in  a  war  with  the  United  States,  and,  at  least,  that 
they  have  a  direct  tendency  to  produce  that  evil,  which  is 
mutually  to  be  deprecated  by  both  nations. 

"  FIFTHLY. — This  Government  has  borne  itself  towards  that 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


of  Great  Britain  under  these  annoyances  in  the  spirit  and  in  the 
manner  that  have  been  best  calculated  to  defeat  the  wicked  design 
of  the  insurgents,  without  giving  cause  of  offence  or  irritation  to 
the  British  people. 

"  SIXTHLY. — That  these  new  difficulties  occur  most  unseason 
ably,  and  at  a  time  when  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  are 
considering  the  question  of  legally  terminating  the  so-called 
reciprocity  convention  which  regulates  the  commercial  intercourse 
between  this  country  and  the  British  North  American  provinces — 
a  question  of  deep  interest  to  the  whole  British  Empire. 

"  The  President  wishes  that  he  was  able  to  suggest  to  Her 
Majesty's  Government  any  adequate  remedy  for  the  deplorable 
state  of  things  to  which  I  have  referred,  not  inconsistent  with  the 
policy  that  Great  Britain  has  adopted  in  regard  to  this  insurrection. 
But,  in  the  opinion  of  this  Government,  that  state  of  things  has 
resulted,  although  unintentionally  and  unexpectedly  on  the  part  of 
Her  Majesty's  Government,  from  that  very  policy  itself.  The 
recognition  of  the  insurgents,  without  navy,  ports,  courts,  or 
coasts,  as  a  belligerent  naval  power,  was  deemed  by  them,  and 
by  ill-disposed  British  subjects  conspiring  with  the  insurgents, 
as  an  invitation  to  them  to  use  British  ports,  navy,  courts,  and 
coasts,  to  make  themselves  the  naval  power  they  are  acknowledged 
to  be,  and  yet  are  not. 

"  Indications  of  popular  favor  towards  this  design  of  the 
insurgents  are  not  wanting  in  British  communities.  If  we  cor 
rectly  understand  occurrences  of  the  hour,  there  are  not  only  in 
the  British  provinces,  but  also  in  the  British  realm,  and  in  its  very 
Parliament,  many  persons  who  are  engaged  in  advancing  that 
design,  or  who  at  least  are  pursuing  practices  which  they  must 
well  know  necessarily  tend  to  exhaust  the  patience  of  the  United 
States,  anH  to  provoke  our  citizens,  in  self-defence,  either  to  seek 
their  avowed  enemies  within  British  jurisdiction,  or  to  adopt 
some  other  form  of  retaliation.  It  must  be  manifest  that  this 
Government  can  do  nothing  more  to  prevent  that  design  than  it 
has  already  done.  If  it  is  to  be  prevented,  it  would  seem  that 
something  further  than  what  has  yet  been  done  must  now  be  done 
by  Her  Majesty's  Government. 

"  After  making  these  frank  explanations  to  Earl  Russell, 
in  the  spirit  of  perfect  friendliness,  and  in  the  most  respectful 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


manner,  you  will,  for  the  present,  leave  the  whole  subject  for 
his  just  consideration. 

"  I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

"WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD. 
"  Charles  Francis  Adams,  Esq.,  etc.,  etc.,  etc." 

.  The  substance  of  this  dispatch  was  repeated  in  Mr.  Adams's, 
communication  to  Earl  Russell,  that  enclosed  the  following  paper: 

REPORT  OF  THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 
"  Hon.  T.  S.  Bocock, 

"Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
"  Confederate  States  of  America. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  herewith  my  third  annual 
report  of  the  condition  of  this  Department.  The  operations  of 
this  branch  of  the  Confederate  service  have  been  chiefly  con 
fined  to  preparations  for  ridding  our  waters  of  the  enemy's  vessels 
now  blockading  our  seaports.  We  have  also  been  engaged  in 
building,  arming,  and  equipping  ironclads  and  other  steamers  for 
service  in  our  rivers  and  inland  sounds.  On  the  Mississippi, 
many  of  these  vessels  have  done  valuable  service  to  our  cause, 
while  others,  not  yet  completed,  were  either  captured  by  the  enemy 
or  burned  by  our  officers  to  prevent  them  from  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  United  States  forces.  On  the  ist  of  January,  some  of 
our  naval  officers  manned  a  steamer  and  two  schooners,  in  which 
they  sailed  forth  from  the  harbor  of  Galveston  and  captured  the 
L^nited  States  gunboat  '  Harriet  Lane,'  safely  withdrawing  her 
out  of  the  reach  of  the  other  United  States  vessels  then  block 
ading  that  port. 

"  The  '  Harriet  Lane  '  has  since  been  put  in  complete  order, 
and  has  on  board  a  sufficient  number  of  officers  and  men  ready 
for  an  opportunity  to  distinguish  themselves.  Owing  to  the 
vigilance  of  the  enemy,  I  have  not  deemed  it  advisable  to  give 
orders  for  this  vessel  to  attempt  any  offensive  operations.  In 
accordance  with  my  instructions,  the  Confederate  steamer 
'  Florida  '  successfully  ran  the  blockade  from  Mobile  on  the  I3th 
of  January,  since  which  time  she  has  been  engaged  in  operations 
against  the  commerce  of  the  enemy,  capturing  and  destroying 
vessels  and  property  amounting  already  to  several  millions  of 
dollars.  On  the  I7th  of  the  same  month,  the  'Alabama'  destroyed 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


483 


the  United  States  gunboat  '  Hatteras',  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  for 
which  daring  exploit  her  commander  deserves  the  thanks  of  the 
Congress.  On  the  3ist  of  the  same  month,  three  of  our  ironclad 
steamers,  officered  and  manned  by  some  of  the  bravest  men  of 
our  navy,  succeeded  in  inflicting  serious  injury  upon  the  block 
ading  fleet  off  Charleston  harbor.  Two  of  the  enemy's  vessels 
were  disabled,  and  although  one  of  them  surrendered,  we  were 
unable  to  secure  the  fruits  of  this  victory,  owing  to  the  injury 
sustained  by  our  own  vessels  by  the  collision  that  occurred. 

"  Had  the  commander  of  this  expedition  been  careful  to 
strike  the  enemy  amidships,  his  vessel  would  have  remained  un 
injured,  and  our  victory  would  have  been  complete.  I  had 
ordered  a  crew  to  be  detached  for  service  on  the  steamer  '  Nash 
ville/  desiring  to  use  her  for  the  purpose  of  harassing  the 
enemy  while  erecting  batteries  at  the  mouth  of  the  Ogechee 
River,  but  fortunately  she  was  destroyed  by  the  enemy  before 
my  plans  were  carried  out.  On  the  i6th  of  April  the  ram 
'  Queen  of  the  West/  which  we  had  captured  from  the  enemy, 
was  recaptured,  and  her  officers  and  crew,  numbering  one  hundred 
and  twenty  persons,  made  prisoners.  This  occurrence  was  the 
result  of  carelessness  on  the  part  of  her  commander,  who  has  since 
been  cashiered  and  dismissed  from  the  service.  During  the  months 
of  May  and  June,  our  gunboats  on  the  Western  waters  actively 
cooperated  with  our  land  forces,  and  although  operating  under 
many  disadvantages,  many  gallant  exploits  were  performed  by 
their  officers  and  crews. 

"  Owing  to  the  evacuation  of  Vicksburg  and  the  surrender  of 
Port  Hudson,  I  deemed  it  advisable  to  give  orders  to  withdraw 
all  our  vessels  in  that  region  to  safe  and  secure  harbors,  and  cease 
the  construction  of  those  contracted  for,  the  machinery  for  which 
was  being  transported  to  the  several  depots.  Some  of  this 
machinery  is  now  stored  at  various  points,  and  as  it  seems  unlikely 
to  be  required  for  service  at  the  West,  and  is  unsuitable  for  use 
elsewhere,  I  suggest  that  it  be  sold,  and  the  proceeds  applied  to 
other  purposes.  On  the  seas  some  of  our  small  privateers  have 
inflicted  considerable  injury  upon  the  enemy's  commerce.  The 
'  Tacony  '  entered  the  harbor  of  Portland,  and  captured  the  United 
States  revenue  cutter  '  Caleb  Cushing.'  Owing  to  the  ignorance 
of  the  harbor,  our  officers  were  unable  to  take  the  '  Cushing '  out 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


to  sea,  and  she  was  again  recaptured  on  the  27th  of  June  by 
vessels  sent  in  pursuit.     Her  crew  were  made  prisoners. 

"  During  the  months  of  July  and  August,  I  sent  twenty-seven 
commissioned  officers  and  forty  trustworthy  petty  officers  to  the 
British  provinces,  with  orders  to  organize  an  expedition  and  to 
cooperate  with  army  officers  in  an  attempt  to  release  the  Con 
federate  prisoners  confined  on  Johnson's  Island  in  Lake  Erie. 

"  From  time  to  time  I  learned  that  the  arrangements  made 
were  such  as  to  insure  the  most  complete  success.  A  large  amount 
of  money  had  been  expended,  and  just  as  our  gallant  naval  officers 
were  about  to  set  sail  on  this  expedition,  the  English  authorities 
gave  information  to  the  enemy,  and  thus  prevented  the  execution 
of  one  of  the  best  planned  enterprises  of  the  present  war.  In 
accordance  with  the  order  of  the  President,  early  in  the  present 
year,  I  dispatched  several  agents  to  England  and  France,  with 
orders  to  contract  for  eight  ironclad  vessels  suitable  for  ocean  ser 
vice  and  calculated  to  resist  the  ordinary  armament  of  the  wooden 
vessels  of  the  enemy.  These  ships  were  to  be  provided  with  rams, 
and  designed  expressly  to  break  the  blockade  of  such  of  the  ports 
as  were  not  blockaded  by  the  ironclad  monitors  of  the  enemy.  Five 
of  these  vessels  were  contracted  for  in  England  and  three  in 
France.  Due  precautions  were  taken  against  contravening  the  laws 
of  England  in  the  construction  and  equipment  of  these  vessels. 
Three  have  been  completed,  but  owing  to  the  unfriendly  construc 
tion  of  her  neutrality  laws,  the  Government  of  England  stationed 
several  war  vessels  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mersey,  and  prevented 
their  departure  from  England.  Subsequently  they  were  seized  by 
the  British  Government.  Another  and  larger  vessel  has  since 
been  completed,  but  it  is  doubtful  if  she  will  be  allowed  to  leave 
the  shores  of  England,  although  it  is  believed  the  precautions 
taken  are  sufficient  to  exempt  her  from  the  fate  of  her  consorts. 
The  vessels  being  constructed  in  France  have  been  subjected  to  so 
many  official  visitations  that  I  have  forwarded  instructions  to  cease 
operations  upon  them  until  the  result  of  negotiations  now  pend 
ing  shall  permit  our  agent  to  resume  work  upon  them.  In  this 
connection,  it  is  proper  for  me  to  state  that  the  great  revulsion  in 
popular  sentiment,  both  in  England  and  France,  towards  the  Con 
federate  Government  has  rendered  our  efforts  to  obtain  supplies 
from  those  countries  almost  abortive.  In  view  of  all  possible 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


485 


contingencies,  I  have  instructed  the  agents  of  this  Department 
to  await  a  more  favorable  opportunity  for  carrying  out  the  in 
structions  previously  forwarded.  By  the  last  I  sent  instructions 
that  will  shortly  be  made  apparent  to  our  enemies  near  home. 
I  do  not  deem  it  advisable  to  communicate  any  portion  of  these 
plans  to  your  honorable  body  at  the  present  time,  for  reasons 
perfectly  satisfactory  to  the  President. 

"  Although  the  operations  of  our  navy  have  not  been  exten 
sive,  I  can  not  overlook  the  services  of  Captain  Semmes  in  the 
'  Alabama.'  During  the  year  he  has  captured  upwards  of  ninety 
vessels,  seventy  of  which  were  destroyed,  the  others  being  either 
bonded  or  released.  One  of  the  greatest  drawbacks  this  officer 
reports  having  experienced  is  the  difficulty  he  now  has  in  procur 
ing  full  supplies  of  coal.  The  provincial  English  authorities 
have  hitherto  afforded  him  every  facility,  but  recently  they  have 
interpreted  their  neutrality  laws  so  stringently  that  our  war  vessels 
and  privateers  are  much  embarrassed  in  obtaining  supplies.  I 
have  instructed  Captain  Semmes  to  purchase  coal  from  neutral 
shipmasters  wherever  he  found  it,  and  give  them  every  necessary 
document  to  protect  them  against  the  effects  such  sale  may  have 
upon  their  vessels  when  they  return  to  their  several  countries. 
By  this  means  I  anticipate  a  sufficient  supply  of  coal  will  be 
obtained  to  enable  him  to  continue  his  operations  during  the 
coming  year. 

"  The  other  operations  of  this  Department  have  been  chiefly 
confined  to  making  such  preparations  for  naval  operations  as 
circumstances  might  permit.  From  time  to  time  I  have  caused 
surveys  to  be  made  upon  steamers  running  the  blockade,  witfi 
a  view  of  purchasing  such  as  could  be  made  available  as  war- 
vessels.  Several  have  been  bought  and  are  now  being  trans 
formed  into  ships  of  war. 

"  For  the  armament  of  these  vessels  it  will  be  necessary  that 
Congress  should  make  an  additional  appropriation.  Appropria 
tions  will  also  be  required  to  conduct  our  naval  operations  dur 
ing  the  coming  year.  The  estimated  expenditure  of  the  Depart 
ment  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  July  I,  1864,  will  amount  to 
$27,249,890,  in  addition  to  $14,024,016  remaining  to  the  credit 
of  this  Department  in  the  Treasury.  Since  my  last  annual  report, 
the  expenditures  for  the  navy  have  been  $24,413,645.  The  busi- 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


ness  transacted  during  the  year  in  this  Department  has  kept  my 
very  large  clerical  force  so  constantly  engaged  that  from  time  to 
time  I  have  ordered  a  number  of  naval  officers  to  assist  them  in 
duties  not  properly  devolving  upon  them.  This  course  occasions 
so  much  dissatisfaction  that  I  trust  Congresss  will  make  such 
additions  to  my  official  staff  as  shall  enable  me  to  permit  all  our 
naval  officers  to  resume  their  respective  positions.  The  great 
disproportion  of  officers  in  our  service  to  the  seamen  enrolled  is 
a  matter  requiring  the  legislation  of  Congress.  The  number  of 
commanders  now  on  active  service,,  either  at  sea  or  on  shore, 
remains  the  same  as  previously  reported. 

"  Many  of  those  occupying  a  lower  grade  in  the  service  have 
volunteered  in  the  army,  owing  to  their  desire  to  be  actively 
employed  against  the  enemy.  I  have  not  accepted  the  resigna 
tions  of  these  gentlemen,  but  furnished  them  with  temporary 
absences,  until  I  can  recall  them  for  the  performance  of  other 
duties.  I  have  considered  it  important  to  keep  the  roll  as  com 
plete  as  possible,  therefore,  when  I  have  been  notified  of  the 
death  of  any  naval  officer,  serving  in  the  army,  I  have  appointed 
his  successor.  The  total  number  of  commissioned  officers  at 
present  attached  to  the  Confederate  Army  is  383.  The  petty 
officers  number  191,  while  the  roll  of  sailors  gives  a  return  of 
877,  not  including  those  on  board  of  vessels  now  at  sea,  accurate 
rolls  not  having  been  transmitted. 

"  In  conclusion,  I  must  add  my  testimony  to  the  gallantry 
and  efficiency  of  our  navy,  who  have  nobly  sustained  our  cause 
under  many  trying  circumstances.  The  proud  spirit  of  our 
officers  chafes  at  the  inaction  they  are  compelled  to  endure,  and 
I  trust  that  Congress  will  make  provision  for  increasing  the 
efficiency  of  this  Department,  and  permitting  it  to  undertake 
more  offensive  operations  against  the  enemy.  In  conclusion,  I 
would  recommend  the  immediate  passing  of  an  act  authorizing 
the  construction  of  at  least  six  turreted  ironclads  for  harbor 
operations.  The  experience  of  the  past  year  has  demonstrated 
that  such  vessels  are  absolutely  necessary  if  we  expect  to  break 
through  and  destroy  the  blockade  at  present  established  by  the 
enemy.  Attached  to  this  communication,  I  have  the  honor  to 
submit  the  various  reports  of  different  commanders  and  officers 
sent  upon  detached  duty,  together  with  the  reports  of  naval  agents 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


and  other  officers,-  at  home  and  abroad,  who  have  been  engaged 
on  duty  connected  with  this  Department. 

"  All  of  which  is  respectfully  submitted. 

"  (Signed),  S.  R.  MALLORY, 

"  Secretary  of  the  Navy." 

No.  28. 

"Earl  Russell  to  Mr.  Adams. 

"  FOREIGN  OFFICE,  February  8th,  1864. 

"  SIR  :  Her  Majesty's  Government  have  had  under  considera 
tion  the  representations  contained  in  your  letter  of  the  igth  ultimo, 
with  regard  to  the  alleged  use  of  British  territory  for  belligerent 
purposes  by  the  Government  of  the  so-styled  Confederate  States, 
as  shown  in  the  report  of  the  Confederate  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Mr.  Mallory,  of  which  you  enclosed  a  copy.  I  have  now  to  state 
to  you  that  this  document  appears  to  Her  Majesty's  Government 
to  contain  the  strongest  proof,  if  any  were  wanted,  that  they  have 
endeavored  in  good  faith  to  observe  strictly  and  impartially, 
under  circumstances  of  no  small  difficulty,  the  obligations '  of 
neutrality  which  they  have  undertaken,  and  that  the  practical 
effect  of  their  doing  so  has  been  advantageous  in  no  slight  degree 
to  the  more  powerful  of  the  two  belligerents,  namely,  the  United 
States. 

"  What  is  termed  in  Mr.  Mallory's  report  '  the  unfriendly 
construction  of  Her  Majesty's  laws,'  is  therein  made  a  matter  of 
grave  complaint  against  England  by  the  Government  of  the  so- 
styled  Confederate  States,  while  to  the  same  cause  is  ascribed  the 
fact  that  those  States  have  been  prevented  from  obtaining  the 
services  of  the  greater  part  of  a  formidable  war  fleet  which  they 
had  desired  to  create. 

u  Her  Majesty's  Government  are  fully  sensible  of  the  nature 
and  importance  of  the  admissions  made  in  Mr.  Mallory's  report 
of  the  endeavors  of  the  Government  of  the  so-styled  Confederate 
States,  by  their  agents  in  this  country  and  in  Canada,  to  violate 
in  various  ways  Her  Majesty's  neutrality. 

"  Her  Majesty's  Government  have  already  taken  steps  to 
make  that  Government  aware  that  such  proceedings  can  not  be 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


tolerated,  and  Her  Majesty's  Government  will  not  fail  to  give 
to  these  admissions,  to  which  you  have  invited  their  attention, 
the  consideration  which  they  undoubtedly  deserve. 

"  There  is,  however,  one  passage  in  your  letter  which  it  is 
impossible  for  Her  Majesty's  Government  to  pass  over  without 
special  notice.  This  passage  is  as  follows :  '  I  am  further 
directed  respectfully  to  represent  that  the  toleration  of  these 
avowed  enemies  of  the  United  States,  whilst  known  to  be  carry 
ing  on  these  hostile  practices,  now  fully  revealed,  within  the 
British  realm  and  its  dependencies,  without  restraint  of  any  kind, 
can  not  be  regarded  as  an  exercise  of  the  unquestioned  right 
of  sheltering  political  exiles,  but  rather  as  equivalent  to  permitting 
them  to  abuse  that  right  for  the  purpose  of  more  effectually  avail 
ing  themselves  of  British  aid  and  cooperation  now  notoriously 
given  them  in  waging  war  with  a  country  with  which  Great 
Britain  is  at  peace.' 

"  In  reply  to  this  allegation,  Her  Majesty's  Government 
think  it  right  to  state  that  Her  Majesty's  dominions  must  neces 
sarily  continue  to  be  open  to  the  subjects  of  both  belligerents 
as  long  as  Her  Majesty  is  at  peace  with  both  of  them,  but  that 
Her  Majesty's  Government  will,  at  the  same  time,  continue  to  put 
in  force,  as fc  they  have  hitherto  done,  to  the  full  extent  of  the 
means  in  their  power,  the  laws  of  this  country  against  those 
subjects  of  either  of  the  belligerents  who  may  be  found,  by  trans 
gressing  those  laws,  to  have  abused  the  rights  of  hospitality  and 
to  have  offended  against  the  authority  of  the  Crown. 

"  With  regard  to  its  being  made  a  matter  of  complaint  by 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  that  Her  Majesty's  Gov 
ernment  thought  fit,  upon  the  original  commencement  of  hostili 
ties,  to  recognize  the  status  of  belligerents  in  both  the  parties 
to  this  unhappy  contest,  Her  Majesty's  Government  can  only 
repeat  the  observation  which  they  have  had  occasion  to  make  on 
former  occasions  in  reply  to  similar  representations  received  from 
you,  that  any  other  course  would  have  justly  exposed  this 
country  to  a  charge  of  violating  the  clearest  principles  and 
soundest  precedents  of  international  law. 

"  I  am,  etc., 

"  RUSSELL." 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


On  February  first,  Mr.  Seward  writes  to  Mr.  Adams: 
"  Nothing  has  occurred  here  to  raise  a  doubt  as  to  the  authenticity 
of  the  report  of  S.  R.  Mallory.  It  has  internal  evidences  of 
genuineness,  although  it  is  wonderful  that  such  a  paper  should 
have  been  promulgated." 

Again,  on  March  3d,  he  writes :  "  I  have  already  informed 
you  that  Mr.  Maury's  denial  of  the  authenticity  of  the  report 
signed  by  Mr.  Mallory  is  not  here  deemed  sufficient  to  discredit 
the  publication."  Yet,  on  March  22,  Lord  Lyons,  Minister  from 
England  to  the  United  States,  sends  to  his  Government  the  infor 
mation  that  Mr.  Seward  had,  on  March  iQth,  admitted  the  paper 
had  been  "  a  forgery." 

"Lord  Lyons  to  Earl  Russell. 

"  WASHINGTON,  March  22d,  1864. 

"My  LORD:  In  my  dispatch  of  the  3ist  December  last,  I 
enclosed  an  extract  from  a  newspaper  containing  what  purported 
to  be  a  copy  of  a  report  of  Mr.  Mallory,  the  Confederate  Sec 
retary  of  the  Navy.  Your  Lordship  will  recollect  that  the  sup 
posed  report  contained  passages  avowing  the  attempts  to  organize 
an  invasion  of  the  United  States  from  Canada,  and  giving  details 
with  regards  to  ships  of  war  stated  to  be  building  for  the  Con 
federate  Government  in  England  and  France.  Some  stress  has, 
as  your  Lordship  is  aware,  been  laid  upon  this  document  by  Mr. 
Seward  in  his  communications  on  the  two  subjects  mentioned. 
After  alluding  to  the  importance  which  he  had  attached  to  it,  Mr. 
Seward  said  to  me  on  the  iQth  instant,  that  he  felt  bound  to  tell 
me  that  he  had  just  discovered  that  it  was  a  forgery.  He  said 
he  had  taken  considerable  pains  to  discover  whether  it  was 
authentic  when  it  first  appeared,  and  although  he  had  been  unable 
to  procure  any  Southern  paper  containing  it,  he  had  quite  satisfied 
himself  that  it  was  genuine.  Recently,  however,  the  person  by 
whom  it  had  been  concocted,  hearing  of  his  inquiries  about  it, 
had  thought  it  right  to  let  him  know  that  it  had  been  published 
originally  as  a  mere  jeu  d'esprit,  and  that  partly  the  amusement 
which  it  had  afforded  to  see  every  one  taken  in  by  it,  and  partly 
the  notion  that  it  was  injuring  the  Confederate  cause,  had  pre 
vented  an  earlier  avowal  of  the  truth.  Mr.  Seward  stated  that 
it  was  very  remarkable  that  no  disavowal  of  the  supposed  report 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


had,  so  far  as  he  knew,  appeared  in  the  Southern  newspapers. 
Its  authenticity  had  indeed  been  denied  by  Captain  Maury,  in 
England,  but  Captain  Maury  might  not  have  had  the  means  of 
knowing  for  certain  whether  it  was  really  authentic  or  not. 
There  was,  however,  now  no  doubt,  Mr.  Seward  said,  that  it  was  a 

forgery. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be4  etc., 

"  LYONS." 

Later  still,  viz.  :  on  April  4th,  Mr.  Adams  writes  to  Earl 
Russell:  "  I  have  the  honor  to  apprise  you  that  I  have  just  re 
ceived  a  dispatch  from  Mr.  Seward,  informing  me  that  after  the 
most  diligent  inquiries  it  has  been  ascertained  that  the  supposed 
report  is  admitted  by  the  editor  of  the  New  York  Sun  to  have 
been  prepared  for  the  columns  of  that  newspaper,  in  which  it 
first  appeared."  The  document  had,  in  the  meantime,  accom 
plished  the  desired  effect  upon  the  English  Government. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Letter  to  Mrs.  Mason — Case  of  the  "  Gerrity  " — Additional  Forgery  by  the 
United  States  Government — Counsel  Provided  for  Men  of  the  "Gerrity" — 
Court  of  Queen's  Bench  Decide  "It  was  not  Piracy" — Men  Released — 
Mr.  Lindsay's  Motion  Looking  to  Mediation — Mr.  Lindsay  Proposes  In 
terview  with  Lord  Palmerston— Mr.  Mason  Declines  it  Unless  Invited  by 
Lord  Palmerston — Lord  Palmerston  Expresses  Opinion  that  South  Could 
not  be  Subjugated — Mr.  M.  Visits  London  as  a  "Private  Gentleman"  in 
Response  to  the  Request  of  Friends  of  the  Confederacy  that  He  Would 
Come  to  Their  Aid — Lord  Russell  Expresses  Opinion  North  Could  not 
Overcome  South,  and  People  of  North  were  Getting  Alive  to  that  Fact — 
Mr.  D'Israeli  says  in  Case  of  Success  in  Battles  at  Richmond,  He  Would 
Bring  a  Motion  of  Like  Character  With  Mr.  Lindsay's — Popular  Senti 
ment  in  England  Strongly  With  South — Letters  to  Mrs.  Mason — Seal  sent 
by  Lieutenant  Chapman— Fight  Between  the  Alabama  and  the  Kearsage — 
Public  Dinner  Tendered  Captain  Semmes  in  London — All  Europe  Filled 
with  the  Fame  of  Lee,  Beauregard,  and  Johnston — Interview  with  Lord 
Palmerston — Lieutenant  Chapman  Delivers  Seal  of  Secretary  of  State, 
but  Boxes  Containing  Iron-press,  Wax,  Etc.,  Lost — Private  Letters — 
Bazaar  In  Liverpool,  to  Relieve  Wants  of  Southern  Prisoners  Confined  in 
the  North. 

"  PARIS,  16  RUE  DE  MARIGNAN,  April  i2th,  1864. 
"My  Dear  Wife:  In  former  letters  I  have  told  you  that 
whilst  in  Paris  I  was  the  guest  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Soutter,  for 
merly  of  Virginia.  Coming  back  from  London  some  ten  days 
ago,  I  am  again  under  their  hospitable  roof,  and  am  indebted  to 
Miss  Lilie  Soutter  as  amanuensis  for  this  letter.  *  *  I  have 
been  gratified  indeed  to  find  from  both  your  letter  and  Vs.  that 
malgre  the  privations  incident  to  the  war,  you  remain,  at  least, 
in  comparative  comfort  in  your  new  home,  and  that  things  are  not 
so  bad  in  Richmond,  or  with  the  army  as  the  Yankees  represent 
them,  and  would  have  them  to  be.  *  *  The  reports  you  give  of 
the  noble  and  courageous  bearing  of  our  friends  in  Winchester 
interested  me  deeply,  particularly  of  Mrs.  Boyd  and  Mrs.  Conrad. 
They  are  striking  instances  of  the  great  truth  that  the  occasion 
illustrates  the  man.  When  you  are  again  communicating  with  our 
friends  in  that  quarter,  I  beg  you  will  say  how  sincerely  I  have 
sympathized  with  them  in  all  their  severe  trials  and  how  much 
gratified  I  have  been  at  the  great  examples  they  have  shown  to 
their  country.  Always  bear  in  mind  that  next  to  direct  accounts 
from  our  own  circle  at  Richmond,  nothing  from  home  interests  me 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


more  than  to  hear  minutely  of  the  valued  friends  we  left  in  Win 
chester,  and  of  the  welfare  and  condition  of  each  of  them. 

"  Do  you  hear  of  Dr.  Stuart  Baldwin  and  his  family  ?  What 
has  become  of  James  Marshall  and  Sherrard  ?  John  Page  ?  George 
Burwell,  who,  I  understand,  were  refugees?  and  Angus  Mc 
Donald?  I  hope  he  has  been  restored  to  better  health.  I  must 
conclude  this,  I  fear,  dull  letter,  with  best  love  to  Maria  and 
Nannie,  to  Kate  and  the  girls,  and  to  all  the  grandchildren. 
Yours,  my  ever  dear  wife, 

"  Most  affectionately, 

"  J.  M.  M." 

DISPATCH  No.  7. 

"  PARIS,  April  I2th,   1864. 

"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  I  returned  to  Paris  soon  after  the  date  of  my  last, 
and  have  had  nothing  from  the  Department  since  your  dispatches, 
acknowledged  in  my  No.  5,  of  date  25th  January  last. 

"  In  my  No.  5,  and  doubtless,  also,  in  those  of  same  date 
from  Mr.  Slidell,  you  will  have  learned  the  change  that  came  over 
the  aspect  of  our  hoped-for  relations  with  Mexico ;  and  I  was,  in 
consequence,  gratified  to  learn,  both  from  your  instructions  to 
General  Preston  and  by  letter  from  that  gentleman  to  Mr.  Slidell, 
that  he  was  not  to  present  himself  in  Mexico  under  any  uncer 
tainty  about  his  reception.  The  policy  of  the  Emperor  here,  always 
mysterious,  has  had  certainly  that  feature  in  regard  to  our  affairs 
— whatever  the  motive,  the  result  remains  the  same.  With  fairest 
professions,  even  sedulously  made,  I  look  now  for  no  movement 
of  any  kind,  in  that  quarter,  of  value  to  us.  Thanks  to  the  spirit 
of  our  people,  and  the  gallantry  of  our  troops,  under  whatever  loss 
and  suffering,  we  can  yet,  unaided,  work  out  our  own  salvation. 

"  Some  days  since  I  received  a  letter  from  Messrs.  Snowball 
and  Copeman,  solicitors  at  Liverpool,  in  regard  to  three  men 
named  Patrick  Loonan,  alias  Ferrand,  alias  Clements,  George 
McMurdock,  and  Quincy  Sears,  arrested  there  at  the  instance  of 
the  United  States  Consul  on  a  charge  of  piracy,  and  claimed  for 
extradition  under  the  treaty.  These  men  were  of  those  who, 
under  a  Captain  Hogg,  embarked  as  passengers  at  Matamoras,  on 
board  the  steamer  J.  L.  Gerrity,  seized  her  on  her  voyage  to  New 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


York,  overpowering  the  captain  and  crew,  and  carried  her  to 
Belize,  where  Captain  Hogg,  it  would  appear,  disposed  of  her 
cargo.  The  solicitors  wrote  me  that  they  claimed  to  be  citizens  of 
the  Confederate  States,  and  had  been  in  the  Confederate  Army— 
that  they  were  enlisted  by  Captain  Hogg,  for  service  intended  on 
board  the  '  Gerrity  ' — and  that  the  latter  had  some  authority  or 
commission  for  the  enterprise  from  General  Bee,  in  Texas.  Seeing 
what  had  been  done  by  the  Department  of  State  in  the  case  of  the 
'  Chesapeake/  and  having  the  benefit  of  your  instructions  to  Mr. 
Holcombe,  sent  as  Commissioner  for  that  case  to  Halifax.  I 
requested  Captain  Bullock,  at  Liverpool,  to  examine  into  the  case 
of  these  men,  and  particularly  whether  they  were  citizens  of  our 
country,  and  under  what  orders  they  acted.  It  appears  they  came 
to  Liverpool  as  seafaring  men  from  Belize,  and,  as  was  to  be 
expected,  without  papers  or  other  proofs  as  to  citizenship. 
Captain  Bullock,  however,  reported  that  from  the  best  information 
he  could  obtain,  Loonan  was  an  Englishman  who  had  been  in 
the  Confederate  army;  Murdock,  British-borni,  but  naturalized  in 
Virginia,  and  Sears,  a  native  of  Alabama.  Looking  to  the 
action  of  the  Department  taken  in  the  case  of  the  captors  of  the 
'  Chesapeake/  I  thought  it  would  be  the  safer  course,  at  least, 
to  take  care  that  these  men  should  be  properly  defended,  and 
wrote  accordingly  to  these  solicitors,  sending  them  a  copy  of  so 
much  of  your  instructions  to  Mr.  Holcombe  as  would  apply  to 
the  case,  and  directing  them  to  take  care  that  the  defence  was  con 
ducted  in  the  best  manner  for  the  safety  of  the  men.  I  was  more 
induced  to  do  this  because  I  learned  from  Major  Magruder, 
nephew  and  aide-de-camp  of  General  Magruder,  who  was  here 
some  time  since,  that  he  met  with  Captain  Hogg  at  Matamoras 
shortly  before  the  '  Gerrity  '  affair — that  he  was  an  officer  of  the 
Confederate  army,  and  had  the  reputation  of  great  daring  and 
courage — then  disabled  by  wounds  received  in  the  service.  I 
told  the  solicitors  that  I  would  commit  the  Government  for  reason 
able  expense  of  the  defence,  and  I  must  defray  it  out  of  the  Con 
tingent  Fund.  This,  I  hope,  will  have  the  approbation  of  the 
Department. 

"  In  regard  to  the  spurious  '  Report '  of  Mr.  Mallory,  as 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  about  which  I  wrote  in  my  No.  5,  Lord 
Russell  took  occasion,  a  few  days  since,  to  say  in  the  House  of 


494. 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


Lords  that,  since  it  was  communicated  to  him,  Mr.  Seward  had 
admitted  that  it  was  a  forgery,  fabricated,  as  he  said,  by  some 
'  gentleman  '  in  New  York. 

"  Before  I  left  London  I  called  on  Mr.  Wyon,  the  artist 
employed  to  make  the  Confederate  Seal,  referred  to  in  my  No. 
4,  and  paid  him  forty  guineas — one-half  the  cost  of  the  Seal,  in 
advance,  and  arranged  that  when  it  was  ready  it  should  be  care 
fully  packed,  with  the  press,  in  a  box  lined  with  tin.  and  put  in 
charge  of  Mr.  Hotze  until  it  could  be  sent  over.  He  promised  it 
should  be  ready  by  the  middle  of  May. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.  36. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 
"  RICHMOND,  22d  June,   1864. 
"Hon.  James  M.  Mason,  etc.,  etc.,  Paris. 

"SiR:  Your  No.  7,  of  i2th  April,  was  received  on  the 
9th  instant. 

"  In  relation  to  the  '  Tuscaloosa/  the  dispatches  to  the  Navy 
Department  give  no  further  details  than  are  contained  in  the 
British  Blue  Book  which  you  forwarded  to  me.  I  regard  this 
case  as  a  marked  outrage  committed  by  a  pretended  neutral,  but 
really  hostile,  Government,  and  one  which  the  British  Cabinet 
would  not  have  ventured  on  for  a  moment  against  any  nation 
which  it  believed  capable  of  enforcing  its  rights  against  such 
insolent  aggression.  It  is  the  consciousness  of  being  safe  at  this 
moment  from  hostilities  on  our  part,  that  can  alone  have  embold 
ened  the  present  Foreign  Secretary  to  an  action  from  which  he 
would  have  shrunk  in  affright  if  directed  against  France,  or 
Russia,  or  the  United  States.  It  was  no  doubt  to  this  case  that  the 
President  referred  in  his  message  when  he  said,  '  and  in  one 
instance  our  flag  also  insulted  where  the  sacred  right  of  asylum 
was  supposed  to  be  secure/  and  when  he  spoke  of  wrongs  '  for 
which  we  may  not  properly  forbear  from  demanding  redress.' 

"  Your  action  in  the  matter  of  the  three  men  from  the  '  Ger- 
rity  '  was  entirely  accordant  with  our  views,  as  you  will  probably 
have  learned  ere  this  from  Mr.  Hotze,  to  whom  instructions  were 
sent  to  provide  for  their  defense.  The  facts  of  the  case  are  set 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


forth  in  my  dispatch  to  him,  more  accurately  than  they  reached 
you. 

'  The  additional  forgery  by  the  United  States  Government 
of  the  pretended  deciphered  note  to  me  from  a  New  York  agent, 
as  contained  in  the  Blue  Book  of  the  '  Chesapeake  '  case,  having 
been  already  exposed  by  Mr.  Slidell,  it  is  perhaps  not  necessary 
that  I  should  take  any  notice  of  it.  If,  however,  it  is  thought  that 
a  denial  is  advisable,  you  are  authorized,  in  my  name,  to  make 
public  the  fact  that  Mr.  Seward's  statement  to  Lord  Lyons  (as 
related  in  the  letter  of  the  latter  to  Earl  Russell,  dated  24th 
December,  1863),  that  the  paper  forming  enclosure  No.  3  was  '  the 
decipher  of  a  letter  from  a  Confederate  agent  in  New  York  to  Mr. 
Benjamin,  the  Secretary  of  State  at  Richmond/  is  entirely  false, 
and  has  not  a  semblance  of  fact  to  rest  on.  The  '  enclosed  paper 
No.  3.'  at  foot  of  page  9,  in  the  Blue  Book,  is  a  forgery  from  begin 
ning  to  end.  Neither  individually  nor  as  Secretary  of  State  have 
I  ever  had  correspondence  writh  any  person  in  New  York  who 
signed  the  initials  J.  H.  C.  or  any  other  initials,  nor  am  I  able  to 
conjecture  whether  these  initials  refer  to  any  person  in  existence 
supposed  to  be  in  correspondence  with  me  or  are  purely  imaginary. 
I  am  equally  unable  to  conjecture  to  what  facts,  if  any,  the  pre 
tended  letter  in  cipher  refers,  and  have  never  had,  directly  or 
indirectly,  whether  as  a  private  individual  or  public  officer,  any 
connection  with  or  knowledge  of  any  of  the  matters  mentioned 
or  referred  to  in  the  paper  in  question.  The  whole  thing  is  just 
such  a  fabrication  as  the  '  Mallory  Report,'  and  is,  like  that  report, 
'  the  invention  of  a  gentleman.'  It  will,  of  course,  be  followed 
by  as  many  more  similar  forgeries  as  may  be  deemed  necessary 
by  the  Washington  Cabinet  as  long  as  they  have  a  purpose  to 
accomplish  and  can  find  dupes  to  credit  them.  It  is  not  fair  to 
expect  us  to  descend  to  further  exposures  of  such  wretched  false 
hoods  and  forgeries  as  form  the  staple  of  the  correspondence  of 
the  United  States  Secretary  of  State  in  relation  to  our  affairs, 
and  if  any  publication  on  the  subject  is  found  necessary  in  the 
present  instance,  it  should  be  accompanied  by  the  distinct  state 
ment  that  we  shall  deem  it  inconsistent  with  self-respect  to  make 
any  further  attempt  to  undeceive  the  British  Government  as  to 
the  character  of  the  communications  from  the  United  States 
officials,  which  they  are  habitually  accepting  as  trustworthy. 


L1FE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


"  I  send  Mr.  Slidell  a  copy  of  my  last  communication  to 
Mr.  Preston,  which  will  put  you  fully  in  possession  of  our  present 
views  on  the  matters  to  which  you  refer  in  both  your  last  dis 
patches. 

"  The  box  of  books  which  you  were  good  enough  to  send 
me,  via  Bermuda,  has  arrived  in  Wilmington,  and  I  hope  to  receive 
it  to-morrow. 

"  I  believe  I  have  hitherto  omitted  to  acknowledge  receipt 
of  the  copy  furnished  by  Mr.  Lindsay  of  his  correspondence  with 
Mr.  Drouyn  de  L'Huys.     It  has  been  read  with  interest,  and  will 
remain  on  the  records  of  this  Department  in  connection  with  the 
other  papers  of  the  very  singular  affair  to  which  it  refers. 
"  I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully, 
''  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN, 
"Secretary  of  State" 

DISPATCH  No.  8. 

"  PARIS,  June  ist,  1864. 
"Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  In  my  last  I  told  you  that  I  assumed  the  responsi 
bility  of  instructing  Messrs.  Snowball  and  Copeman,  solicitors,  at 
Liverpool,  to  employ  counsel  for  the  three  men  held  in  custody 
at  the  instance  of  Mr.  Adams,  Minister  of  the  United  States,  and 
held  for  extradition  on  the  charge  of  piracy  in  seizing  the  ship 
'  Gerrity,'  from  Matamoras  to  New  York,  on  board  of  which 
they  were  passengers.  I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  herewith  a 
duplicate  of  that  dispatch  which  contains  my  reasons  for  doing  so. 

"  I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  these  men  were 
discharged  on  habeas  corpus  by  the  Court  of  the  Queen's  Bench, 
on  the  25th  of  May,  the  Chief  Justice  sustaining  the  arrest  and 
the  claim  to  extradition,  and  his  three  associates  overruling  his 
judgment.  The  cases  were  ably  argued  by  eminent  counsel  on 
the  part  of  the  United  States,  and  as  ably  defended  on  our  part, 
for  four  consecutive  days,  as  I  find  from  the  report  at  large  in 
the  newspapers.  I  have  preserved  the  arguments  and  the  opinions 
of  the  judges,  which  I  will  sejid  to  you  when  an  opportunity 
offers,  avoiding  the  heavy  postage.  The  case  turned  and  the  dis- 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    HURRAY    MASON. 


497 


charge  was  ordered,  on  the  construction  of  the  treaty — that  the 
offense  of  piracy  mentioned  in  the  treaty  did  not  mean  piracy 
jure  gentium,  but  was  confined  to  piracy,  so  declared  to  be  by  the 
domestic  laws  of  either  country.  I  instructed  our  counsel  to  say 
that  the  defense  was  assumed  by  Mr.  Mason  on  the  part  of  the 
Confederate  States,  as  its  representative  in  Europe,  and  to  defend 
the  capture  as  an  act  of  war.  I  have  not  yet  received  the  bill  of 
costs  for  the  defense,  but,  as  I  have  said  in  my  No.  7,  will  defray 
them  out  of  the  Contingent  Fund,  to  be  adjusted  by  an  appropriate 
voucher  hereafter,  as  the  expenditure  does  not  belong  to  that 
class.  I  hope  what  I  have  done  in  the  matter  will  have  the 
approval  of  the  Department. 

"  On  Saturday  last,  I  received  a  letter  from  our  earnest 
and  valued  friend,  Mr.  Lindsay,  dated  at  London  the  day  before. 
He  had  some  months  ago  given  notice  of  a  motion  to  be  made 
in  the  House  of  Commons  on  the  3d  of  June,  to  the  effect  that 
'  Her  Majesty's  Government  should  avail  itself  of  the  earliest 
opportunity  of  mediating  in  conjunction  with  the  other  powers 
of  Europe,  to  bring  about  a  cessation  of  hostilities  in  America^ 
and  the  chief  object  of  his  letter  to  me  was  to  say  that  he  had, 
on  the  day  before,  sought  an  interview  with  Lord  Palmerston, 
in  the  hope  of  conciliating  the  support  of  the  Government  to  his 
motion ;  that  he  was  to  see  him  again,  and  yet  hoped  for  a  favor 
able  result.  He  said,  further,  that  in  the  course  of  a  conversation, 
he  expressed  his  regret  that  Lord  P.  had  not  seen  me  whilst  I 
was  in  England,  because  he  thought  if  he  had  done  so,  as  one 
having  the  confidence  of  my  Government  and  people,  and  well 
informed  about  their  affairs  and  position,  I  might  have  given  him 
useful  and  valuable  information ;  and,  in  this  connection,  asked 
whether  it  would  be  agreeable  to  his  Lordship  to  see  and  con 
verse  with  me  yet,  as  a  '  private  gentleman/  to  which,  after  full 
conversation,  Lord  P.  replied  that  it  would  give  him  pleasure  to 
see  me  with  Mr.  Lindsay  either  on  the  Monday  or  Tuesday  follow 
ing,  at  his  residence  in  London.  Mr.  Lindsay  said  he  told  Lord 
Palmerston  that  he  had  proposed  the  interview  without  any  com 
munication  with  me  on  the  subject,  and  strongly  pressed  that  I 
should  go  to  London  for  this  purpose.  Mr.  Lindsay  added  that 
Lord  Palmerston  told  him  that  he  had,  of  late,  received  two  com 
munications,  not  official,  from  the  Emperor,  who  seemed  by  them 


OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


to  be  very  anxious  that  something  should  now  be  attempted  to 
stop  hostilities.  I  replied  to  Mr.  Lindsay  by  the  following  mail, 
that  I  had  maturely  considered  his  proposition,  and  with  every  dis 
position  to  comply  with  it,  as  his  request,  but,  '  I  am  not  at  liberty 
to  do  so,  and  that  I  may  not  seem  fastidious  after  his  Lordship's 
kind  assent  to  your  proposal  that  he  should  see  me,  I  will  tell 
you  frankly  why.  After  the  persistent  refusal  of  Her  Majesty's 
Government  to  recognize,  in  any  form,  the  existence  of  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  Confederate  States,  I  was  directed  by  the  President 
to  consider  my  mission  to  England  at  an  end,  and  to  withdraw 
from  London  ;  and  further,  instructions  connected  with  my  resi 
dence  on  the  Continent  express  the  desire  of  the  President  that  in 
regard  to  Great  Britain,  I  should  not  again  approach  it,  even  in  the 
most  informal  manner,  without  some  intimation  from  that  Govern 
ment  of  its  disposition  to  enter  into  official  relations  with  my 
own.  Had  the  suggestion  you  make  of  an  interview  and  conver 
sation  with  Lord  Palmerston  originated  with  his  Lordship,  I 
might  not  have  felt  myself  prohibited  by  my  instructions  from, 
at  once,  acceding  to  it,  but  as  it  has  the  form,  only,  of  his  assent 
to  a  proposition  from  you,  I  must,  with  all  respect,  decline  it. 

f  '  Although  no  longer  accredited  by  my  Government  as 
Special  Commissioner  to  Great  Britain,  I  am  yet  in  Europe  with 
full  powers;  and,  therefore,  had  Lord  Palmerston  expressed  a 
desire  to  see  me  as  his  own  act  (of  course,  unofficially),  even 
without  any  reason  assigned  for  the  interview,  I  should  have  had 
great  pleasure  in  complying  with  his  Lordship's  request.' 

"  And  in  a  private  note  to  Mr.  Lindsay,  I  told  him  he  was 
at  liberty,  if  he  thought  proper,  to  show  my  letter  to  Lord  Pal 
merston.  On  the  following  day  (yesterday)  I  heard  again  from 
Mr.  Lindsay  under  the  date  of  the  3Oth.  He  said  that  on  receipt 
of  my  letter,  he  again  called  on  Lord  Palmerston,  and  read  it  to 
him  ;  when  there  followed  more  than  half  an  hour's  conversation 
on  American  affairs,  during  which  his  Lordship  said  he  did  not  see 
how  recognition  would  terminate  the  war  unless  the  Government 
was  prepared  further  to  raise  the  blockade,  etc.  —  a  position  which 
Mr.  Lindsay  combatted  by  views  inter  alia  which  I  had  pre 
sented  to  him  in  my  previous  letters.  He  does  not  report  the 
conversation  in  detail,  but  said  that  Lord  Palmerston  '  again  ex 
pressed  his  opinion  that  the  subjugation  of  the  South  could  not 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


499 


be  effected  by  the  North,  and  added  that  he  thought  the  people  of 
the  North  were  becoming  more  and  more  alive  to  the  fact  every 
day.'  In  regard  to  what  I  had  written,  Lord  Palmer ston  said 
that  as  he  had,  yet,  nothing  to  say  to  me  more  than  he  had  said 
to  him,  he  could  not  think  of  asking  me  to  come  down  from  Paris 
to  see  him,  but,  that  if  I  were  in  London,  he  would  be  very  glad 
to  see  me,  as  he  wished  to  know  me,  and  would  like  to  hear  my 
views  on  the  present  state  of  affairs. 

"  In  regard  to  this  resolution,  Mr.  Lindsay  said  that  Lord 
Palmerston's  feelings  were  in  favor  of  it,  and  that  he  had  asked 
him  to  leave  a  copy  that  he  might  consult  with  his  colleagues ; 
and  thought  it  had  better  be  postponed  for  a  short  time,  to  which 
Mr.  Lindsay  acceded. 

"  At  the  close  of  his  letter,  Mr.  Lindsay  added :  '  Now, 
apart  altogether  from  your  seeing  Lord  Palmerston,  I  must 
earnestly  entreat  that  you  come  here,  unless  you  are  much 
wanted  in  Paris — your  visit  here  as  a  private  gentleman  can  do 
no  harm,  and  may,  at  the  present  moment,  be  of  great  value  to 
your  country/  (The  italics  his.) 

"  You  are  aware  that  there  are  in  England  a  number  of  gen 
tlemen,  chiefly  members  of  the  two  Houses  of  Parliament,  asso 
ciated  together  as  the  friends  of  Southern  Independence.  It 
seems  that  Mr.  Lindsay  showed  my  letter,  at  one  of  their  meet 
ings,  declining  his  proposal  to  see  Lord  Palmerston.  I  have  this 
morning  letters  from  two  of  them,  earnestly  pressing  me  to  return 
for  a  while  to  London,  of  course,  in  a  private  capacity,  whether 
I  saw  Lord  Palmerston  or  not,  and  I  have,  in  consequence, 
determined  to  do  so.  I  have  kept  Mr.  Slidell  advised  of  the  cor 
respondence,  and  he  agrees  with  me,  that  after  declining  at  first, 
it  would  be  manifest  indifference  or  churlishness  to  refuse  even 
to  visit  London,  though  so  urgently  pressed  by  friends  who  are 
actively  at  work  in  our  behalf  to  come  to  their  aid.  Whether  or 
not  I  shall  see  Lord  Palmerston  will  depend  upon  circumstances 
after  I  get  there,  and  the  counsels  of  judicious  friends.  I  shall, 
in  no  way,  court  publicity,  and,  of  one  thing  be  assured,  that  no 
one,  friend  or  foe,  shall  look  upon  me  as  a  suitor. 

"  In  regard  to  the  missing  box  of  books,  I  hope  it  may  before 
this  have  safely  reached  you.  I  wrote  to  Major  Walker  inquiring 
for  it.  I  have  his  reply,  dated  the  i6th  April,  acknowledging  the 


500  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

receipt  of  the  last  box  shipped  to  his  care,  which  contained  the 
missing  volumes  of  '  Hansard/  etc. 

'   I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.  9. 

"  LONDON,  June  gth,  1864. 
"  Hon.  /.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  Having  taken  the  step  of  coming  to  London,  in 
seeming  departure  from  your  instruction  previously  given.  I  was 
much  gratified  to  find  in  yours  of  the  i8th  April  that  those  instruc 
tions  were  modified  so  far  as  to  leave  such  movements  more  at 
my  discretion. 

"  I  have  had  a  long  conversation,  since  my  arrival  here,  with 
Mr.  Lindsay  in  regard  to  the  subject  of  our  correspondence 
before  I  left  Paris,  treated  of  in  my  last  dispatch.  Following  up 
his  hope  of  conciliating  the  Ministry  in  favor  of  his  resolution, 
he  had,  a  few  days  ago,  an  interview  with  Lord  Russell,  in  which, 
while  evincing  every  disposition  to  consider  it  favorably,  he  made 
no  committal  to  give  it  his  support,  or  that  of  the  Ministerial  party. 
I  gave  you  the  tenor  of  the  resolution  in  my  last.  He  said  that 
Lord  Russell  expressed  the  decided  opinion  that  the  North  could 
not  overcome  the  South,  and  his  belief  that  the  people  of  the 
North  were  getting  to  be  alive  to  the  fact;  but  that,  in  all  his 
conversations  with  Mr.  Adams,  the  latter  spoke  as  confidently 
as  ever,  and  amongst  other  things  said  that  his  Government  did 
not  consider  it  of  any  great  moment  whether  they  succeeded  in 
their  movement  against  Richmond  or  no — that  their  chief  object 
was  to  maintain  the  control  of  the  Mississippi.  Such  seems  the 
chaff  with  which  the  Foreign  Office  is  plied !  I  had  learned  from 
other  sources  that  Mr.  Disraeli  had  said  to  one  of  his  friends  and 
followers,  that  if  the  South  should  obtain  a  decided  success  in 
the  pending  campaign  against  Richmond,  he  would  be  prepared  to 
bring  forward  a  motion  of  some  such  character  as  that  of  Mr. 
Lindsay.  I  told  this  to  Mr.  Lindsay,  who  agreed,  at  once,  that  it 
could  not  be  in  better  hands;  and,  under  such  auspices,  would 
certainly  carry.  Yielding  to  the  suggestion  of  Lord  Palmerston 
to  await  the  result  of  the  pending  movement  against  Richmond, 
Mr.  Lindsay  has  deferred  his  motion  to  the  I7th  instant.  Should 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON.  cOI 


Grant  be  routed  or  finally  driven  back,  either  the  Ministry  would 
have  to  entertain  a  resolution  favorable  to  us  in  some  form,  or  the 
Opposition  would  make  it  an  issue  with  them.  Indeed,  I  am  satis 
fied  that  so  general,  almost  universal,  is  popular  sentiment  in  Eng 
land  with  the  South,  accompanied  by  such  strong  impressions 
of  the  unnecessary  and  dreadful  carnage  which  attends  the  war, 
that  if  we  have  the  anticipated  success  in  Virginia,  the  Ministry, 
even  if  disposed  to  resist,  would  have  to  yield  to  popular  senti 
ment. 

"  I  shall  remain  in  London  as  long  as  I  think  I  can  be  useful 
here  in  intercourse  with  our  friends,  by  whom  I  have  been  very 
warmly  and  kindly  received. 

"  JUNE  IOTH. — I  have  just  had  an  interview  with  Mr.  Wyon, 
who  is  executing  the  Seal.  He  tells  me  that  it  -will  certainly  be 
ready  within  a  fortnight.  He  will  send  with  it  a  supply  of  pre 
pared  wax  and  other  appendages  for  connecting  the  Seal  with 
the  document.  I  thought  it  better  to  have  these  supplies  sent,  in 
the  absence  of  the  proper  materials  in  the  Confederacy ;  and  will 
look  out  for  some  opportunity  by  an  officer  or  other  trusty  person 
to  take  charge  of  them. 

"  I  have,  etc., 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.  37. 

"J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  State  Confederate  States,  to  J.  M. 
Mason,  Commissioner  to  Great  Britain. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  i2th  July,  1864. 

"  SIR  :  The  President  is  much  pleased  at  the  course  pursued 
by  you  in  the  matter  of  the  interview  with  Lord  Palmerston,  as 
detailed  in  your  No.  8.  It  accords  exactly  with  his  view  of  what 
propriety  dictated  under  the  circumstances,  and  while  prudence 
and  policy  require  that  any  advances  made  by  the  British  Cabinet 
towards  the  establishment  of  relations  with  you,  should  be  met  in 
a  courteous  spirit,  we  are  satisfied  that  a  lofty  and  independent 
bearing,  exacting  the  utmost  measure  of  the  respect  to  which  you 
are  entitled  as  a  representative  of  the  Confederate  States  in  for 
eign  countries,  is  better  calculated  to  subserve  our  interests  than 


502  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

the  indication  of  any  eagerness  to  grasp  at  the  first  opening 
for  an  interview,  whether  official  or  unofficial,  with  the  British 
Premier  or  Foreign  Secretary. 

"  In  relation  to  your  presence  in  London  as  a  private  gentle 
man,  for  conference  with  those  who  display  so  friendly  a  warmth 
in  our  favor  as  Mr.  Lindsay  and  others  whom  you  mention,  the 
President  considers  that  you  are  better  able  on  the  spot  to  judge 
of  the  advantage  to  be  derived  from  an  occasional  visit  to  London, 
than  he  can  be  at  this  distance,  and  is  content  to  leave  your  course 
on  this  point  to  be  guided  by  your  own  discretion. 

"  We  have  from  the  North,  English  dates  to  the  26th  ultimo, 
announcing  the  adjournment  of  the  conference  without  success  in 
effecting  any  arrangement,  and  the  renewal  of  hostilities  in  Den 
mark. 

"  We  can  not  judge  what  course  England  will  take,  though  it 
seems,  from  this  side,  scarcely  possible  for  her  to  avoid  a  war. 

"  As  nothing  is  said  in  the  New  York  papers  about  Mr. 
Lindsay's  motion,  I  take  it  for  granted  that  it  was  again  post 
poned.  We  have  expected  no  result  from  this  move,  and  regard  it 
merely  as  an  evidence  of  the  sympathy  and  regard  for  us  of  the 
gentleman  by  whom  the  motion  was  made. 

"  I  am,  sir,  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN." 

"  16  RUE  DE  MARIGNAN, 

"  PARIS,  June  2d,  1864. 

"My  Very  Dear  Wife:  I  avail  myself  of  the  kind  aid  of 
Miss  Eliza  Soutter  to  send  you  this  note.  In  the  absence  of  Mr. 
Macfarland,  who  is  in  London,  she  is  kind  enough  to  act  both  as 
Secretary  of  Legation,  and  as  amanuensis  for  me.  We  have  just 
completed,  and  copied  a  long  dispatch  to  Mr.  Benjamin,  and  I  am 
sure  she  will  have  your  thanks,  in  advance,  for  her  kindness  in 
thus  officiating. 

"  We  are  all  in  painful  suspense  here  in  the  absence  of  further 
intelligence,  of  the  great  struggle  pending,  at  last  accounts,  in  Vir 
ginia.  Our  latest  dates  were  at  New  York  on  the  loth  of  May, 
and  Yankee  though  they  were,  they  admit  the  heroic  defense 
made  by  our  gallant  army.  We  do  not  hear  the  extent  of  the 
losses  on  our  side,  but  the  enemy  admitting  from  fifty  to  eighty 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


thousand  on  theirs,  we  are  left  to  imagine  a  proportionate  one  on 
our  side ;  horrible  and  distressing  carnage  indeed.  When  I  read 
of  these  things,  I  feel  more  than  ever,  the  earnest  desire  to  be  in 
your  midst ;  but  in  the  trials  we  have  to  undergo,  each  must  dis 
charge,  as  I  know  all  do  at  home  (and  none  can  have  harder  trials 
than  those  who  are  perilled  in  battle),  the  duties  that  devolve  on 
each.  We  have  accounts  of  no  later  battle  than  that  of  the  I2th  of 
May,  when  the  enemy  was  repulsed  in  a  renewed  attack  at  Spott- 
sylvania  Court-House  and  where,  as  it  would  appear,  General 
Johnston,  with  a  large  part  of  his  division,  was  made  prisoner. 

"  I  go  to-morrow  back  to  London,  at  the  earnest  instance  of 
many  friends  there,  chiefly  members  of  Parliament,  who  think 
that  my  presence  and  counsels  will  aid  them  in  efforts  they  are 
about  to  make  to  induce  their  Government  to  come  to  a  better 
way  of  thinking  on  our  affairs ;  I  do  not  expect  to  remain  very 
long,  and  go  with  some  reluctance,  but  have  yielded  to  the  opinions 
and  wishes  of  those  whose  opinions  on  the  matter  I  am  not  at 
liberty  to  disregard,  and  which  I  have  explained  in  a  private  letter 
to  the  President,  which  goes  with  this. 

"  Yours  ever, 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

"  24  UPPER  SEYMOUR  STREET, 

"LONDON,  June  nth,  1864. 

"  My  Very  Dear  Wife:  I  came  back  to  London  three  or  four 
days  ago  from  Paris,  entirely  as  a  private  gentleman.  On  the 
8th  inst,  two  days  after  my  arrival,  I  had  the  great  pleasure  to 
receive  yours  of  22d  of  April,  with  a  P.  S.  from  V.  and  a  copy  of 
a  letter  from  Winchester.  It  will  do  good  here.  The  accounts 
you  give  of  our  home  and  household,  are  very  gratifying,  but  I 
am,  as  you  may  well  know,  in  the  midst  of  great  anxiety  for  the 
results,  and  the  consequences  of  the  late  terrible  fighting  in  Vir 
ginia.  Both  our  boys,  I  have  understood,  were  in  the  division 
under  General  Johnston,  which  is  reported,  after  serious  losses,  to 
have  lost  many  as  prisoners.  I  can  only  hope  for  the  best. 
Indeed  one  can  hardly  indulge  in  personal  anxieties  amidst  the 
terrible  carnage  occasioned  by  those  battles.  I  had  strong  hopes 
that  you,  with  the  girls  and  little  children,  would  have  left  Rich 
mond,  thus  avoiding  all  the  painful  excitement  which  must  per- 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


vade  the  city,  and  indeed  I  still  hope  that  our  good  friends  around 
you,  may  have  induced  you  to  do  so.  But  in  regard  to  all  this, 
I  can,  for  the  present,  only  remain  in  doubt. 

"  God  bless  and  preserve  you  all,  my  dear  wife,  in  this  terri 
ble  struggle.  With  constant  love  to  Kate  and  her  little  ones,  and 
to  our  own  dear  circle. 

"  Yours  most  affectionately, 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.   10. 

"  LONDON,  July  6th,  1864. 
(( Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  I  send  by 
Lieutenant  Chapman,  C.  S.  N.,  who  bears  this,  the  Seal  of  the 
Confederate  States,  at  last  completed.  It  is  much  admired  by  all 
who  have  seen  it  here.  I  hope  you  will  approve  it  as  a  fine  work 
of  art. 

"  The  Seal  is  carefully  put  up  in  a  separate  small  box ;  and 
Lieutenant  Chapman  is  charged,  under  no  circumstances  to  run 
the  risk  of  its  being  captured.  He  takes  the  route  to  Bermuda,  via 
Halifax,  to  sail  on  Saturday  the  Qth  instant,  and  I  ship  through 
Messrs.  Fraser,  Trenholm  and  Company,  by  the  steamer  that  takes 
him  to  Halifax,  two  boxes  containing  the  iron  press,  with  a  full 
supply  of  wax  and  other  materials  for  the  use  of  the  Seal. 
Although  not  expressly  ordered,  in  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  these 
things  in  the  Confederacy,  at  present,  at  least,  of  approved  quality, 
I  have  thought  it  best  to  have  them  supplied  here — all  which  I 
hope  you  will  approve.  The  enclosed  duplicate  bill  will  furnish 
you  a  list  of  those  materials  with  the  prices.  The  original  I  have 
paid  and  retain. 

"  I  have  requested  Lieutenant  Chapman  to  take  charge  of  the 
boxes  at  Bermuda,  and  to  see  to  their  safe  delivery.  To  relieve 
him  of  expenses  on  the  route,  I  have  further  requested  Messrs. 
Fraser,  Trenholm  &  Company  here,  if  they  can  do  so,  to  pay  the 
freight  all  the  way  to  Bermuda,  and  write  to  Major  Walker  at 
Bermuda  to  pay  the  freight  thence  to  the  Confederacy,  should 
they  not  go  in  a  Government  ship.  Still,  it  is  possible  that  some 
part  of  this  may  not  be  done,  and  I  have  accordingly  told  Lieu- 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


tenant  Chapman,  should  any  expenses  in  the  transportation  de 
volve  on  him,  it  should  be  paid  promptly  at  the  Department,  which 
oblige  me  by  having  attended  to. 

"  I  have,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.   n. 

"  LONDON,  July  8th,  1864. 

(f  Hon.  /.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  You  will  have  seen  through  the  Northern  press  long 
before  this  can  reach  you  the  motion  made  in  the  House  of  Com 
mons  in  nature  of  '  want  of  confidence/  intended  to  oust  the 
Ministry.  The  debate  on  the  motion  commencing  on  Monday  the 
4th,  yet  continues ;  and  absorbs  every  other  question.  The  issue 
seems  uncertain,  but  you  will  have  heard  that,  too,  far  in  advance 
of  this  dispatch.  Whilst  the  debate  is  going  on,  we  are  receiving 
the  cheering  account  of  our  great  successes  against  Grant  in  Vir 
ginia  ;  and,  as  far  as  we  can  determine  through  the  imperfect  and 
disjointed  intelligence  from  the  North,  of  like  successes  against 
Sherman  in  Georgia.  We  do  not  doubt  the  result  in  either 
quarter ;  and  should  they  prove  so  decisive  as  finally  to  dispose  of 
both  armies  of  invasion,  I  entertain  a  strong  hope,  let  the  Ministe 
rial  issue  result  as  it  may,  that  public  opinion  in  England  will 
compel  the  Government  to  move  in  some  manner  advantageously 
to  us.  And,  as  things  present  themselves,  I  should  even  have 
stronger  hope  of  this,  or  rather,  of  more  prompt  action  should 
the  present  Ministry  remain  in,  than  if  unseated.  In  my  last,  I 
told  you  of  the  interview  held  by  Mr.  Lindsay  with  Lord  Russell, 
having  previously  reported  those  held  with  Lord  Palmerston,  and 
from  which  Mr.  Lindsay  drew  favorable  inferences ;  but  in  the 
preparations  for  the  issue  now  made,  and  its  engrossing  character 
while  pending,  of  course,  no  further  steps  concerning  American 
affairs  can  be  taken.  We  have,  too,  another  gleam  of  light  from 
another  quarter  which  may  inure  to  our  benefit.  It  is  said  that 
Denmark,  now  certainly  left  alone  to  combat  all  Germany,  has 
made  overtures  to  terminate  the  war  by  being  admitted  into  the 
Germanic  Confederation.  Should  this  prove  true,  and  that  em- 
broglio  be  removed  out  of  the  way,  I  should  have  still  greater 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


hope  that  some  favorable  movement  in  regard  to  the  South  could 
be  forced  from  the  Ministry.  These  are  the  best  speculations  that 
I  can  offer  as  derived  from  my  present  sojourn  in  London.  I  see 
a  great  many  of  the  more  prominent  public  men,  both  Peers  and 
Commoners,  who  talk  freely  with  me,  as  I  do  with  them.  Should 
there  be  no  dissolution,  Parliament  will  probably  remain  in  session 
until  the  first  week  in  August 

"  I  have  not  seen  Lord  Palmerston,  as  I  have  written  to  you, 
as  was  proposed  by  Mr.  Lindsay.  On  coming  here  Mr.  L.  renewed 
the  proposal  when  I  told  him  I  would  not  call  on  Lord  Palmerston 
on  the  indirect  invitation  given  whilst  I  was  in  Paris,  although  I 
would  be  really  happy  to  have  a  conversation  with  him  ;  and  that 
if  Lord  Palmerston  desired  it,  he  had  only  to  write  me  a  note,  or 
send  me  a  message  to  that  effect.  I  have  heard  nothing  more  in 
regard  to  it. 

"  Since  my  last,  we  have  sustained  a  severe  blow  in  the  loss 
of  the  '  Alabama  '  after  a  daring  and  most  gallant  fight.  I  went 
to  see  Captain  Semmes  immediately  on  hearing  of  his  arrival  at 
Southampton,  and  he  acquiesced  in  my  suggestion  that  his  official 
report  to  his  superior  officer  in  Europe  should  be  published  by  me 
here  at  once,  as  the  most  speedy  mode  of  getting  it  to  our  Govern 
ment  by  its  republication  in  the  North.  Every  indication  was 
given  here  of  the  desire  to  receive  Captain  Semmes  in  the  most 
marked  manner  —  a  public  dinner,  I  understand  was  tendered  him 
by  the  Army  and  Navy  Club,  which  he  declined;  and  measures 
were  at  once  taken,  originating  with  officers  of  Her  Majesty's 
Navy,  to  present  him  a  sword. 

"  I  can  not  conclude  without  a  full  expression  of  the  deep 
gratitude  I  feel,  in  common  with  all  my  countrymen  here,  to  the 
gallant  armies  in  the  field,  who  have  so  nobly  and  successfully 
illustrated  the  character  and  spirit  of  our  Southern  people;  and 
more  especially  to  their  able  and  heroic  leaders.  I  really  speak 
without  exaggeration,  when  I  say  that  all  Europe  is  filled  with 
the  deserved  fame  of  Lee,  Beauregard,  and  Johnston. 

"  I  have,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

Unofficial  letter  to  Mr.  Benjamin.  Not  among  Mr.  Mason's 
papers,  but  obtained  from  the  Department  in  Washington: 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


"  SHEPPERTON  MANOR,  MIDDLESEX,  July  I4th,  1864. 
"Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  etc.,  etc.,  etc. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  An  opportunity  immediately  offering  by 
Mr.  Hamilton  of  the  Navy,  who  sails  day  after  to-morrow  from 
Liverpool  for  Bermuda,  and  of  which  I  did  not  know  until  to-day, 
I  avail  myself  of  it  to  report  the  heads  of  a  conversation  I  had 
to-day  with  Lord  Palmerston.  His  Lordship  renewed,  through 
Mr.  Lindsay,  his  invitation  to  me  to  see  him,  and  I  went  with 
Mr.  Lindsay,  from  his  home  in  the  country,  where  I  am  a  guest, 
to  London  this  morning  for  that  purpose. 

"  I  was  received  with  great  civility,  and  after  the  ordinary 
topics  of  salutation,  Lord  P.  commenced  the  conversation.  His 
points  of  inquiry  were:  the  condition  of  the  war;  its  probable 
duration;  the  prospects  of  the  Presidential  election,  and  the  in 
fluences  upon  the  war,  as  it  might  result  ;  whether  I  thought  that 
any  interposition  now,  by  the  European  powers.,  would  be  better 
received  by  the  Northern  Government  than  at  an  earlier  day. 

"  My  replies  were,  that  I  thought  there  was  evidence  the  war 
would  terminate  with  the  present  campaign,  though  not  at  once  by 
a  treaty  of  peace,  but  because  the  North  would  be  unable  to  re 
plenish  its  armies  ;  that  enlistments  had  ceased  under  any  stimulant 
and  that  it  was  manifest  they  dare  not  attempt  a  draught.  His 
Lordship  asked  in  that  connection,  what  would  be  the  attitude  of 
the  South,  and  if  they  took  Washington,  what  would  be  done  with 
it.  I  replied  I  did  not  doubt  it  would  be  destroyed,  not  vindic 
tively  but  to  keep  the  enemy  at  a  distance.  He  expressed  a  doubt, 
whether  in  such  a  case  it  would  not  be  wise  in  the  South  to  remain 
still  upon  the  defensive.  As  to  the  elections,  I  said,  assuming,  as 
I  felt  unable  to  do,  the  failure  both  of  Grant  and  Sherman,  there 
would  result  such  anarchy  in  the  North,  as  to  make  it  doubtful 
whether  any  election  could  be  held,  Lincoln  would  probably  be 
defeated,  and  such  would  be  the  condition  of  things,  that  if  the 
European  powers  wousld  take  any  steps,  expressive  of  their  sense 
that  the  war  ought  to  end,  it  would  bring  out  the  potential  voice 
of  those  who  were  really  for  peace,  but  who,  without  such  aid, 
might  be  afraid  to  let  their  voice  be  heard  ;  and  in  this  connection 
I  told  him,  that  I  did  not  doubt  the  responsible  and  considerate 
mind  of  the  North  would  look  to  such  interposition  as  a  godsend, 
and  that,  however  the  Government  might  have  received  it  at  an 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


earlier  day,  the  Government  would  be  powerless  before  the  masses 
insisting  on  a  peace  ;  that  I  thought  both  he  and  I  would  form  a 
safe  opinion  as  to  the  probable  effect  of  such  interposition,  when 
we  looked  at  the  broken  and  disintegrating  condition  of  the  North, 
broken  into  factions,  its  finances  in  ruins,  and  unable  to  replenish 
its  army  ;  in  such  condition  men  could  look  only  to  a  peace. 

"  Such  is  the  outline  only  of  what  passed.  At  the  conclusion 
I  said  to  him  in  reply  to  his  remark,  that  he  was  gratified  in  mak 
ing  my  acquaintance,  that  I  felt  obliged  by  his  invitation  to  the 
interview,  but  that  the  obligation  would  be  increased  if  I  could 
take  with  me  any  expectation  that  the  Government  of  Her 
Majesty  was  prepared  to  unite  with  France,  in  some  act  expres 
sive  of  their  sense  that  the  war  should  come  to  an  end.  He  said, 
that  perhaps,  as  I  was  of  opinion  that  the  crisis  was  at  hand,  it 
might  be  better  to  wait  until  it  had  arrived.  I  told  him  that  my 
opinion  was  that  the  crisis  had  passed,  at  least  so  far  as  that  the 
war  of  invasion  would  end  with  the  campaign. 

"  I  send  you  this  hurried  note  by  the  opportunity  offering, 
but  will  reduce  the  conversation  to  more  intelligible  form  for  my 
next  dispatch.  It  may  be  found  that  good  will  come  of  it. 

"  Our  interview  was  held  in  the  form  of  an  ordinary  visit  at 
his  residence,  Mr.  Lindsay  alone  being  present. 

"  Praying  your  pardon  for  so  hurried  a  note,  I  am, 
"  My  dear  sir,  very  truly  yours, 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.   12. 

"  LONDON,  August  4th,  1864. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  Parliament  was  prorogued  on  the  2Qth  July,  and  with 
out  a  vote  being  taken  on  the  resolution  of  Mr.  Lindsay.  With 
many  fair  expressions,  that  gentleman  found  it  impossible,  it 
appeared,  to  conciliate  the  Ministry  in  its  favor;  and  deemed  it 
prudent  to  let  it  go  by.  As  things  stand,  we  can  only  still  further 
await  events.  In  an  unofficial  note,  written  from  Mr.  Lindsay's 
some  two  or  three  weeks  since,  I  gave  you  the  substance  of  an 
interview  I  had  with  Lord  Palmerston.  It  imported  but  little, 
and  in  a  private  note  to  the  President,  which  accompanies  this 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


509 


dispatch,  I  give  the  report  somewhat  more  in  detail,  thinking  it 
best  not  to  give  the  subject  the  formal  character  of  a  dispatch. 

(  There  being  nothing  special  calling  me  to  the  Continent, 
and  the  political  world  generally  being  in  recess  for  the  summer, 
I  propose,  for  the  next  two  or  three  weeks,  to  visit  different  points 
in  England  and  in  Ireland,  not  to  return  to  London  unless  specially 
called.  I  shall  always,  however,  be  in  immediate  reach  by  the 
mails  and  telegraph,  and  at  once  accessible  through  an  address 
left  in  London.  "  I  have,  etc., 

"J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.  38. 

"7.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State  Confederate  States,  to  7.  M. 
Mason,  Commissioner  Confederate  States  to  England. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  2Oth  September,  1864. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  your  Nos. 
10,  n,  and  12,  the  two  former  received  together  on  4th  ultimo, 
and  the  last  on  I2th  instant. 

"  Your  unofficial  note  of  July  I4th  dated  at  Shepperton 
Manor,  Middlesex,  was  not  received  till  the  I5th  instant,  and  the 
private  letter  to  the  President  stated  to  accompany  your  dispatch 
No.  12  has  not  yet  reached  him,  nor  was  it  found  in  the  dispatch. 

"  Although  the  Seal  came  safely  to  hand  on  the  4th  ultimo, 
having  been  delivered  to  me  by  Lieutenant  Chapman  in  person,  I 
have  no  news  as  yet  of  the  two  boxes  which  were  shipped  by  the 
same  steamer  to  care  of  Messrs.  Fraser,  Trenholm  &  Company, 
so  that  I  have  as  yet  been  unable  to  take  an  impression  or  to  judge 
of  the  effect  produced. 

"  Mr.  Trenholm,  our  new  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  has 
written  to  discover  the  cause  of  the  delay.  I  begin  to  fear  that  the 
boxes  are  lost. 

"  You  will  receive  herewith  Treasury  draft  for  four  hundred 
and  fifty-eight  pounds,  one  shilling,  and  four  pence  (£458,  I,  4), 
as  requested  in  your  No.  12  to  cover  the  expenses  of  the  defense  in 
the  case  of  the  captors  of  the  '  Gerrity.'  You  must  long  since 
have  received  my  dispatch  conveying  the  approval  by  the  Govern 
ment  of  your  course  in  regard  to  these  parties. 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


"  I  am  afraid  that  in  your  interview  with  Lord  Palmer  ston 
you  went  rather  beyond  what  the  state  of  the  case  would  warrant 
in  the  prediction  made  as  to  the  condition  of  the  North  and  the 
prospects  of  early  peace.  It  is  not  considered  here  very  likely  that 
the  North  will  be  the  first  to  recognize  the  independence  of  the 
Confederacy  if  it  be  possible  for  them  to  avoid  the  humiliation  of 
such  a  step  and  although  the  war  may  gradually  lose  its  intensity, 
there  is  great  reason  to  fear  that  it  may  long  continue  a  lingering 
existence,  if  European  powers  persist  in  the  encouragement  which 
is  afforded  the  North  by  their  obstinate  refusal  to  recognize  us. 

"  You  were  probably  better  able  to  judge  on  the  spot  of  the 
effect  likely  to  be  produced  on  the  mind  of  the  British  Premier 
by  the  assurances  given  him,  but  from  our  standpoint  it  would 
seem  that  the  expression  of  a  conviction  that  hostilities  would  con 
tinue  till  our  recognition  by  Europe  should  afford  a  basis  for  a 
treaty  of  peace  would  have  been  more  likely  to  produce  a  good 
result  as  well  as  more  accordant  with  the  probable  course  of 
events. 

"  You  may  perhaps  have  doubted  whether  the  English  Gov 
ernment  desired  the  cessation  of  the  war.  Their  conduct  has  pro 
duced  the  conviction  on  many  minds  that  they  dread  the  restora 
tion  of  peace  on  this  side,  and  if  that  view  be  correct,  your  remarks 
were  better  adapted  to  produce  effect  than  those  above  suggested. 

"  We  have,  however,  long  ceased  to  expect  from  England  any 
other  action  than  such  as  may  be  dictated  by  our  enemies  to  suit 
their  own  policy,  and  look  with  little  interest  to  any  declarations 
of  her  public  men,  being  able  to  judge  by  the  past  what  their  acts 
will  be  under  any  circumstances.  I  perceive,  however,  that  Lord 
Palmerston  asked  your  opinion  of  the  manner  in  which  the  North 
would  receive  any  intervention  or  mediation  on  the  part  of  Great 
Britain,  still  persistently  taking  for  granted  that  such  intervention 
was  desired  by  us.  It  seems  impossible  to  make  foreign  govern 
ments  understand  that  we  ask  and  desire  no  such  thing,  that 
we  confine  ourselves  to  the  simple  demand  for  recognition, 
that  recognition  will  end  the  war  from  whatever  quarter  it 
may  come,  and  that  nothing  else  will.  It  is  singular  that  when 
both  belligerents  have  for  two  years  shown  in  every  conceivable 
manner  that  they  consider  the  recognition  of  the  South  by 
Europe  as  absolutely  conclusive  of  the  struggle  and  as  certain  to 


LIFE    OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


result  in  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  foreign  governments  should 
persistently  affect  to  consider  that  such  recognition  would  be  of 
no  value  unless  followed  by  active  intervention.  This  is  the  more 
surprising  because  history  is  full  of  examples  of  recognition  unac 
companied  by  any  intervention  or  mediation,  and  productive  of 
no  further  manifestation  of  resentment  on  the  part  of  the  nation 
seeking  the  subjugation  of  its  adversary  than  an  empty  protest  or 
remonstrance.  The  President  will  leave  this  evening  for  Georgia, 
and  will  I  trust  put  matters  there  on  a  more  satisfactory  footing. 
There  is  no  reason  for  despondency  on  account  of  the  position  of 
affairs  there.  On  the  contrary,  we  look  for  decisive  success  if  the 
arrangements  now  in  progress  can  be  completed. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN." 

"  LEAMINGTON,  WARWICKSHIRE,  Sept.  iQth,  1864. 

"  My  Dear  Wife:  Returning  from  a  little  tour  through  Scot 
land  and  Ireland,  where  I  paid  some  pleasant  visits,  in  the  latter 
to  Lord  and  Lady  Donoughmore,  I  have  stopped  for  a  few  days  at 
this  pleasant  country  town  on  my  way  to  Paris,  and  am  again 
indebted  to  my  kind  friend  Miss  Lilie  Soutter,  who  is  here  on  a 
visit  to  some  of  her  Confederate  friends,  as  my  amanuensis  for 
this  letter. 

"  We  have  a  large  circle  of  Confederates  in  this  retired  town, 
which  makes  a  sojourn  amongst  them  very  pleasant  to  one 
familiar  only  with  the  faces  of  strangers  and  foreigners. 
Amongst  them,  Mrs.  B.  W.  Leigh  of  Richmond,  with  her 
daughters.  Yet  I  have  been  fortunate  in  England,  in  attaching 
many  agreeable  and  hospitable  friends,  as  well  within,  as  without 
the  circles  of  the  statesmen  and  public  men,  and  have  always 
abundance  of  invitations  to  visit  them  at  their  charming  country 
homes,  of  which  I  avail  myself  as  far  as  consistent  with  other 
duties. 

"  I  have  promised  to  return  from  Paris  to  England  about  the 
middle  of  next  month,  to  be  present  at  a  grand  '  Fair/  called  here 
a  '  Bazaar,'  to  be  held  in  Liverpool,  for  the  benefit  of  the  sick  and 
wounded  Confederates,  and  for  the  relief  of  our  men,  prisoners  at 
the  North.  This  is  purely  an  enterprise  gotten  up  by  English 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


gentlemen  and  ladies,  sympathizers  with  the  South,  and  of  their 
own  prompting,  and  will  be  under  the  patronage  of  ladies,  most 
distinguished  by  their  rank  and  their  position  in  society,  amongst 
them  my  friend  Lady  Mildred  Hope  and  her  daughters.  These 
ladies  are  to  take  charge  of  or  to  represent  each  the  several  States, 
and  to  superintend,  or  rather  to  conduct  the  sales.  It  has  been 
in  course  of  preparation  for  some  months  and,  I  doubt  not,  will 
be  a  most  munificent,  as  it  certainly  is,  a  most  benevolent  offering. 
I  should  not  be  surprised  if  it  reached  to  an  amount  exceeding  ten 
thousand  pounds.  I  shall  be  the  guest,  at  Liverpool,  of  James 
Spence,  Esq.,  of  whom  you  may  have  heard  as  an  able  and 
eloquent  advocate  of  the  Southern  cause. 

"  Most  affectionately, 

"  J.  M.  M." 

"  No.  24  UPPER  SEYMOUR  ST.,  PORTMAN  SQUARE, 

"LONDON,  September  2ist,  1864. 

"  Dear  George:  I  have  not  had  the  pleasure  of  hearing  from 
you  for  a  very  long  time,  but  now,  as  the  Yankees  have  left 
Brownsville,  and  Texas  generally,  I  presume  the  communications 
will  be  again  opened,  and  I  hope  you  will  occasionally  write  to  me. 
Your  friend  Mr.  Clements  tells  me  that  he  gets  letters  from  home, 
one  recently,  from  Governor  Morehead  with  a  newspaper  con 
taining  a  speech  he  delivered  at  Houston,  and  which  showed  that 
you  introduced  him  to  the  meeting,  thus,  at  least,  giving  evidence 
of  your  vitality.  My  latest  from  home  were  from  the  girls,  dated 
Qth  July,  when  all  were  well,  cheerful  and  buoyant.  They  say 
their  latest  from  you  was  dated  on  April  1st  last,  when  you 
announced  the  arrival  of  another  son  ;  my  best  wishes  attend  him. 
You  will  doubtless  have  seen  in  the  papers  that  the  Commission 
to  England  was  terminated  some  twelve  months  ago,  because  of 
the  general  ill  conduct  to  us  of  Her  Majesty's  Government  with 
the  refusal  of  Earl  Russell  to  admit  me  even  to  an  unofficial  in 
terview,  and  I  was  ordered  to  withdraw  from  London,  which  I 
accordingly  did,  and  have  remained  since  chiefly  on  the  Continent. 
After  the  termination  of  the  English  Mission,  I  was  appointed 
Commissioner  on  the  Continent  at  large,  with  general  and  large 
discretionary  powers  ;  am  now  in  England,  but  for  a  few  days, 
when  I  shall  return  to  Paris. 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


'  The  accounts  I  get  from  home,  of  the  devastation  and  ruin 
of  that  part  of  our  dear  old  State,  where  the  enemy  is  in  posses 
sion,  or  their  armies  have  passed,  are  truly  distressing ;  the  popula 
tion  in  those  districts,  chiefly  women  and  children,  and  old  or 
infirm  men,  reduced  to  absolute  starvation,  yet  they  give  not  the 
slightest  evidence  of  submission,  but  are  content  to  die  rather  than 
return  to  the  brutal  Government  we  have  shaken  off.  Virginia 
has  indeed  shown  herself  worthy  her  ancient  renown. 

"  We  are  all  speculating  here  on  the  probabilities  of  a  ter 
mination  of  the  war,  through  the  dissensions  and  disorganization 
manifest  at  the  North. 

"  I  have  not  the  least  reliance,  far  less  faith,  in  the  soi-disant 
Democratic  party  there,  or  in  the  professions  they  make  either  to 
themselves,  or  the  South,  and  I  repose,  even  here,  in  perfect  con 
fidence  that  neither  our  Government  nor  our  people  will  be  in  the 
least  deluded  by  them.  The  present  struggle  is  simply  one  of 
succession  to  political  power,  and  the  platforms  and  professions 
attending  their  conventions  are  only  so  many  bids  for  the  popular 
vote.  Should  the  Democratic  party  get  into  power,  its  policy  will 
be  directed  solely  by  measures  thought,  for  the  time  being,  best 
calculated  to  retain  it ;  whether  they  be  measures  of  war  or  peace, 
without  regard  to  any  previous  professions.  Through  the  North 
ern  press,  however,  I  think  there  are  unmistakable  evidences  that 
the  enlightened,  and  responsible  mind  there,  is  hopeless  of  restor 
ing  the  Union,  and  equally  hopeless  of  continuing  the  war,  from 
lack  both  of  men  and  money,  and  with  full  knowledge,  that  if  the 
war  were  continued,  their  present  apprehended  bankruptcy  would 
be  a  fact  accomplished,  and  there  are  evidences  equally  strong, 
that  the  masses  at  the  North,  utterly  disheartened  and  discouraged, 
have  no  farther  stomach  for  the  fight  and  will  be  neither  led  nor 
driven  into  it.  However,  it  is  vain  to  speculate,  yet  all  history  is 
deceptive,  if  the  Northern  people  can  escape  a  general  breaking 
up,  in  some  form,  and  our  independence  be  secured  through  their 
weakness,  and  our  compactness  of  purpose.  In  the  long  and  tedi 
ous  exile  from  home,  I  am  happy  to  say  that  I  have  enjoyed  unin 
terrupted  health,  an  exile  that  has  been  much  lightened  by  the 
association  of  many  agreeable  and  interesting  persons,  elderly 
people  with  their  families  from  the  South,  awaiting  in  Europe  the 
return  of  peace,  and  in  England  have  enjoyed  the  kindness  and 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


hospitality  of  a  large  and  attractive  circle,  as  well  in  private  as  in 
public  station.  Whenever  you  can  send  letters  to  Havana  they  will 
come  safely  to  me  through  the  British  mail,  under  cover  to  Colonel 
Charles  Helm,  Commercial  Agent  of  the  Confederate  States  at 
Havana,  and  do  let  me  hear  of  every  thing  that  interests  you  and 
yours. 

"  With  best  love  and  remembrance  to  Ella  and  Jemmy. 
"  Yours  affectionately, 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.   13. 

"  PARIS,  September  2Qth,  1864. 

"Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  Some  ten  days  ago,  I  saw  printed  in  the  Northern 
papers  your  dispatch  to  me  of  the  25th  of  August,  published  as  a 
reprint  from  the  Richmond  Examiner  of  the  27th,  relating  to  the 
late  interview  between  James  F.  Jacques  and  James  R.  Gilmore 
with  the  President  at  Richmond.  The  original  I  have  not  yet 
received.  I  could  well  understand  the  object  in  publishing  this 
dispatch  at  home  and  at  once.  Immediately  on  seeing  it,  I  took 
measures  to  have  it  published  in  the  London  journals.  I  had 
previously  seen  the  version  of  that  interview  given  by  Mr.  Gil- 
more  through  the  Northern  press ;  and  after  the  publication  of 
your  dispatch,  was  gratified  to  find  that  the  Democratic  journals 
there,  at  least,  accepted  it  as  the  truth  of  the  matter. 

"  In  regard  to  so  much  of  your  No.  36  as  refers  to  the 
fabricated  papers  palmed  off  on  the  British  Government  by  the 
American  Secretary  of  State,  through  Lord  Lyons,  its  denial  of 
the  authenticity  of  those  documents  is  so  minute  and  explicit; 
coupled  with  the  declaration  that  our  Government  would  deem  it 
inconsistent  with  self-respect,  hereafter,  to  descend  to  the  like 
refutation  with  a  view  to  undeceive  the  British  Government  as  to 
the  character  of  any  future  communications  in  relation  to  our 
affairs,  which  they  habitually  accepted  from  the  Government  at 
Washington,  that  I  think  it  would  be  as  well  to  give  so  much  of 
the  dispatch  to  the  public,  although  the  forgeries  have  hitherto 
been  denounced  by  Mr.  Slidell.  I  shall  have  it  published  in  the 
Index. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  Whilst  in  Warwickshire,  England,  a  few  days  ago,  I  wrote 
you  an  unofficial  note  by  an  opportunity  offering  through  Mr. 
McHenry,  then  about  to  sail  for  the  Confederacy,  referring  in  it 
to  such  matters  of  public  interest  as  presented  themselves.  I 
returned  to  Paris  a  few  days  since,  and  shall  remain  here  until 
about  the  middle  of  October.  At  that  time  there  is  to  be  held  at 
Liverpool  a  grand  '  Bazaar.'  called  in  our  country  a  Fair,  the 
avails  of  which  are  dedicated  to  relieve  the  wants  and  necessities 
of  Southern  prisoners  confined  in  the  North.  It  originated  with 
the  Southern  Club  at  Liverpool  which  has,  for  some  time  past, 
been  collecting  and  remitting  funds  for  that  purpose  to  con 
fidential  agencies  at  the  North.  The  plan  of  the  Bazaar  has  been 
taken  up  by  the  highest  of  the  nobility  in  England,  friends  of  our 
cause,  and  many  of  their  ladies  will  officiate  in  person  on  the 
occasion,  besides  making  large  contributions.  Our  friend,  Mr. 
Spence,  has  for  some  months  had  the  matter  actively  in  hand; 
and  I  have  promised  him  that  I  would  be  present  as  his  guest. 
He  tells  me  that  most  munificent  donations  have  been  made  in 
money  from  various  parts  of  England ;  and  the  nobility  taking  it 
up,  gives  a  tone  which  ensures  success.  He  thinks  its  avails  may 
far  exceed,  and  can  not  fall  below  ten  thousand  pounds.  v  I  speak 
of  it  as  part  of  the  history  of  the  times,  and  evincing  the  sym 
pathies  of  the  English  people. 

"  There  is  nothing  new  here  in  European  politics  beyond 
what  you  will  get  through  the  public  journals.  Much  speculation 
is  indulged  in  as  to  the  probable  result  of  the  Presidential  election 
at  the  North,  since  the  manifesto  in  McClellan's  letter  of  accept 
ance.  Result  as  it  may,  I  can  not  see  how  the  war  can  be  carried 
on  where  it  is  manifest  that  the  people  have  no  longer  any  stomach 
for  the  fight. 

"  I  have,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 


5i6 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Mission  of  Messrs.  Jacques  and  Gilmpre  to  Richmond— St.  Alban's  Raid- 
Letter  from  Bennet  Young — Criticism  by  "  Historicus"  of  Instructions 
from  Department  to  Cruisers  In  Regard  to  Neutral  Property — Morning 
Post  Condemns  Position  Taken  by  "Historicus" — "  Historicus"  Said  to 
be  Mr.  Vernon  Harcourt — Post  Said  to  be  Lord  Palmerston's  Organ — 
Rumors  of  Purpose  to  Increase  Southern  Army  by  Arming  the  Slaves 
Attracts  Favorable  Attention  in  England — Correspondence  With  Mr. 
Coolidge,  of  Boston,  Relating  to  Treatment  of  Northern  Soldiers  in 
Southern  Prisons. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

"  RICHMOND,  25th  August,  1864. 

"  Hon.  James  M.  Mason,  Commissioner  to  the  Continent,  Paris. 

11  SIR  :  Numerous  publications  which  have  appeared  in  the 
journals  of  the  United  States  on  the  subject  of  informal  over 
tures  for  peace  between  the  two  Federations  of  States  now  at  war 
on  this  Continent,  render  it  desirable  that  you  should  be  fully 
advised  of  the  views  and  policy  of  this  Government  on  a  matter  of 
such  paramount  importance.  It  is  likewise  proper  that  you  should 
be  accurately  informed  of  what  has  occurred  on  the  several  occa 
sions  mentioned  in  the  published  statements. 

"  You  have  heretofore  been  furnished  with  copies  of  the 
manifesto  issued  by  the  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States  with 
the  approval  of  the  President  on  the  I4th  June  last,  and  have 
doubtless  acted  in  conformity  with  the  resolution  which  requested 
that  copies  of  this  manifesto  should  be  laid  before  foreign  govern 
ments. 

"  The  principles,  sentiments,  and  purposes  by  which  these 
States  '  have  been  and  are  still  actuated '  are  set  forth  in  that 
paper  with  all  the  authority  due  to  the  solemn  declaration  of  the 
Legislative  and  Executive  Departments  of  the  Government,  and 
with  a  clearness  which  leaves  no  room  for  comment  or  explana 
tion.  In  a  few  sentences  it  is  pointed  out  that  all  we  ask  is  im 
munity  from  interference  with  our  internal  peace  and  prosperity, 
'  and  to  be  left  in  the  undisturbed  enjoyment  of  those  inalienable 
rights  of  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  which  our  com- 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


mon  ancestors  declared  to  be  the  equal  heritage  of  all  parties  to 
the  social  compact.  Let  them  forbear  aggressions  upon  us  and 
the  war  is  at  an  end.  If  there  be  questions  which  require  adjust 
ment  by  negotiation,  we  have  ever  been  willing  and  are  still  will 
ing  to  enter  into  communication  with  our  adversaries  in  a  spirit  of 
peace,  of  equity  and  manly  frankness.' 

'  The  manifesto  closed  with  the  declaration  that  '  we  commit 
our  cause  to  the  enlightened  judgment  of  the  world,  to  the  sober 
reflections  of  our  adversaries  themselves  and  to  the  solemn  and 
righteous  arbitrament  of  Heaven.' 

"  Within  a  very  few  weeks  after  the  publication  of  the  mani 
festo,  it  seemed  to  have  met  with  a  response  from  President 
Lincoln. 

"  In  the  early  part  of  last  month,  a  letter  was  received  by 
General  Lee  from  Lieutenant-General  Grant  in  the  following 
words : 

"  '  HEADQUARTERS  ARMIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

"  '  CITY  POINT,  VA.,  July  8th,  1864. 
'  General  R.  E.  Lee, 

1  Commanding  Confederate  Forces  near  Petersburg,  Va. 
'' '  GENERAL  :  I  would  request  that  Colonel  James  F.  Jac 
ques,  Seventy-third  Illinois  Volunteer  Infantry,  and  J.  R.  Gil- 
more,  Esq.,  be  allowed  to  meet  Colonel  Robert  Ould,  Commis 
sioner  for  the  Exchange  of  Prisoners,  at  such  place  between  the 
lines  of  the  two  armies  as  you  may  designate.  The  object  of  the 
meeting  is  legitimate  with  the  duties  of  Colonel  Ould,  as  Commis 
sioner.  If  not  consistent  for  you  to  grant  the  request  here  asked, 
I  would  beg  that  this  be  referred  to  President  Davis  for  his  action. 
"  '  Requesting  as  early  an  answer  to  this  communication  as 
you  may  find  it  convenient  to  make,  I  submit  myself  very 
respectfully,  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  '  U.  S.  GRANT, 
"  f  Lieutenant-General  U.  S.  A! 

11  On  the  reference  of  this  letter  to  the  President  he  authorized 
Colonel  Ould  to  meet  the  persons  named  in  General  Grant's  letter, 
and  Colonel  Ould,  after  seeing  them,  returned  to  Richmond  and 
reported  to  the  President  in  the  presence  of  the  Secretary  of  War 
and  myself  that  Messrs.  Jacques  and  Gilmore  had  not  said  any- 


5i8_ 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


thing  to  him  about  his  duties  as  Commissioner  for  exchange  of 
prisoners,  but  that  they  asked  permission  to  come  to  Richmond 
for  the  purpose  of  seeing  the  President ;  that  they  came  with  the 
knowledge  and  approval  of  President  Lincoln  and  under  his  pass ; 
that  they  were  informal  messengers  sent  with  a  view  of  paving  the 
way  for  a  meeting  of  formal  Commissioners  authorized  to  nego 
tiate  for  peace,  and  desired  to  communicate  to  President  Davis  the 
views  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  to  obtain  the  President's  views  in  return 
so  as  to  arrange  for  a  meeting  of  Commissioners.  Colonel  Ould 
stated  that  he  had  told  them  repeatedly  that  it  was  useless  to  come 
to  Richmond  to  talk  of  peace  on  any  other  terms  than  the  recog 
nized  independence  of  the  Confederacy;  to  which  they  said  that 
they  were  aware  of  that,  and  that  they  were  nevertheless  confident 
that  their  interview  would  result  in  peace.  The  President,  on  this 
report  of  Colonel  Ould,  determined  to  permit  them  to  come  to 
Richmond  under  his  charge. 

"  On  the  evening  of  the  i6th  July,  Colonel  Ould  conducted 
these  gentlemen  to  a  Hotel  in  Richmond  where  a  room  was  pro 
vided  for  them  in  which  they  were  to  remain  under  surveillance 
during  their  stay  here,  and  the  next  morning  I  received  the  fol 
lowing  letter : 

"  '  SPOTTSWOOD  HOUSE, 

" '  RICHMOND,  VAV  July  lyth,  1864. 
"'Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State  of  C.  S.  A. 

"  '  DEAR  SIR  :  The  undersigned  James  F.  Jacques,  of  Illinois, 
and  James  R.  Gilmore,  of  Massachusetts,  most  respectfully  solicit 
an  interview  with  President  Davis.  They  visit  Richmond  as 
private  citizens,  and  have  no  official  character  or  authority,  but 
they  are  fully  possessed  of  the  views  of  the  United  States  Govern 
ment  relative  to  an  adjustment  of  the  differences  now  existing 
between  the  North  and  the  South,  and  have  little  doubt  that  a  free 
interchange  of  views  between  President  Davis  and  themselves, 
would  open  the  way  to  such  official  negotiations  as  would  ultimate 
in  restoring  peace  to  the  two  sections  of  our  distracted  country. 

"  '  They  therefore  ask  an  interview  with  the  President,  and 
awaiting  your  reply  are 

"  '  Most  truly  and  respectfully,  your  obedient  servants, 

"'JAMES  F.JACQUES, 
"  '  JAMES  R.  GILMORE.'  " 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


"  The  word  '  official  '  is  underscored  and  the  word  '  peace  ' 
doubly  underscored  in  the  original. 

"  After  perusing  the  letter,  I  invited  Colonel  Ould  to  conduct 
the  writers  to  my  office,  and  on  their  arrival  stated  to  them  that 
they  must  be  conscious  that  they  could  not  be  admitted  to  an 
interview  with  the  President  without  informing  me  more  fully  of 
the  object  of  their  mission,  and  satisfying  me  that  they  came  by 
request  of  Mr.  Lincoln:  Mr.  Gilmore  replied  that  they  came 
unofficially  but  with  the  knowledge  and  at  the  desire  of  Mr.  Lin 
coln  :  that  they  thought  the  war  had  gone  far  enough,  that  it 
could  never  end  except  by  some  sort  of  agreement,  that  the  agree 
ment  might  as  well  be  made  now  as  after  further  bloodshed  ;  that 
they  knew  by  the  recent  address  of  the  Confederate  Congress  that 
we  were  willing  to  make  peace  ;  that  they  admitted  proposals 
ought  to  come  from  the  North  and  that  they  were  prepared  to 
make  these  proposals  by  Mr.  Lincoln's  authority;  that  it  was 
necessary  to  have  a  sort  of  informal  understanding  in  advance 
of  regular  negotiations,  for  if  Commissioners  were  appointed 
without  some  such  understanding  they  would  meet,  quarrel,  and 
separate,  leaving  the  parties  more  bitter  against  each  other  than 
before  ;  that  they  knew  Mr.  Lincoln's  views  and  would  state  them 
if  pressed  by  the  President  to  do  so,  and  desire  to  learn  his  in 
return. 

"  I  again  insisted  on  some  evidence  that  they  came  from  Mr. 
Lincoln,  and  in  order  to  satisfy  me,  Mr.  Gilmore  referred  to  the 
fact  that  permission  for  their  coming  through  our  lines  had  been 
asked  officially  by  General  Grant  in  a  letter  to  General  Lee,  and 
that  General  Grant  in  that  letter  had  asked  that  this  request  should 
be  referred  to  President  Davis.  Mr.  Gilmore  then  showed  me  a 
card  written  and  signed  by  Mr.  Lincoln  requesting  General  Grant 
to  aid  Mr.  Gilmore  and  friend  in  passing  through  his  lines  into  the 
Confederacy.  Colonel  Jacques  then  said  that  his  name  was  not 
put  on  the  card  for  the  reason  that  it  was  earnestly  desired  that 
their  visit  should  be  kept  secret  ;  that  he  had  come  into  the  Con 
federacy  a  year  ago  and  had  visited  Petersburg  on  a  similar 
errand,  and  that  it  was  feared  if  his  name  should  become  known 
that  some  of  those  who  had  formerly  met  him  in  Petersburg  would 
conjecture  the  purpose  for  which  he  now  came.  He  said  that  the 
terms  of  peace  which  they  would  offer  to  the  President  would  be 


520_ 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


honorable  to  the  Confederacy,  that  they  did  not  desire  that  the 
Confederacy  should  accept  any  other  terms,  but  would  be  glad  to 
nave  my  promise  as  they  gave  theirs,  that  their  visit  should  be 
Kept  a  profound  secret  if  it  failed  to  result  in  peace ;  that  it  would 
not  be  just  that  either  party  should  seek  any  advantage  by  divul 
ging  the  fact  of  their  overture  for  peace,  if  unsuccessful.  I  assented 
to  this  request  and  then  rising  said, '  Do  I  understand  you  to  state 
distinctly  that  you  come  as  messengers  from  Mr.  Lincoln  for  the 
purpose  of  agreeing  with  the  President  as  to  the  proper  mode  of 
inaugurating  a  formal  negotiation  for  peace,  charged  by  Mr.  Lin 
coln  with  authority  for  stating  his  own  views  and  receiving  those 
of  President  ? '  Both  answered  in  the  affirmative  and  I  then  said 
that  the  President  would  see  them  at  my  office  the  same  evening 
at  9  p.  m.,  that  at  least  I  presumed  he  would,  but  if  he  objected 
after  hearing  my  report  they  should  be  informed.  They  were  then 
recommitted  to  the  charge  of  Colonel  Ould  with  the  understanding 
that  they  were  to  be  reconducted  to  my  office  at  the  appointed 
hour  unless  otherwise  directed. 

'  This  interview,  connected  with  the  report  previously  made 
by  Colonel  Ould,  left  on  my  mind  the  decided  impression  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  averse  to  sending  Commissioners  to  open  negotiations 
lest  he  might  thereby  be  deemed  to  have  recognized  the  independ 
ence  of  the  Confederacy,  and  that  he  was  anxious  to  learn  whether 
the  conditions  on  which  alone  he  would  be  willing  to  take  such  a 
step  would  be  yielded  by  the  Confederacy ;  that  with  this  view  he 
had  placed  his  messengers  in  a  condition  to  satisfy  us  that  they 
really  came  from  him,  without  committing  himself  to  any  thing 
in  the  event  of  a  disagreement  as  to  such  conditions  as  he  con 
sidered  to  be  indispensable. 

"  On  informing  the  President  therefore  of  my  conclusions, 
he  determined  that  no  questions  of  form  or  etiquette  should  be  an 
obstacle  to  his  receiving  any  overtures  that  promised,  however 
remotely,  to  result  in  putting  an  end  to  the  carnage  which  marked 
the  continuance  of  hostilities. 

'  The  President  came  to  my  office  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  even 
ing  and  Colonel  Ould  came  a  few  moments  later  with  Messrs. 
Jacques  and  Gilmore.  The  President  said  to  them  that  he  had 
heard  from  me  that  they  came  as  messengers  of  peace  from  Mr. 
Lincoln;  that  as  such  they  were  welcome;  that  the  Confederacy 


LIFE   OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


had  never  concealed  its  desire  for  peace  and  that  he  was  ready  to 
hear  whatever  they  had  to  offer  on  that  subject. 

"  Mr.  Gilmore  then  addressed  the  President  and  in  a  few 
minutes  had  conveyed  the  information  that  these  two  gentlemen 
had  come  to  Richmond  impressed  with  the  idea  that  this  Govern 
ment  would  accept  a  peace  on  the  basis  of  a  reconstruction  of  the 
Union,  the  abolition  of  slavery  and  the  grant  of  an  amnesty  to 
the  people  of  the  States  as  repentant  criminals.  In  order  to  accom 
plish  the  abolitipn  of  slavery  it  was  proposed  that  there  should  be 
a  general  vote  of  all  the  people  of  both  Federations  in  mass  and 
the  majority  of  the  vote  thus  taken  was  to  determine  that  as  well 
as  all  other  disputed  questions.  These  were  stated  to  be  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  views. 

"  The  President  answered  that  as  these  proposals  had  been 
prefaced  by  the  remark  that  the  people  of  the  North  were  a 
majority  and  that  a  majority  ought  to  govern,  the  offer  was  in 
effect  a  proposal  that  the  Confederate  States  should  surrender  at 
discretion,  admit  that  they  had  been  wrong  from  the  beginning 
of  the  contest,  submit  to  the  mercy  of  their  enemies  and  avow 
themselves  to  be  in  need  of  pardon  for  crimes  ;  that  extermination 
was  preferable  to  such  dishonor. 

"  He  stated  that  if  they  were  themselves  so  unacquainted  with 
the  form  of  their  own  Government  as  to  make  such  propositions, 
Mr.  Lincoln  ought  to  have  known  when  giving  them  his  views, 
that  it  was  out  of  the  power  of  the  Confederate  Government  to 
act  on  the  subject  of  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  several  States, 
each  State  having  exclusive  jurisdiction  on  that  point,  still  less 
to  commit  the  decision  of  such  a  question  to  a  vote  of  a  foreign 
people  ;  that  the  separation  of  the  States  was  an  accomplished  fact  ; 
that  he  had  no  authority  to  receive  proposals  for  negotiation  except 
by  virtue  of  his  office  as  President  of  an  independent  Confederacy, 
and  on  this  basis  alone  must  proposals  be  made  to  him.  At  one 
period  of  the  conversation.,  Mr.  Gilmore  made  use  of  some  lan 
guage  referring  to  these  States  as  '  rebels  '  while  rendering  an 
account  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  views,  and  apologized  for  the  word.  The 
President  desired  him  to  proceed,  that  no  offense  was  taken,  and 
that  he  wished  Mr.  Lincoln's  language  to  be  repeated  to  him  as 
exactly  as  possible.  Some  further  conversation  took  place,  sub 
stantially  to  the  same  effect  as  the  foregoing,  when  the  President 


522  LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

rose  to  indicate  that  the  interview  was  at  an  end.  The  two  gentle 
men  were  then  recommitted  to  the  charge  of  Colonel  Ould  and 
left  Richmond  the  next  day. 

"  This  account  of  the  visit  of  Messrs.  Gilmore  and  Jacques  to 
Richmond  has  been  rendered  necessary  by  publications  made  by 
one  or  both  of  them  since  their  return  to  the  United  States,  not 
withstanding  the  agreement  that  their  visit  was  to  be  kept  secret. 
They  have  perhaps  concluded  that  as  the  promise  of  secrecy  was 
made  at  their  request,  it  was  permissible  to  disregard  it. 

"We  had  no  reason  for  desiring  to  conceal  what  had  occurred, 
and  have  therefore  no  complaint  to  make  of  the  publicity  given  to 
the  fact  of  the  visit.  The  extreme  inaccuracy  of  Mr.  Gilmore's 
narrative  will  be  apparent  to  you  from  the  foregoing  statement. 

"  You  have  no  doubt  seen  in  the  Northern  papers  an  account 
of  another  conference  on  the  subject  of  peace  which  took  place 
in  Canada  at  about  the  same  date  between  Messrs.  C.  C.  Clay  and 
J.  P.  Holcombe,  Confederate  citizens  of  the  highest  character  and 
position,  and  Mr.  Horace  Greely,  of  New  York,  acting  with 
authority  of  President  Lincoln. 

"  It  is  deemed  not  improper  to  inform  you  that  Messrs.  Clay 
and  Holcombe,  although  enjoying  in  an  eminent  degree  the  con 
fidence  and  esteem  of  the  President,  were  strictly  accurate  in  their 
statement  that  they  were  without  authority  from  this  Govern 
ment  to  treat  with  that  of  the  United  States  on  any  subject  what 
ever.  We  had  no  knowledge  of  their  conference  with  Mr.  Greely 
nor  of  their  proposed  visit  to  Washington  till  we  saw  the  news 
paper  publications. 

"A  significant  confirmation  of  the  truth  of  the  statement  of 
Messrs.  Gilmore  and  Jacques  that  they  came  as  messengers  from 
Mr.  Lincoln  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact,  that  the  views  of  Mr. 
Lincoln  as  stated  by  them  to  the  President  are  in  exact  con 
formity  with  the  offensive  paper  addressed  to  '  Whom  it  may 
concern '  which  was  sent  by  Mr.  Lincoln  to  Messrs.  Clay  and 
Holcombe  by  the  hands  of  his  private  secretary,  Mr.  Hay,  and 
which  was  properly  regarded  by  those  gentlemen  as  an  intimation 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  unwilling  that  this  war  should  cease,  while 
in  his  power  to  continue  hostilities. 

"  I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN, 

"Secretary  of  State." 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 

DISPATCH  No.   14. 

"  PARIS,  November  loth,  1864. 

"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR:  In  my  No.  13  of  the  2Qth  September,  I  informed  you 
that  neither  Mr.  Slidell  nor  I  had  received  the  copies  of  the 
manifesto  of  Congress  spoken  of  in  your  circular  of  the  25th  of 
August,  and  which  we  first  saw  reprinted  in  the  Northern  journals 
from  Richmond  papers.  Since  my  dispatch  of  the  I3th  September 
the  circular  arrived,  and  I  at  once  communicated  with  Mr.  Slidell 
and  Colonel  Mann  as  to  the  proper  mode  of  carrying  out  the 
request  of  Congress  that  they  should  be  laid  before  foreign  Gov 
ernments  '  by  the  Commissioners  abroad.'  Some  little  delay 
occurred  as  we  thought  it  best  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  last  mail 
from  Bermuda,  which  might  bring  the  copies  from  your  Depart 
ment  and  probably  with  specific  instructions,  but  nothing  came. 
It  was  considered  by  us  an  occasion  on  which  the  duty  imposed  on 
the  Commissioners  by  the  request  of  Congress  should  be  dis 
charged  in  a  formal  and  becoming  manner,  and  we  met  at  Paris  a 
few  days  since,  to  determine  the  mode.  The  broad  expression  in 
the  resolution  of  Congress  that  the  manifesto  should  be  laid  before 
foreign  governments  led  us  to  consider,  in  the  absence  of  instruc 
tions,  that  it  would  be  proper  to  communicate  it  to  all  the  principal 
powers, namely — England,  France,  Prussia,  Austria,  Belgium,  the 
Swiss  Confederation,  Denmark,  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  Holland, 
Spain,  Portugal,  Sweden,  and  Rome;  and  the  mode — that  the 
manifesto  should  be  neatly  engrossed  by  a  skilful  writer,  in  good 
but  plain  penmanship,  on  suitable  paper  of  rather  more  than  dis 
patch  size — a  copy  to  be  sent  addressed  to  the  proper  Minister  of 
State  of  each  one  of  those  powers,  accompanied  by  a  joint  note  of 
the  Commissioners  to  the  Minister,  of  which  I  send  you  a  copy 
herewith.  To  France  and  Belgium,  this  note,  with  the  manifesto 
will  be  presented  by  Mr.  Slidell  and  Mr.  Mann  respectively;  to 
each  of  the  other  Governments  it  will  be  borne  by  one  or  the  other 
of  the  Secretaries  of  the  Commissioners.  The  manifesto  is  cer 
tainly  a  most  able  and  impressive  paper,  and  the  request  of  Con 
gress  that  it  should  be  laid  before  foreign  governments,  as  emana 
ting  from  that  body,  we  thought  an  occasion  sufficiently  grave  and 
important  to  require  that  it  should  be  done  in  a  manner,  and  with 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


the  ceremonial  adopted.  The  papers  are  now  nearly  ready,  and 
will  be  sent  off  in  the  course  of  one  or  two  days ;  and  I  hope  what 
is  done  will  have  the  approval  of  your  Department. 

"  I  am  gratified  to  learn  that  the  Seal  arrived  safely,  and  it 
was  followed,  I  hope,  speedily  by  the  boxes  containing  the 
materials  for  its  use. 

"  In  regard  to  your  remarks  on  my  late  conversation  with 
Lord  Palmerston,  after  the  distinct  and  repeated  refusal  of  his 
Government  to  recognize  the  independence  of  the  South — made 
the  principal  reason  for  terminating  the  mission  to  England.  I 
did  not,  of  course,  directly  or  indirectly  intimate  to  him  that  we 
yet  asked  it.  I  have  not  a  copy  of  the  memorandum  of  the  con 
versation  with  me  in  Paris,  but  have  a  strong  recollection  that 
the  course  of  conversation  admitting  it,  I  made  the  direct  point 
that  recognition  at  any  time  by  any  principal  power  of  Europe, 
and  without  other  act  on  their  part,  would  stop  the  war.  You 
are  right,  however,  in  your  remark  that  in  despite  of  all  evidence 
and  reason  to  the  contrary,  England,  at  least,  '  affects  to  consider 
that  such  recognition  would  be  of  no  value,  unless  followed  by 
active  intervention/  Nor  is  this  peculiar  to  the  Government.  The 
public  men  of  that  country  seem  unable  or  unwilling  to  divest 
themselves  of  such  belief;  the  true  reason  can  only  be  that  they 
use  it  as  an  evasion  of  the  duty  incumbent  on  their  Government 
under  every  principle  of  public  law,  because  of  the  latent  fear 
that  it  will  involve  them  in  war.  You  will  have  seen  in  the  later 
English  papers  that  the  distress  in  the  manufacturing  districts  is 
again  exhibiting  itself  to  an  extent  causing  much  alarm,  with  the 
prospect  of  its  even  exceeding  in  intensity,  this  winter,  the  experi 
ence  of  the 'last  two  years.  This,  with  the  great  derangement  in 
commerce,  and  the  pressure  consequent  thereon  in  the  money 
market,  may  not  be  without  its  effect  in  our  favour  when  Parlia 
ment  meets  in  February. 

"  Colonel  Mann,  who  is  here,  tells  me  that  he  thinks  a  reaction 
is  strongly  setting  in,  in  Germany,  which  will  have  the  effect  of 
throwing  back  upon  the  United  States  very  large  amounts  of  their 
public  securities  that  were  taken  up  in  that  country,  under  the 
attraction  of  the  high  rate  of  interest  brought  about  by  the  rate 
of  exchange.  I  have  thought  of  going,  for  a  time,  to  Frankfort- 
on-the-Main  entirely  as  a  private  gentleman,  to  see  what  may  be 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


525 


done  in  aid  of  such  catastrophe ;  and,  perhaps,  I  can  be  useful, 
also,  in  discouraging  emigration  from  that  country  under  the 
fraudulent  practices  there  of  Northern  agents. 

"  Captain  Morris,  late  Commander  of  the  '  Florida,'  has  just 
reached  here,  and  made  his  official  report  to  Commodore  Barron, 
of  the  base  and  cowardly  act  of  the  commander  of  the  '  Wachu- 
setts  ' — taking  advantage  of  the  absence  of  one-half  the  crew  of 
the  '  Florida  '  on  shore-leave  at  night,  to  overpower  the  remainder 
and  seize  the  ship.  I  have  sent  the  report  to  be  published  through 
the  Index  in  the  English  and  other  European  journals ;  and  you 
will  have  seen  it  in  reprint  in  the  New  York  papers  before  this 
reaches  you.  It  is  thought  by  some  that  England  and  France  will 
come  to  the  aid  of  Brazil  in  a  demand  for  full  reparation  to  that 
power,  though  I  doubt  whether  this  intervention  will  extend 
beyond  a  formal  protest  against  the  act,  as  a  precedent. 

"  I  have,  etc.,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON. 

"  P.  S. — Since  the  foregoing  was  written  it  was  determined 
on  further  consideration  to  change  the  mode  of  communicating 
the  manifesto  to  the  different  governments — instead  of  sending  it 
by  a  special  messenger  to  each  court,  they  will  be  transmitted 
through  the  Legations  of  each  at  Paris  by  the  agency  of  Mr. 
Slidell. 

"  J.  M.  M." 

( 

DISPATCH  No.   15. 

"  LONDON,  December  i6th,  1864. 

"  Hon  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

11  SIR  :  I  have  now  the  honor  to  send  you  herewith  a  dupli 
cate  of  my  No.  14,  and  also  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  Earl  Russell 
acknowledging  the  joint  note  of  Messrs.  Slidell,  Mann,  andmyself, 
communicating  to  him  a  copy  of  the  manifesto  of  Congress.  You 
will  have  seen  it  long  since,  doubtless,  together  with  the  note  to 
which  it  was  in  reply,  through  the  Northern  press.  I  have  thought 
it  proper,  nevertheless,  to  send  a  formal  copy  for  the  records  of 
the  Department.  It  has  been  generally  thought  here  that  there 
is  in  it  some  relaxation  in  tone  if  contrasted  with  his  usual  style 
when  writing  or  speaking  of  the  Confederate  States,  which  may 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


mean  something  or  nothing.  Where  he  speaks,  for  example,  of 
'  the  struggle  between  the  Northern  and  Southern  States  of  the 
formerly  United  Republic  of  North  America.' 

"  I  do  not  myself  attach  much  importance  to  it.  It  is  the 
only  reply  received  from  the  Minister  of  any  court  to  which  the 
manifesto  was  communicated. 

"  A  few  days  since,  I  received  from  Canada  a  letter  from 
Mr.  James  D.  Westcott,  formerly  Senator  of  the  United  States 
from  Florida ;  and  with  it  a  printed  copy  of  the  proceedings  and 
evidence,  so  far  as  they  had  gone,  in  the  case  of  Lieutenant  Young 
and  others,  claimed  for  extradition  by  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  on  a  charge  of  felony  committed  by  them  in  their 
late  attack  on  St.  Albans,  Vermont.  Mr.  Westcott's  letter  was 
dated  from  Montreal,  where  he  said  he  had  gone  to  attend  the 
trial  as  the  friend  of  Mr.  Wallace,  one  of  the  parties  charged. 
His  letter  was  dated  the  I4th  November ;  and  it  appeared  that  time 
had  been  allowed  the  prisoners  to  the  I3th  December  to  obtain 
evidence  on  their  behalf  from  Richmond.  It  also  appeared  that 
Lieutenant  Young  exhibited  in  evidence  his  commission  as  Lieu 
tenant  in  the  army  of  the  Confederate  States,  with  authority  to 
enlist  a  given  number  of  men  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Confederacy 
for  special  service,  and  he,  with  his  companions  being  allowed 
to  make  declarations  in  court,  stated  that  their  plans  were  con 
cocted  at  Chicago  and  that  what  they  had  done  had  been  in 
execution  of  their  military  orders.  It  was  thus  clearly  shown  that 
their  acts  were  acts  of  war,  and  in  no  possible  sense  could  be 
treated  as  an  offense  within  the  treaty.  Mr.  Westcott  informed 
me  that  Mr.  J.  J.  Abbott,  formerly  Solicitor-General  of  Canada, 
was  their  principal  counsel.  I  can  hardly  conceive  that  the  deci 
sion  in  Canada  will  be  adverse  to  the  prisoners,  yet,  considering 
that  nothing  should  be  left  undone  which  might  possibly  inure  to 
their  safety,  I  thought  it  prudent  here  to  lay  the  papers  before 
Sir  Hugh  Cairns,  at  present  probably  the  most  distinguished  jurist 
at  the  bar.  My  object  was,  in  advance,  if  possible,  of  the  decision 
in  Canada  to  put  Mr.  Abbott  professionally  in  communication 
with  Sir  Hugh,  with  a  view  to  have  the  defense  so  conducted  as 
to  provide  for  an  appeal  to  the  courts  in  England,  if  the  result  in 
Canada  should  make  it  necessary  ;  and  I  wrote  by  the  earliest  mail, 
and  told  Mr.  Abbott  of  the  retainer  of  Sir  Hugh  with  a  request 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


527 


that  he  would  communicate  with  him  in  the  view  I  had  men 
tioned.* 

"  I  have  received  an  address  from  the  '  Southern  Independ 
ence  Association  '  at  Manchester  to  the  President  of  the  Con 
federate  States  signed  by  its  Executive  Committee,  with  a  request 
that  I  would  transmit  it  to  the  President.  It  congratulates  him  on 
the  success  of  our  arms,  expresses  entire  confidence  that  our  in 
dependence  is  achieved,  and  fully  approves  the  proposed  plan 
of  arming  the  slaves,  should  the  same  be  found  necessary  to 
recruit  the  armies.  It  shall  be  sent  by  the  first  convenient  oppor 
tunity,  and  I  have  so  informed  the  committee.  This  association  is 
the  largest,  as  it  is  the  most  active  and  energetic,  of  any  that 
have  been  formed  for  agitation  in  our  behalf.  The  accompany 
ing  sheet,  containing  the  names  of  its  officers,  etc.,  will  show  the 

^Extract  from  the  Quebec  Morning  Chronicle  of  October  26th,  1864. 
"We  have  just  received  the  following  letter  from  Lieutenant  Bennett  H. 
Young,  commanding  the  party  of  raiders  on  St.  Albans,  and  hasten  to  give 
it  the  publication  asked  for  it,  with  no  other  comment  than  that  it  in  no  re 
spect  changes  our  previously  expressed  opinions  : 

"  '  FREELIGHSBURG,  EAST  CANADA,  Oct.  2ist,  1864. 
"  '  To  the  Editor  of  the  Evening  Telegraph. 

"  '  Through  the  columns  of  your  journal  I  wish  to  make  some  statements 
to  the  people  of  Canada  in  regard  to  recent  operations  in  Vermont.  I  went 
there  for  the  purpose  of  burning  the  town  and  surrounding  villages,  as  a  re 
taliation  for  recent  outrages  in  Shenandoah  Valley  and  elsewhere  in  the 
Confederate  States.  I  am  a  commissioned  officer  in  the '  Provisional  Army 
of  the  Confederate  States,'  and  violating  no  law  in  Canada.  I  do  not  wish 
my  name  connected  with  the  epithets  now  applied  without  a  knowledge  on 
the  part  of  the  people  as  to  who  we  were  and  why  our  action.  I  wish,  also, 
to  make  a  few  statements  as  to  how  myself  and  party  were  taken.  I  was 
seized  on  Canadian  soil  by  American  citizens,  with  arms  in  their  hands, 
and  violently  searched ;  my  pocketbook  taken,  and  I  forcibly  placed  in  a 
buggy  between  two  men  and  started  towards  the  United  States.  I  reached 
out  my  hand  and  caught  the  rein,  when  three  pistols  were  leveled  at  my 

head,  with  threats  to  shoot  the  'd n  scoundrel '  dead  if  he  moved.     Some 

Canadian  citizens  then  spoke  up,  and  seeing  a  bailiff,  they  started  with  me 
towards  him,  two  of  them  holding  arms  in  their  hands.  These  statements 
can  be  proved  by  Canadian  citizens.  Bands  of  American  citizens  came  into 
this  place,  and  even  beyond  it,  brandishing  their  guns  and  attempting  to  kill 
some  of  us  after  we  were  in  the  hands  of  the  British  authorities.  Surely  the 
people  of  Vermont  must  have  forgotten  that  you  are  not  in  the  midst  of  war, 
and  ruled  by  a  man  despotic  in  his  actions  and  supreme  in  his  infamy  !  I  am 
not  afraid  to  go  before  the  courts  of  Canada ;  and  when  the  affair  is  investi 
gated,  I  am  satisfied  they,  not  my  party,  will  be  found  the  violators  of  Can 
adian  and  English  law.  Some  one,  I  hope,  will  be  sent  to  investigate  this 
breach  of  neutrality,  and  award  to  those  American  citizens  doing  armed 
duty  in  Canada  the  just  merit  of  their  transgression. 
" '  Hoping  you  will  give  this  a  publication. 

"  '  I  remain,  etc., 
(Signed)  " '  BENNETT  H.  YOUNG, 

"  <  First  Lieutenant  P.  A.C.  5V  " 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


general  character  of  its  material.     The  address   is  handsomely 
engrossed  in  parchment  in  the  illuminated  style. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

DISPATCH  No.  16. 

"  LONDON,  January  i2th,  1865. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  I  learned  some  two  weeks  since  from  Mr.  Slidell 
that  the  French  Government  had  made  a  proposition  to  the 
British  Government,  that  each  power  should  permit  our  prizes, 
having  cargo,  in  whole  or  in  part,  claimed  as  property  of  the 
subjects  of  either,  to  be  taken  for  adjudication  into  the  ports  of 
either  respectively.  So  far,  I  learn,  the  only  answer  received 
was  that  it  had  been  referred  to  the  Crown  lawyers.  In  the  very 
sensitive  attitude  held  by  the  British  Government  towards  the 
United  States,  manifestly  afraid  of  incurring  the  slightest  risk 
of  their  displeasure,  I  have  little  idea  that  the  British  Govern 
ment  will  assent  to  the  proposal.  Its  being  equitable,  just,  and 
reasonable,  will  weigh  nothing  with  Her  Majesty's  Government 
against  the  possible  risk  of  rupture  with  the  United  States.  In 
the  Times  of  yesterday  you  will  observe  an  elaborate  criticism 
by  the  noted  '  Historicus  '  of  the  recent  instructions  issued  by  your 
Department  for  the  governance  of  our  cruisers  in  regard  to 
neutral  property  found  under  the  enemy's  flag,  and  the  converse. 
It  is  written,  as  you  will  find,  in  bad  temper  and  spirit,  with  a 
threat  of  '  punishment '  by  England,  should  the  instructions  be 
carried  out  in  practice.  The  writer,  as  I  learn,  is  Mr.  Vernon 
Harcourt,  a  barrister  of  ability,  and  connection  by  marriage  of 
the  late  Sir  George  Cornwall  Lewis,  Secretary  of  War;  and 
who  is  now  himself  one  of  the  Crown  lawyers,  though  not  of  the 
three  officials  who  are  the  responsible  law  advisers  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  his  province  being,  under  official  appointment,  the 
adviser  in  questions  that  are  of  penal  or  criminal,  and  not  of  a 
political  character.  But  I  think  it  would  follow  that,  on  important 
questions  of  the  latter  class  he  would  be  taken  into  counsel.  I 
can  not  but  think,  therefore,  that  his  paper  in  the  Times  is  in 
tended  to  be  a  vindication  in  advance  of  the  refusal  of  the  Govern 
ment  to  the  proposal  from  the  French  Emperor. 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


"  I  have  little  to  add  to  what  I  have  heretofore  reported  in 
regard  to  matters  in  England.  I  see  some  of  their  public  men  from 
time  to  time,  and  have  been  kindly  received  at  their  homes  in 
the  country.  They  continue  to  express,  and,  I  am  satisfied,  to 
feel,  the  same  interest  as  ever  in  our  success  in  the  war ;  but  I  am 
not  aware  that  there  is  any  increased  disposition,  either  with 
Liberals  or  Conservatives,  to  overrule  the  policy  of  the  Admin 
istration. 

"  It  may  be  as  well  to  state  that  in  a  private  note  from  Mr. 
L.  Q.  Washington,  dated  the  8th  November,  he  informed  me 
that  whatever  dispatches  were  on  board  the  '  Condor '  had  been 
lost  with  Mrs.  Greenhow. 

"  In  a  note  from  Colonel  Mann,  dated  Brussels,  5th  instant, 
he  says :  '  The  Federal  bonds  are  very  buoyant,  as  well  here 
as  at  Amsterdam  and  Frankfort,  under  the  influence  of  the  intel 
ligence  of  our  reverses  in  Tennessee  and  Georgia,  but  no  new 
arrivals  have  occurred,  nor  are  any  likely  to  occur.  The  markets 
are  quite  as  full  as  they  will  bear.'  The  Federal  treasury,  it 
would  seem,  admitting  that  hereafter  its  receipts  in  coin  will  b< 
scarce  equal  to  payment  of  interest  in  gold-bearing  securities 
already  issued,  has  determined  to  discontinue  that  form  of 
security  and  to  rely  on  a  new  issue,  with  interest  payable  in  cur 
rency.  This  is  a  confession  of  weakness  that  I  think  must  alarm 
bondholders  in  Europe.  It  is  very  certain  that  in  England,  and  so 
far  as  I  can  learn  everywhere  in  Europe,  with  capitalists  or 
fundholders  they  can  not  place  a  dollar. 

"  Mr.  Slidell  will  have  sent  you,  of  course,  the  replies,  so 
far  as  received,  to  our  joint  note  communicating  the  Manifesto  of 
Congress  to  the  European  powers.  They  were  sent  to  him 
because  our  note  was  transmitted  by  him  through  the  Embas 
sies  of  those  powers  at  Paris.  So  far,  three  only  have  been  re 
ceived,  and  they  have  been  published  here,  the  sooner  to  reach  our 
Government.  They  amount,  as  you  will  have  seen,  to  nothing 
substantial ;  though  it  would  appear  from  the  Northern  press 
that  some  forms  of  expression  in  the  note  of  Lord  Russell  is 
strongly  excepted  to  by  the  Yankees. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 


LIFE    OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


DISPATCH  No.  17. 

"  LONDON,  January  2ist,  1865. 

•  "  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  I  avail  myself  of  the  mail  via  Halifax  to  Bermuda, 
leaving  to-day,  to  send  you  herewith  a  duplicate  of  my  No.  16, 
of  the  1 2th  January  instant. 

"  I  have  nothing  to  report  of  interest  since  that  date,  nor 
have  I  yet  been  able  to  learn  what  answer,  if  any,  has  been  given 
by  this  Government  to  the  proposal  of  France  mentioned  in  my 
last,  for  the  admission  of  our  prizes  having  neutral  cargo  into  the 
ports  of  either  power  for  adjudication.  No  answer  has  been 
received  by  the  French  Government  so  late  as  the  8th  instant,  as 
I  learn  by  a  note  from  Mr.  Slidell. 

"  In  regard  to  what  is  said  in  my  last  dispatch  about  the 

•  strictures   of  '  Historicus  '  through  the   Times,   on  the  late  in 
structions   from   your   Department   for   the   governance   of   our 
cruisers  at  sea,  I  observed,  in  a  few  days  afterwards,  an  able  and 
decided  '  leader  '  in  the  Morning  Post,  reviewing  and  condemning 
the  position  assumed  by  '  Historicus,'  and  fully  sustaining  those 
taken  in  the  instructions.    A  slip  containing  it,  I  understand  from 
Mr.  Hotze,  was  sent  to  you  by  the  last  mail  via  Nassau.     The 
Post,  as  you  are  probably  aware,  is  generally  considered  as  the 
particular  exponent  of  Lord  Palmerston,  which  may  give  some 
significance  to  the  article. 

"  The  rumors  lately  prevalent,  coming  from  the  South,  of  a 
purpose  to  increase  our  military  forces  by  arming  a  large  body 
of  slaves,  sustained  by  a  portion  of  the  press  there,  and  said 
to  have  the  countenance  of  General  Lee,  has  attracted  much  atten 
tion  in  England ;  and  many  inquiries  have  been  made  of  me  by 
our  well-wishers  whether  I  thought  it  would  be  done.  It  is  con 
sidered  by  them  with  much  favor  as  a  measure  carrying  large  aux 
iliaries  to  our  armies,  whilst  in  their  opinion  it  would  be  a  first 
step  toward  emancipation.  I  have  answered  that  I  had  no  doubt 
that  the  matter  was  looked  on  at  the  South  as  a  question  of  ex 
pediency  only;  that  our  people  would  have  no  fear  of  bringing 
our  slaves  into  the  field  to  an  enemy  common  alike  to  them  and 
to  their  masters;  nor  did  I  doubt  that  our  slaves  would  make 
better  soldiers  in  our  ranks  than  in  those  of  the  North.  Yet  that 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


there  were  strong  objections  which  I  thought  would  lead  the 
Government  not  to  resort  to  this  reserve  force  unless  it  was  con 
sidered  necessary  to  bring  our  armies  to  some  required  standard. 
That  the  objections,  as  they  presented  themselves  to  me  were,  first, 
that  it  would  diminish  our  agricultural  labor  for  a  time,  and 
secondly,  that  should  it  be  thought  incumbent,  after  the  war,  to 
offer  freedom  to  those  who  took  part  in  it,  great  mischief  and  in 
convenience  would  result  from  any  increase  in  the  number  of 
f  i  ee  blacks  amongst  us  ;  and  thus,  I  thought  the  question  would 
turn  ultimately  upon  the  inquiry  whether  the  demand  for  men  in 
the  army  was  sufficient  to  overcome  the  objections  stated.  I  have 
thought  it  best  to  keep  you  ait  courant  as  to  opinion  here  on  a 
policy  so  interesting  to  us. 

"  The  signal  and  disastrous  failure  of  the  enemy  off  Wil 
mington  came  very  opportunely  to  affect  the  current  of  opinion 
here  in  regard  to  our  prospects  after  the  successful  march  of 
Sherman,  and  his  possession  of  Savannah,  with  the  reverses  that 
seemed  to  attend  the  campaign  of  General  Hood. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

The  following  correspondence  relates  to  a  subject,  the  treat 
ment  of  Northern  soldiers  in  Southern  prisons,  that  has  been  fre 
quently  misrepresented.  It  is  copied  from  a  newspaper  clipping 
that  was  preserved  by  Mr.  Mason  among  other  material  for 
history  : 

"  To  the  Editor  of  the  Times: 

"  As  part  of  the  political  history  of  the  times,  the  corres 
pondence  I  transmit  herewith  may  have  sufficient  significance  to 
call  for  its  publication.  I  submit  it  to  you  accordingly  for  a 
place  in  your  columns. 

"  I  am,  sir,  etc., 

"J.  M.  MASON, 
"  24  Upper  Seymour  Street,  Portman  Square,  London. 

"  BOSTON,  December  isth,  1864. 
ff  Mr.  J.  M.  Mason,  London. 

"  SIR  :  I  take  the  liberty  of  sending  you  a  pamphlet  pub 
lished  bv  the  United  States  Sanitary  Commission  on  the  treatment 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


of  Northern  prisoners  at  the  South.     I  beg  you  will  look  through 
it. 

"  I  send  it  to  you,  sir,  believing  that  you  yourself  are  not 
aware  of  this  state  of  things,  and  that  you  occupy  a  position  which 
may  enable  you  indirectly  to  ameliorate  this  appalling  suffering. 
"  I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"A.  COOLIDGE. 
"65  Marlborough  Street,  Boston,  Mass/' 

"  LONDON,  January  25th,  1865. 
"A.   Coolldge,  Esq.,  Boston,  Massachusetts. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  your  letter  of  December  I5th,  with  the  volume 
accompanying  it,  entitled  a  '  Narrative  of  Privation  and  Sufferings 
of  United  States  Officers  and  Soldiers  while  Prisoners  of  War 
in  the  Hands  of  the  Rebel  Authorities.  Being  the  Report  of  a 
Commission  of  Inquiry  appointed  by  the  United  States  Sanitary 
Commission/ 

"  In  your  letter  you  '  beg '  that  I  '  will  look  through  it/  and 
say  that  you  sent  it  to  me,  believing  that  I  am  '  not  aware  of  this 
state  of  things/  and  may  have  it  in  my  power  'indirectly  to 
ameliorate  this  appalling  suffering/  I  am  thus  to  infer  from 
your  letter  that  you  think  the  contents  of  the  volume  are  entitled 
to  my  credence.  I  have  looked  through  it,  and  have  looked  also 
at  the  pictures  that  adorn  it,  which  are  alleged  to  be  photographic 
illustrations  of  the  emaciated  forms  of  certain  of  the  prisoners 
returned  •  from  the  Confederate  States.  This  form  of  pictorial 
literature  would  seem  almost  peculiar  to  the  country  to  which  you 
belong,  and,  as  would  appear,  is  known  alike  to  its  humanitarians 
and  its  statesmen;  for  it  so  happens  that  about  the  time  the 
volume  of  the  Sanitary  Commission  came  from  you  I  received 
from  another  quarter  another  volume  of  like  grade,  and  prepared 
for  a  like  purpose,  entitled  '  Reports  of  the  Committee  on  the 
Conduct  of  the  War — Fort  Pillow  Massacre — Returned  Prison 
ers/  a  document  issued  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States; 
and  this  volume,  too,  is  adorned  with  like  pictorial  illustrations. 
As  I  understand,  in  the  vocabulary  of  your  country,  the  class  of 
literature  to  which  both  these  volumes  belong,  is  called  the  '  sen 
sation  style/  and  is  adapted  to  that  class  of  readers  whose  con- 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


victions  are  to  be  reached  by  fraudulent  practicings  on  their 
intellect.  As  noted  examples  of  similar  productions,  I  will  recall 
to  you  '  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin/  by  Mrs.  Stowe,  one  of  your  country 
women.  and  a  book,  the  title  of  which  I  have  forgotten,  but 
familiarly  known  in  the  circles  of  your  country  as  '  Helper's 
Book/  both  illustrated  by  pictorial  sketchings.  But  I  am  to  deal 
now  with  the  volume  the  '  Sanitary  Commission  '  :  the  others, 
having  each  done  the  dirty  work  of  their  day,  are  laid  by  to 
serve  with  the  volume  in  hand  as  authentic  materials  for  future 
history  by  some  New  England  historian. 

"  None  can  read  the  work  of  the  Sanitary  Commission  with 
out  seeing  that  it  was  written  for  a  very  different  purpose  than 
that  of  ameliorating  by  its  labors  the  suffering  and  privation 
ascribed  in  it  to  prisoners  of  war  in  the  Confederate  States  ;  nor 
will  the  character  of  the  gentlemen,  whatever  that  may  be,  who 
give  it  their  sanction  as  a  committee,  with  the  long  array  of  titles 
annexed  to  their  respective  names,  rescue  it  from  such  imputa 
tion.  Its  true  character  is  that  of  a  political  work,  and  of  the 
lowest  type,  intended  to  excite  and  inflame  the  popular  mind  at 
the  North  by  false  and  exaggerated  pictures  of  the  privations 
and  sufferings  of  Northern  soldiers  held  as  prisoners  at  the  South. 
The  narrative  carries  with  it  intrinsic  evidence  that  it  is  from  a 
pen  long  practiced  in  the  unscrupulous  school  to  which  it  belongs  ; 
indeed,  the  writer  seems  to  have  considered  it  necessary  to  account 
in  some  way  for  the  peculiar  style  of  a  work  professedly  of  pure 
humanity.  He  calls  it,  at  page  24,  the  '  dramatic  development 
of  the  inquiry  '  of  the  Sanitary  Commission  —  in  which  all  the 
'  salient  points  of  the  evidence/  with  the  results  of  their  own 
observations,  are  incorporated  together.  In  other  words,  the 
evidence  and  the  so-styled  results  of  observation  were  to  be 
grouped  and  colored  for  political  effect. 

"  Now,  on  the  subject  of  the  treatment  of  prisoners,  either 
at  the  North  or  South,  I  have  no  information  but  that  which  comes 
to  us  through  the  public  prints  ;  but  I  am  fully  aware  that  the 
condition  of  prisoners  of  war,  wherever  they  may  be,  must  of 
necessity  be  attended  with  privation  and  suffering,  and  necessarily 
more  so  in  the  South,  whatsoever  care  can  be  extended  to  them, 
from  the  atrocious  manner  in  which  the  war  is  waged  by  those 
who  conduct  your  armies  in  my  country. 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY    MASON. 


"  Your  Sanitary  Commission  complains  that  they  are  stinted 
in  food;  that  it  is  bad  in  quality;  are  not  sufficiently  clothed,  and, 
when  sick,  they  are  not  treated  with  sufficient  and  proper  medi 
cine  ;  and  this  in  the  face  of  the  notorious  fact  that  wherever  your 
armies  penetrate  they  are  ordered  to  burn  and  destroy  everything 
that  contributes  to  the  food  and  raiment  of  man — an  order  most 
relentlessly  obeyed ;  and,  as  if  to  add  to  the  infamy  of  such  prac 
tices,  all  medicines,  surgical  instruments,  and  whatever  could 
minister  to  the  sick  or  wounded  in  the  hospitals,  your  Government 
has  declared  and  treated  as  contraband  of  war,  with  orders  that 
they  be  destroyed  wherever  found — orders  that  are  invariably 
obeyed.  Whole  regions  of  the  Southern  country  have  thus  been 
ruthlessly  laid  waste.  As  a  single  example,  let  me  recall  the 
recent  instances  in  the  Valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  a  country  teem 
ing  with  population  and  of  unrivalled  fertility. 

"  In  its  late  retreat  your  army  devastated  the  entire  country 
through  which  it  passed,  its  General  boasting  in  his  official  report 
that  he  had  burned  in  his  progress  two  thousand  barns  rilled  with 
the  harvesting  of  the  year ;  that  he  had  burned  all  the  mills  in  that 
whole  tract  of  country,  destroyed  all  the  factories  of  cloth,  and 
killed  or  driven  off  every  animal,  even  to  the  poultry,  that  could 
contribute  to  human  sustenance,  in  an  extent  of  country  some 
sixty  miles  long  and  from  thirty  to  forty  wide.  Cut  off  to  a 
great  extent  by  your  blockade  from  the  importation  of  foreign 
salt,  it  is  the  boast  of  your  generals  that  military  parties  are 
organized  to  destroy  our  salt  factories  wherever  found,  either  on 
the  seaboard  or  in  the  interior ;  and  very  recently  we  have  accounts 
exultantly  presented,  of  destruction  done  at  Saltville,  in  South 
western  Virginia,  extending  to  the  breaking  up  of  the  kettles 
used  in  its  manufacture,  and  despoiling  the  salt  wells.  There  is 
but  one  step  of  greater  infamy  against  your  fellowman — I 
should  not  say  greater,  for  it  is  the  equal  only — and  that  would  be 
to  poison  the  water  in  the  streams.  In  the  face  of  such  notorious 
facts  your  '  Sanitary  Commission  '  has  the  effrontery  to  complain 
to  the  world  that  the  prisoners  of  war  in  the  South  are  stinted  in 
food,  badly  clothed,  their  health  impaired  from  want  of  salt,  and 
death  frequent  in  the  hospitals  from  the  failure  to  supply  the 
proper  medicines.  I  desire  to  say  to  you,  then,  that  I  can  give 
no  credit  to  the  report  of  your  Sanitary  Commission.  Little  as 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


ex-partc  testimony  is  proverbially  entitled  to  belief,  it  is  still  less 
so  in  the  hands  of  those  interested  by  their  own  showing  to 
deceive,  and  who  resort  for  their  witnesses  to  a  class  of  men  who 
are  thus  described  by  an  authority  in  your  own  country  whom 
neither  you  nor  they,  on  this  subject,  at  least,  dare  discredit. 
The  editor  of  the  New  York  Times,  speaking  of  the  character  of 
the  recruits  sent  to  your  army  on  the  James  River  in  Virginia, 
as  substitutes  for  drafted  men,  and  from  information  derived  from 
a  correspondent  with  the  Federal  army  at  City  Point,  describes 
them  as  '  wretched  vagabonds,  depraved  in  morals,  or  decrepit 
in  body,  without  courage,  self-respect  or  conscience.  *  * 
They  desert  when  put  on  picket  duty,  they  skulk  in  action,  and 
are  dirty,  disorderly,  thievish,  and  incapable  in  camp,  and  pass 
most  of  their  time  on  barrels  tied  up  to  trees,  or  bucked  and 
gagged.'  Of  such  materials  is  your  army  in  Virginia,  and  from 
such  materials  your  Sanitary  Commission  could  be  at  no  loss  for 
witnesses  in  their  '  dramatic  development.'  You  will  find  this 
agreeable  picture  of  your  own  troops  in  the  New  York  Times 
of  January  6th.  1865. 

"  To  its  further  discredit,  I  know  that  the  batch  of  prisoners 
whose  emaciated  forms  supplied  the  materials  for  its  pictorial 
illustrations,  were  the  sick  brought  from  the  hospitals  in  Rich 
mond  under  the  cruel  policy  of  your  Government  to  make  no 
exchanges  except  of  the  sick.  Your  Sanitary  Commission  might, 
and  with  as  good  grace  and  as  much  fairness,  have  the  patients 
in  the  worst  form  of  disease  from  your  public  charities,  exhibited 
in  photograph  as  evidence  of  inhuman  treatment  at  such  hos 
pitals.  But  it  is  waste  of  time  to  attempt  to  refute  these  calum 
nious  imputations.  Those  to  whom  they  are  addressed  in  your 
country  do  not  desire  to  be  undeceived.  When  first  propagated, 
some  year  or  two  ago,  pains  were  taken  in  the  South,  through  the 
aid  of  disinterested  and  impartial  observers,  to  have  the  real  con 
dition  of  prisoners  at  the  South  enquired  into  and  laid  before  the 
world.  Their  statements  were  in  true  keeping  with  what  was  the 
acknowledged  duty  of  a  humane  and  Christian  people,  and  in 
accordance  with  the  established  rules  of  civilized  warfare.  The 
rations  allowed  to  prisoners  were  the  same  in  quantity  and  quality 
as  those  given  to  our  own  soldiers  in  the  field ;  nor  was  there  any 
scarcity  with  the  former  which  was  not  shared  equally  by  our  own 
soldiers. 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


"  What  my  own  countrymen  are  suffering  in  your  Northern 
prisons  we  are  seldom  allowed  to  know ;  but  even  since  the  receipt 
of  your  letter  we  have  some  striking  evidence  of  what  their  con 
dition  is,  in  the  teeth  of  the  statement  of  your  Sanitary  Commis 
sion,  as  to  the  treatment  of  our  prisoners  at  the  North.  I  would 
refer  you  on  this  head  to  a  letter  from  Joseph  Taylor,  of  a  Louis 
iana  regiment,  addressed  to  Lord  Wharncliffe,  and  published  in 
the  Evening  Standard  at  London,  dated  at  Barnsley  (England), 
January  5th,  1865,  brought  out  by  Mr.  Seward's  late  letter,  in 
which  he  permits  himself  to  say  that  prisoners  of  war  at  the 
North  are  suffering  no  privations,  and  that  appeal  for  relief  or 
charity  at  home  or  abroad  is  unnecessary.  Taylor  speaks  '  from 
an  experience  of  several  months  in  Fort  Delaware ' ;  the  prisoners 
then  averaged  there  from  6,000  to  7,000.  '  The  rations  were 
always  irregular,  sometimes  two  ounces  of  meat  per  day,  some 
times  none.  Soup  was  given  at  times,  but  such  stuff  that  the 
most  robust  stomach  could  not  take  it ;  the  consequences  were  that 
a  large  proportion  of  the  men  were  reduced  almost  to  skeletons/ 
He  says  that  the  prisoners  were  worse  treated  when  guarded  by 
the  militia  than  when  by  the  '  regular  soldiers,'  and  adds :  '  The 
cruelties  practiced  by  the  former  were  such  as  would  scarcely  be 
believed,  even  if  the  work  of  savages ;  that  the  relief  proposed  by 
your  Lordship  and  friends  would  have  been  the  means  of  saving 
life  I  have  not  the  slightest  doubt.' 

"  This  man,  it  appears  by  a  note  of  the  editor,  resides  in 
Barnsley,  was  taken  prisoner  at  Gettysburg,  was  confined  in  Fort 
Delaware  for  seven  months,  and  released  on  terms  that  he  would 
give  aid  in  no  form  to  the  Confederates  and  would  leave  the 
country. 

"  Again,  I  refer  you  to  a  letter  published  in  the  New  York 
Daily  News  of  January  3d,  dated  at  Chicago,  December  27th. 
The  editor  vouches  for  the  writer  '  as  a  lady  of  unquestionable 
veracity,  great  purity  of  character,  and  true  Christian  charity.' 

"  She  speaks  of  the  condition  of  prisoners,  6,000  to  8,000 
in  number,  confined  at  '  Rock  Island ' ;  says  that  '  the  allowance 
to  each  man  has  been  one  small  loaf  of  bread — it  takes  three  to 
make  a  pound — and  a  piece  of  meat  two  inches  square  per  day. 
This  was  the  ration ;  lately  it  has  been  reduced,  and  they  are  trap 
ping  rats  and  mice  for  food,  actually  to  save  life ;  many  of  them 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


are  nearly  naked,  barefooted,  bareheaded,  and  without  bedclothes ; 
each  day  their  number  growing  less  by  death — their  only  merciful 
visitor/  She  adds  that  charitable  persons  '  have  sent  supplies 
of  clothing  to  these  prisoners,  but  they  have  not  been  permitted 
to  reach  them.'  Again,  please  refer  to  a  letter  from  three  of  the 
surgeons,  prisoners  of  war  at  Johnson's  Island,  dated  November 
1 6th,  and  addressed  to  the  Colonel  commanding  the  post,  pub 
lished  in  the  New  York  Daily  News,  January  7th.  It  concludes 
thus :  4  It  is  our  solemn  conviction  that  if  the  inmates  of  this 
prison  are  compelled  to  subsist  for  the  winter  upon  this  reduced 
ration  of  10  ounces  less  than  health  demands  and  6  ounces  less 
than  Colonel  Hoffman's  order  allows,  all  must  suffer  the  horrors 
of  continued  hunger,  and  many  must  die  from  the  most  loath 
some  diseases.'  Again,  in  the  same  paper,  on  the  5th  page,  is  an 
article  headed  '  Treatment  of  Prisoners  of  War/  a  communication 
alleged  by  the  editor  to  be  from  '  one  of  our  most  respectable 
citizens,  whose  address  is  in  our  possession.' 

"  It  refers  to  the  prisoners  on  Rock  Island,  and  states  that 
those  who  refuse  to  enlist  in  the  Federal  service  '  are  kept  on 
starvation  rations,  and  are  often  reduced  to  rats,  dogs,  putrid 
meat,  and  other  repulsive  food  picked  out  of  slops.'  It  contains, 
too,  a  letter  of  one  of  the  prisoners,  giving  the  reason  why  he 
enlisted  with  the  enemy.  He  says :  '  You  will  say  that  I  had 
better  have  died  than  dishonor  myself.  I  would  have  said  so, 
too,  a  year  ago,  but  no  one  who  has  not  been  placed  as  I  have 
been  placed  should  judge  me  harshly.  I  had  lingering  starvation 
before  me  from  day  to  day,  from  week  to  week,  until  I  scarcely 
knew  what  I  was  doing.  I  was  dying  by  inches.  To  escape  a 
loathsome  death,  I  enlisted ;  but  it  is  expressly  stated  in  my  enlist 
ment  that  I  am  not  to  fight  against  my  own  people.'  The  com 
munication  to  the  Daily  News  concludes  as  follows :  'It  is  a  hor 
rible  truth  that  there  are  now  in  our  military  prisons  nearly 
fifty  thousand  prisoners  of  war  undergoing  the  tortures  of  pro 
tracted  starvation,  denied  all  relief  from  without — even  the  pur 
chasing  with  their  own  money  the  food  essential  to  life  and  health.' 

"  These  cumulative  proofs  may  explain  the  reason  why  Mr. 
Seward  refused  to  allow  an  agent  from  England  to  visit  the 
military  prisons  at  the  North  as  preliminary  to  the  proper  dis 
pensation  of  the  large  furrd  contributed  by  English  benevolence 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY    MASON. 


for  the  relief  of  those  confined  in  them  ;  but  in  view  of  their  pri 
vation  and  want,  what  can  excuse,  before  the  Christian  world,  his 
refusal  to  allow  that  relief  to  reach  them  in  any  form? 

"  And  now,  to  close  this  reply,  already  too  long  —  tell  your 
Sanitary  Commission,  if  they  be  really  in  earnest  to  bring  relief 
to  their  countrymen  alleged  to  be  suffering  as  prisoners  in  the 
Confederate  States,  to  address  themselves  to  their  own  Govern 
ment,  by  whose  act  alone  those  prisoners  remain  in  confinement. 

"  Let  your  Government  renew  the  system  of  exchanges 
under  existing  cartels  which  they  have  for  more  than  two  years 
fraudulently  evaded.  At  the  commencement  of  the  war  your  Gov 
ernment  affected  to  consider  those  of  my  countrymen  who  fell 
into  their  hands  as  traitors  worthy  only  a  traitor's  doom,  nor  was 
it  until  the  balance  of  prisoners  was  largely  on  the  Confederate 
side  that  a  system  of  exchanges  was  agreed  to.  Though  a  large 
creditor,  the  Confederate  Government  framed  a  cartel  on  the 
most  liberal  basis,  and  by  a  solemn  convention  between  the  two 
Governments  that  cartel  was  adopted.  It  provided  for  the  release 
of  all  prisoners  on  parole  ten  days  after  their  capture,  and  an  im 
mediate  exchange  to  follow  —  the  excess  on  either  side  to  remain 
on  parole  for  future  exchange.  In  July,  1863,  after  the  fall  of 
Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson,  the  balance  of  prisoners,  for  the 
first  time,  was  against  the  Confederates,  and  from  that  time  forth, 
under  all  manner  of  subterfuges,  your  Government  refused  ex 
changes  on  the  basis  of  the  cartel.  All  these  facts  are  set  forth  in 
the  correspondence  between  Robert  Ould,  Confederate  Agent  of 
Exchange,  with  your  General  Meredith,  Major  Mulford,  and 
Major-General  Hitchcock,  at  various  times  Federal  Agents  of 
Exchange,  commencing  in  October,  1863,  and  terminating  August 
3  ist,  1864,  published  in  the  papers  at  Richmond  and  reproduced  in 
those  at  New  York.  That  correspondence  shows  how  earnestly 
and  persistently  the  Confederate  Government  sought  to  obtain  by 
exchanges  the  mutual  release  of  all  prisoners  —  consenting  even 
to  waive  the  strict  terms  of  the  cartel  when  the  balance  of 
prisoners  was  against  the  Confederates  —  and  how  persistently 
and  by  what  fraudulent  evasions  your  Government  refused.  And 
thus  it  has  resulted  that,  at  last  accounts,  there  were  some  sixty 
thousand  of  your  countrymen  prisoners  of  war  in  the  Confed 
erate  States  and  remaining  there  solely  because  of  the  refusal  of 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


your  Government  to  receive  them  back.  This  monstrous  and 
cruel  policy  on  their  part  can  have  but  one  solution.  It  was 
known  that  every  man  sent  back  to  us  would  at  once  return  to 
the  field,  whilst  on  your  side  the  term  of  enlistment  of  far  the 
major  part  of  the  prisoners  had  expired,  and  of  the  rest,  few  had 
any  further  stomach  for  the  fight.  If  your  Sanitary  Commission, 
therefore,  is  sincere  in  its  denunciation  of  the  Confederate  authori 
ties  for  their  alleged  maltreatment  of  their  countrymen  prisoners 
of  war,  with  what  execration  should  they  visit  their  own  Govern 
ment  for  thus  inhumanly  and  voluntarily  abandoning  them  to  their 
captivity. 

"  I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  M.  MASON. 

"  P.  S. — I  shall  commit  this  correspondence  to  the  press  in 
London. 

"  J.  M.  M." 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    HURRAY   MASON. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

Expectation  of  Peace  Aroused  in  England  by  Reports  from  North- 
Dispatch  from  Department  on  "  Our  Foreign  Relations  "-  -Are  the  West 
ern  Powers  of  Europe  Determined  Never  to  Recognize  Confederate  States 
Until  United  States  Assents?— Vindication  of  Right  to  Self-Government 
is  Sole  Object  of  War — Prisoners  in  St.  Alban's  Case  Released — Earl  Rus 
sell's  Communication  to  Commissioners,  and  their  Reply — Would  Any 
Concessions  Regarding  Slavery  Secure  Recognition? — Mr.  Mason's  Inter 
view  With  Lord  Palmerstonon  this  Subject— His  Conversation  with  Lord 
Donoughmore — Letter  to  Col.  Mann — Dispatch  of  May  ist — Assassina 
tion  of  Lincoln — Stanton's  Dispatch  to  Adams— Mason's  Denial  of  Stan- 
ton's  Charge  of  Confederate  Complicity— Proclamation  of  President  John 
son. 

"  LONDON.,  February,  1865.* 

"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  I  send  by  Lieutenant  Fitzhugh  Carter,  who  bears 
this,  an  address  by  the  '  Southern  Independence  Association ' 
of  Manchester,  to  the  President.  It  will  be  seen  by  the  names 
attached  to  the  address  that  the  association  comprises  a  body  of 
influential  gentlemen.  Should  the  President  deem  it  proper  to 
send  a  reply,  I  shall  be  most  happy  in  being  the  medium  of  com 
municating  it. 

"  I  hear  nothing  since  my  last  in  regard  to  the  proposal 
therein  referred  to — said  to  have  been  made  by  France  to  Eng 
land  for  the  admission  of  our  prizes  into  their  ports,  having  cargo 
on  board  claiming  to  be  neutral ;  and  much  doubt  whether  any 
thing  will  come  of  it. 

"  We  have  heard  here  with  great  concern  of  the  capture  of 
Fort  Fisher  and  other  defences  protecting  the  port  of  Wilmington, 
but  our  troops  made  a  gallant  and  great  defense,  and  whatever 
the  loss  to  us,  its  conquest  has  been  at  great  cost  to  the  enemy. 
Yet,  beyond  the  disaster,  we  are  cheered  and  elevated  here  by  the 
defiant  tone  of  the  South,  with  the  renewed  declaration  of  Con 
gress  that  the  war  will  be  prosecuted  to  independence  at  whatever 
cost  or  hazard.  Public  expectation  has  been  much  aroused  in 
England  by  the  reiterated  reports  from  the  North  that  peace  was 
*Date  accidentally  omitted  in  the  original  draft  of  the  dispatch. 


LIFE    OF    JAMES    MURRAY    MASON. 


at  hand,  coupled  with  the  late  visits  of  Mr.  Blair  to  Richmond,  and 
his  alleged  reception  by  the  President.  I  have  said  in  reply  to 
inquiries,  that  if  these  things  meant  a  peace,  it  would  be  on  over 
tures  from  the  North  resulting  from  its  inability  to  continue  the 
war,  because  their  men  had  no  longer  any  stomach  for  the  fight, 
and  because  of  impending  bankruptcy. 

"  Notwithstanding  our  late  reverses,  the  Confederate  loan 
maintains  itself  comparatively  well,  the  last  quotation  being  from 
55  to  56,  when  shortly  before  the  fall  of  Fort  Fisher  it  had  fallen 
to  52-54. 

"  Parliament  meets  to-morrow  ;  but  I  have  no  reason  to 
anticipate  any  modification  in  the  policy  of  the  Ministry  toward  us. 
Still,  as  we  have  a  large  body  of  earnest  friends  and  sympathizers 
in  both  Houses,  it  may  be  that  something  will  arise  during  the 
session  of  which  advantage  may  be  taken. 

'  The  port  of  Wilmington  being  no  longer  open,  I  fear  that 
communication  will  be  seriously  impeded.  I  shall  continue  to 
write,  nevertheless,  by  the  mails  to  Bermuda  and  Nassau,  under 
cover  to  our  agents  there,  and  by  good  private  opportunities 
when  they  offer. 

"  I  have  nothing  from  the  Department  since  the  receipt  of 
your  circular  of  the  loth  October,  acknowledged  in  my  No.  17. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

"From  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  State,  to  J.  M.  Mason,  Commis 
sioner  Confederate  States  to  Great  Britain. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 
"  RICHMOND,  3Oth  December,  1864. 

"  SIR  :  Since  my  No.  38,  of  2Oth  September  last,  I  am 
without  any  further  intelligence  from  you,  than  your  No.  13,  of 
29th  September,  which  was  received  on  the  5th  instant,  and  your 
letter  from  Leamington,  of  the  i8th  September,  also  received  on 
the  5th  instant.  The  boxes  containing  the  press,  etc.,  etc.,  for 
the  use  of  the  Seal  of  the  Confederacy  have  not  yet  arrived,  and 
I  would  be  obliged  if  you  will  endeavor  to  have  them  traced,  and 
that  they  may  be  duplicated,  if  unfortunately  lost,  as  I  fear  is 
the  case. 


-  .2  LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


"  I  wrote  yesterday  to  Mr.  Slidell  on  the  subject  of  our  for 
eign  relations  in  the  following  terms : 

"  'The  Confederate  States  have  now  for  nearly  four  years 
resisted  the  utmost  power  of  the  United  States  with  a  courage 
and  fortitude  to  which  the  world  has  accorded  its  respect  and 
admiration.  No  people  have  poured  out  their  blood  more  freely 
in  defense  of  their  liberties  and  independence,  nor  have  endured 
sacrifices  with  greater  cheerfulness  than  have  the  men  and  women 
of  these  Confederate  States. 

"  '  They  accepted  the  issue  which  was  forced  on  them  by  an 
arrogant  and  domineering  race,  vengeful,  grasping,  and  ambitious. 
They  have  asked  nothing,  fought  for  nothing,  but  for  the  right  of 
self-government,  for  independence. 

" '  If  this  contest  had  been  waged  against  the  United  States 
alone,  we  feel  that  it  would  long  since  have  ceased :  that  we  had 
not  miscalculated  our  power  of  resistance  against  the  great  pre 
ponderance  of  numbers  and  resources  at  the  command  of  our 
enemies,  and  that  they  would  already  have  acknowledged  the 
failure  of  their  schemes  of  conquest.  But  we  freely  avow  that 
when  we  engaged  in  the  unequal  struggle  to  which  we  committed 
our  lives  and  fortunes,  we  did  not  anticipate  that  the  United  States 
would  receive  from. foreign  nations  the  aid,  comfort,  and  assist 
ance  which  have  heen  lavished  upon  them  by  the  Western  powers 
of  Europe. 

''  'Conscious,  for  reasons  presently  to  be  stated,  that  we  were 
fighting  the  battles  of  France  and  England,  it  could  not  enter  into 
our  calculations  that  one  of  the  consequences  of  our  action  would 
be  the  abandonment  by  those  two  powers  of  all  their  rights  as 
neutrals :  their  countenance  of  a  blockade,  which,  when  declared, 
was  the  most  shameless  outrage  on  international  law  that  modern 
times  have  witnessed;  their  closing  their  ports  to  the  entry  of 
prizes  made  by  our  vessels  of  war;  their  efforts  to  prevent  our 
getting  supplies  in  their  ports ;  their  seizure  of  every  vessel  in 
tended  for  our  service  that  could  be  reached  by  them ;  and  their 
indifference  to  the  spectacle  of  a  people  (while  engaged  in  an 
unequal  struggle  for  defense)  exposed  to  the  invasion  not  only 
of  the  superior  numbers  of  their  adversaries,  but  of  armies  of 
mercenaries  imported  from  neutral  nations  to  subserve  the  guilty 
projects  of  our  foes. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 

'  'I  have  said  that  we  were  fighting  the  battles  of  France 
and  England,  and  it  requires  but  little  reflection  to  reach  this 
conclusion:  The  sentiments  of  the  people  of  the  United  States 
towards  France  and  England  have  been  known  for  too  long  a 
period  to  permit  a  doubt  of  the  aggressive  policy  which  will  be 
pursued  by  the  Northern  Government  on  the  first  favorable  occa 
sion. 

'  No  opportunity  is  lost  by  that  Government  for  giving 
expression  to  the  feeling  prevalent  in  the  country,  not  only  among 
the  masses,  but  among  those  placed  high  in  authority.  Look  at 
the  contemptuous  disdain  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  recent  message  towards 
France.  Mark  the  insolent  irony  with  which  he  caricatures  the 
conduct  of  the  Emperor  in  our  war,  by  declaring  that  in  Mexico 
'  the  neutrality  of  the  United  States  between  the  belligerents  has 
been  strictly  maintained/  and  then  consider  the  platform  of  prin 
ciples  on  which  Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected,  and  the  recent  reprimand 
addressed  to  him  and  Mr.  Seward  by  the  vote  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  censuring  them  for  their  assurances  to  Mr. 
Drouyn  de  L'Huys  in  relation  to  Mexico;  and  it  needs  no 
sagacity  to  predict  that  in  the  event  of  success  in  their  designs 
against  us,  the  United  States  would  afford  but  a  short  respite  to 
France  from  inevitable  war ;  a  war  in  which  France  would  be  in 
volved  not  simply  in  defense  of  the  French  policy  in  Mexico,  but 
for  the  protection  of  the  French  soldiers  still  retained  by  the 
Emperor  Maximilian  under  the  treaty  with  him,  for  the  main 
tenance  of  his  position  on  the  Mexican  throne. 

"  'If  we  now  turn  to  Great  Britain,  the  revelations  of  the 
venomous  hostility  toward  that  power  which  exists  at  the  North 
are  still  more  striking.  The  insulting  letter  of  Mr.  Webb  to  the 
Brazilian  Cabinet,  the  rancor  of  Mr.  Seward's  response  to  Lord 
Wharncliffe,  and  the  debates  of  their  Congress  on  the  reciprocity 
treaty  with  Canada,  the  arrogant  boasting  of  that  portion  of  the 
press  which  specially  represents  the  party  in  power,  all  point  un 
mistakably  to  the  existence  of  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  L^nited 
States  to  engage  in  a  war  with  England ;  a  desire  repressed  solely, 
avowedly,  by  the  necessity  of  concentrating  the  whole  energies  of 
the  country  for  the  prosecuting  of  the  war  against  us.  The 
administration  papers  in  the  United  States,  by  their  party  cry  of 
'  one  war  at  a  time/  leave  England  little  room  for  doubt  as  to  the 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


settled  ulterior  purpose  of  that  Government  to  attack  England 
as  soon  as  disengaged  from  the  struggle  with  us. 

"  '  What  is  the  present  aspect  of  the  war  now  waged  in  these 
States?  Our  seacoast  is  guarded  by  numerous  fleets  against 
which  we  have  been  deprived  of  all  means  of  defense  by  the 
joint  action  of  France  and  England.  On  the  land  we  are  pressed 
not  only  by  the  superior  numbers  of  our  foes,  but  by  armies 
of  mercenaries,  very  many  of  whom  come  from  British  soil, 
and  sail  to  New  York  or  Boston  under  British  flag.  While 
engaged  in  defending  our  country  on  terms  so  unequal  the  foes 
whom  we  are  resisting  profess  the  intention  of  resorting  to  the 
starvation  and  extermination  of  our  women  and  children  as  a 
means  of  securing  conquest  over  us.  In  the  very  beginning  of 
the  contest  they  indicated  their  fell  purpose  by  declaring  medicines 
contraband  of  war,  and  recently  they  have  not  been  satisfied  with 
burning  granaries  and  dwellings  and  all  food  for  man  and  beast. 
They  have  sought  to  provide  against  any  possible  future  crops 
by  destroying  all  agricultural  implements,  and  killing  all  animals 
that  they  could  not  drive  from  the  farms,  so  as  to  render  famine 
certain  among  the  people.  This  condition  of  things,  taken  in 
connection  with  the  attitude  of  foreign  powers,  can  not  but  create 
the  gravest  concern  in  those  to  whom  the  people  have  entrusted 
the  guidance  of  their  affairs  in  a  juncture  so  momentous.  While 
unshaken  in  the  determination  never  again  to  unite  ourselves 
under  a  common  Government  with  a  people  by  whom  we  have 
been  so  deeply  wronged,  the  inquiry  daily  becomes  more  pressing, 
What  is  the  policy  and  what  are  the  purposes  of  the  Western 
powers  of  Europe  in  relation  to  this  contest?  Are  they  deter 
mined  never  to  recognize  the  Southern  Confederacy  until  the 
United  States  assent  to  such  action  on  their  part?  Do  they 
propose,  under  any  circumstances,  to  give  other  and  more  direct 
aid  to  the  Northern  people  in  attempting  to  enforce  our  submission 
to  a  hateful  union?  If  so,  it  is  but  just  that  we  should  be 
apprised  of  their  purpose,  to  the  end  that  we  may  then  deliberately 
consider  the  terms,  if  any,  upon  which  we  can  secure  peace 
from  the  foes  to  whom  the  question  is  thus  surrendered ;  and  who 
have  the  countenance  and  encouragement  of  all  mankind  in  the 
invasion  of  our  country,  the  destruction  of  our  homes,  the  exter 
mination  of  our  people.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  there  be  objections 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


not  made  known  to  us,  which  have  for  four  years  prevented  the 
recognition  of  our  independence  notwithstanding  the  demonstra 
tion  of  our  right  to  assert,  and  our  ability  to  maintain  it,  justice 
equally  demands  that  an  opportunity  be  afforded  us  for  meeting 
and  overcoming  those  objections,  if  in  our  power  to  do  so. 

"  '  We  have  given  ample  evidence  that  we  are  not  a  people  to 
be  appalled  by  danger,  or  to  shrink  from  sacrifice  in  the  attainment 
of  our  object.  That  object — the  sole  object  for  which  we  would 
ever  have  consented  to  commit  our  all  to  the  hazards  of  this  war — 
is  the  vindication  of  our  right  to  self-government  and  independ 
ence. 

"  Tor  that  end  no  sacrifice  is  too  great  save  that  of  honor. 
If,  then,  the  purpose  of  France  and  Great  Britain  have  been,  or 
be  now,  to  exact  terms  or  conditions  before  conceding  the  rights 
we  claim,  a  frank  exposition  of  that  purpose  is  due  to  humanity. 
It  is  due  now,  for  it  may  enable  us  to  save  many  lives  most 
precious  to  our  country  by  consenting  to  such  terms  in  advance 
of  another  year's  campaign.' 

"  This  dispatch  will  be  handed  to  you  by  the  Hon.  Duncan 
F.  Kenner,  a  gentleman  whose  position  in  the  Confederate  Con 
gress,  and  whose  title  to  the  entire  confidence  of  all  departments 
of  our  Government  are  too  well  known  to  you  to  need  any  assur 
ances  from  me  that  you  may  place  implicit  confidence  in  his 
statements. 

"  It  is  proper,  however,  that  I  should  authorize  you,  officially, 
to  consider  any  communication  he  may  make  verbally  on  the 
subject  embraced  in  this  dispatch  as  emanating  from  this  Depart 
ment  under  the  instructions  of  the  President. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

"  Very  respectfully, 
"Your  obedient  servant, 
"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN, 
"Secretary  of  State/' 

"  P.  S. — Kenner  is  delayed.  You  need  not  await  his  arrival 
before  acting. 


546 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


DISPATCH  No.   19. 

"  LONDON,  March  3ist,  1865. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  I  annex  hereto  a  copy  of  a  letter  addressed  by  Earl 
Russell  to  the  three  Commissioners  jointly,  dated  '  Foreign  Office, 
February  131)1 ' ;  and  also  a  copy  of  our  joint  reply  dated  Paris, 
February  28th. 

"  This  dispatch  will  be  borne  by  Commodore  Barren,  who 
returns  home  via  Texas ;  and  although  subject  to  the  delays  of 
this  circuitous  route,  I  hope  will  reach  you  safely. 

"  In  a  separate  packet,  also  borne  by  the  Commodore,  I  send 
you  the  only  Parliamentary  papers  printed  at  this  session  relating 
to  American  affairs,  with  four  copies  of  a  pamphlet  by  Mr.  John 
W.  Cowell  recently  published  both  here  and  in  Paris — the  latter 
as  a  French  translation.  The  author,  an  English  gentleman,  one 
of  our  earliest  and  fastest  friends,  has  written  much  on  the  side 
of  the  South,  in  pamphlet  form  and  for  the  public  journals — all, 
including  the  pamphlet  now  sent,  published  at  his  own  expense. 
I  send  these  copies  to  you  at  his  request.  Please  hand  one  to  the 
President. 

"  When  we  assembled  recently  at  Paris  on  the  occasion  of  the 
letter  of  Earl  Russell  to  us,  Mr.  Slidell  and  I  each  prepared  a 
form  of  reply,  or  rather  his  own  had  been  drawn  up  when  we  met 
and  mine  prepared  afterwards ;  our  intention  being  to  adopt  the 
one  or  the  other,  or  to  draft  a  separate  one  from  the  materials 
of  the  two,  as  might  be  considered  best.  Before  this  was  done, 
Mr.  Kenner  arrived  with  your  dispatch  of  3oth  December,  when 
after  consultation  it  was  determined,  inasmuch  as  a  communica 
tion  of  peculiar  kind  was  to  be  made  to  the  English  Government, 
that  it  would  be  more  prudent  to  avoid  raising  new  issues  with 
that  Government  immediately  in  advance  of  such  a  communica 
tion  ;  and  to  content  ourselves  with  the  general  reply  of  which  you 
have  a  copy  herewith,  referring  his  complaint,  for  answer,  to  our 
Government.  We  refrained,  also,  for  the  additional  reason,  that 
without  specific  instructions  our  views  or  positions  in  answer  to 
his  complaints  might  embarrass  the  Government  should  they  differ 
from  our  own.  Mr.  Slidell  and  I,  however,  agreed — the  sugges 
tion  being  his — that  we  should  send  you  a  draft  of  the  reply  we 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


proposed  respectively  to  ourselves,  in  order  to  show  how  the 
matter  was  regarded  by  us. 

"  I  have  been  much  concerned  to  know  that  the  two  cases 
containing  the  materials  for  the  Seal  failed  to  reach  you.  One  of 
them  was  bulky  and  heavy  and  contained  the  iron  press.  They 
were  sent  to  Messrs.  Fraser,  Trenholm  &  Company,  of  Liverpool, 
on  the  5th  July  last,  to  be  consigned  to  Major  Walker  at  Bermuda 
by  the  mail  steamer,  via  Halifax,  in  which  Lieutenant  Chapman, 
having  charge  of  the  Seal,  sailed  ;  and  I  particularly  requested  the 
latter  to  inquire  for  them,  on  his  arrival  at  Bermuda,  of  Major 
Walker,  and  take  them,  if  he  could,  to  the  Confederacy.  With 
such  apparent  safeguards  it  is  the  more  annoying  they  should 
have  miscarried.  Now  that  our  Atlantic  ports  are  closed,  I  do 
not  see  how  the  loss  can  for  the  present,  be  replaced. 

"  A  few  days  since,  I  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Abbott, 
counsel  in  Canada  for  Lieutenant  Young  and  others  claimed  for 
extradition  by  the  United  States,  with  a  case  stated  presenting 
those  questions  of  law  both  public  and  domestic  arising  upon  the 
evidence  at  the  trial,  accompanied  by  a  pamphlet  containing  the 
evidence,  then  closed  ;  and  requesting  that  the  case  should  be  sub 
mitted  for  the  opinion  of  Sir  Hugh  Cairns  or  other  eminent  coun 
sel  in  England.  He  informed  me  that  the  judge,  before  whom  the 
case  was  pending  had  been  taken  ill,  and  said  that  the  opinion 
might  reach  him,  if  promptly  given,  before  the  decision  of  the 
court  was  rendered.  He  thought  the  leaning  of  the  court  was 
decidedly  with  the  prisoners,  but  that  the  Provincial  Government 
was  as  decidedly  adverse  ;  and  anxious,  indeed  for  their  rendition  ; 
and,  if  received  in  time,  an  opinion  from  so  eminent  a  quarter  in 
England  would  have  a  good  effect.  I  therefore  lost  no  time  in  put 
ting  the  case  in  the  hands  of  solicitors  to  be  presented  to  Sir  Hugh 
together  with  the  letter  of  Mr.  Abbott,  with  an  urgent  request  that 
it  should  be  acted  on  in  time  to  be  sent  to  Canada  on  the  first  suc 
ceeding  mail.  I  was  gratified  to  find  that  my  request  was  acceded 
to.  Sir  Hugh  took  into  consultation  Mr.  Reilly,  a  barrister  of 
peculiar  eminence  in  matters  of  international  law,  and  I  was  in 
vited  to  their  consultation  on  the  day  following  the  submission  of 
the  case.  The  succeeding  day  I  received  their  joint  opinion  in 
writing,  which  was  full,  clear,  and  conclusive,  on  all  the  points 
submitted,  chiefly  that  upon  the  proof,  the  acts  of  Lieutenant 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


Young  and  party  were  unequivocal  acts  of  war  committed  under 
the  authority  of  an  acknowledged  belligerent  ;  and  so  there  was  no 
crime  in  them,  and  again,  if  anything  had  been  done  by  them  in 
violation  of  neutrality,  or  of  the  domestic  laws  of  Canada,  such 
acts  might  make  them  amenable  to  punishment  under  those  laws  ; 
but  had  no  bearing  whatever  upon  what  they  did  in  Vermont,  and 
beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  Canada.  This  opinion  I  transmitted  by 
the  steamer  of  the  22d,  and  I  hope  it  will  be  in  time  to  attain  its 
proposed  object.*  The  fees  to  counsel  and  solicitors  amounting  to 
£56.  1  8.  10,  I  have  paid  and  charged  to  the  contingent  fund. 

"  I  have,  etc., 

.  "  J.  M.  MASON." 

The  communication  from  Earl  Russell  to  the  three  Confeder 
ate  Commissioners,  to  which  Mr.  Mason  refers  in  his  dispatch, 
reads  as  follows  : 

"  FOREIGN  OFFICE,  February  I3th,  1865. 

ff  Gentlemen:  Some  time  ago  I  had  the  honor  to  inform  you, 
in  answer  to  a  statement  which  you  sent  me,  that  Her  Majesty 
remained  neutral  in  the  deplorable  contest  now  carried  on  in  North 
America,  and  that  Her  Majesty  intended  to  persist  in  that  course. 

"  It  is  now  my  duty  to  request  you  to  bring  to  the  notice 
of  the  authorities  under  whom  you  act,  with  a  view  to  their  serious 
consideration  thereof  the  just  complaint  which  Her  Majesty's 
Government  have  to  make  of  the  conduct  of  the  so-called  Con 
federate  Government.  The  facts  upon  which  these  complaints  are 
founded  tend  to  show  that  Her  Majesty's  neutrality  is  not 
respected  by  the  agent  of  that  Government,  and  that  undue  and 
reprehensible  attempts  have  been  made  by  them  to  involve  Her 
Majesty  in  a  war  in  which  Her  Majesty  had  declared  her  inten 
tion  not  to  take  part. 

"  In  the  first  place  I  am  sorry  to  observe  that  the  unwarrant 
able  practice  of  building  ships  in  this  country  to  be  used  as  vessels 


*An  extract  from  a  newspaper  dated  Montreal,  Canada,  December  i3th, 
1864,  says:  "  The  case  of  the  St.  Alban  Raiders  was  reopened  to-day.  The 
court  decided,  in  a  national  question  like  the  one  under  consideration,  the 
Imperial  Act  was  supreme,  and  that  court  possessed  no  jurisdiction  in  the 
case.  He  must  therefore  order  the  release  of  the  prisoners.  After  being  re 
leased  their  plunder  was  restored  to  them,  so  their  daring  undertaking  was 
successful. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


of  war  against  a  State  with  whom  Her  Majesty  is  at  peace  still 
continues.  Her  Majesty's  Government  had  hoped  that  this 
attempt  to  make  the  territorial  waters  of  .Great  Britain  the  place 
of  preparation  for  warlike  armament  against  the  United  States 
might  be  put  an  end  to  by  prosecutions  and  by  seizure  of  the 
vessels  built  in  pursuance  of  contracts  made  with  Confederate 
agents.  But  facts  which  are  unhappily  too  notorious,  and  cor 
respondence  which  has  been  put  into  the  hands  of  Her  Majesty's 
Government  by  the  Minister  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  show  that  resort  is  had  to  evasion  and  subtlety  in  order 
to  escape  the  penalties  of  the  law ;  that  a  vessel  is  bought  in  one 
place,  and  that  her  armament  is  prepared  in  another,  and  that  both 
are  sent  to  some  distant  port  beyond  Her  Majesty's  jurisdiction, 
and  that  thus  an  armed  steamship  is  fitted  out  to  cruise  against 
the  commerce  of  a  power  in  amity  with  Her  Majesty.  A  crew 
composed  partly  of  British  subjects  is  procured  separately;  wages 
are  paid  to  them  for  an  unknown  service,  they  are  dispatched 
perhaps  to  the  coast  of  France,  and  there  or  elsewhere  are  engaged 
to  serve  in  a  Confederate  man-of-war.  Now  it  is  very  possible 
that  by  such  shifts  and  stratagems  the  penalties  of  the  existing 
law  of  this  country,  nay,  of  any  law  that  could  be  enacted  may  be 
evaded.  But  the  offense  thus  offered  Her  Majesty's  authority  and 
dignity  by  the  '  de  facto '  rulers  of  the  Confederate  States,  whom 
Her  Majesty  acknowledges  as  belligerents  and  whose  agents  in 
the  United  Kingdom  enjoy  the  benefit  of  our  hospitality  in  quiet 
security,  remains  the  same.  It  is  a  proceeding  totally  unjustifi 
able,  and  manifestly  offensive  to  the  British  Crown. 

"  SECONDLY  :  The  Confederate  organs  have  published  (and 
Her  Majesty's  Government  have  been  placed  in  possession  of  it) 
a  memorandum  of  instructions  for  the  cruisers  of  the  so-called 
Confederate  States,  which  would,  if  adopted,  set  aside  some  of 
the  most  settled  principles  of  International  Law,  and  break  down 
rules  which  Her  Majesty's  Government  have  lawfully  established 
for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  Her  Majesty's  neutrality. 

"  It  may  indeed  be  said  that  this  memorandum  of  instructions 
has,  though  published  in  a  Confederate  newspaper,  never  yet  been 
put  in  force  and  that  it  may  be  considered  as  a  dead  letter.  But 
this  can  not  be  affirmed  with  regard  to  the  document  which  forms 
the  next  ground  of  complaint. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  THIRDLY  :  The  President  of  the  so-called  Confederate 
States  has  put  forth  a  proclamation  claiming  as  a  belligerent 
operation  in  behalf  of  the  Confederate  States  the  act  of  Bennett  G. 
Burley  in  attempting  in  1864  to  capture  the  steamer  '  Michigan  ' 
with  a  view  to  release  numerous  prisoners  detained  in  captivity  in 
Johnson's  Island  in  Lake  Erie.  Independently  of  this  proclama 
tion,  the  facts  connected  with  the  attack  on  other  American 
steamers,  the  'Philo-Parsoners'  and  '  Island  Queen,'  on  Lake  Erie, 
and  the  recent  raid  at  St.  Albans  in  the  State  of  Vermont,  which 
Lieutenant  Young,  holding,  as  he  affirms,  a  commission  in  the 
Confederate  States  Army,  declares  to  have  been  an  act  of  war, 
and  therefore  not  to  involve  the  guilt  of  robbery  and  murder, 
show  a  gross  disregard  of  Her  Majesty's  character  as  a  neutral 
power,  and  a  desire  to  involve  Her  Majesty  in  hostilities  with  a 
conterminous  power  with  which  Great  Britain  is  at  peace. 

"  You  may,  gentlemen,  possibly  have  the  means  of  contesting 
the  accuracy  of  the  information  on  which  my  foregoing  statements 
have  been  founded;  and  I  should  be  glad  to  find  that  Her 
Majesty's  Government  have  been  misinformed,  although  I  have  no 
reason  to  think  such  has  been  the  case. 

"  If,  on  the  contrary,  the  information  which  Her  Majesty's 
Government  have  received  with  regard  to  these  matters  can  not  be 
gainsaid,  I  trust  that  you  will  feel  yourself  authorized  to  promise 
on  behalf  of  the  Confederate  Government  that  practices  so  offen 
sive  and  unwarrantable  shall  cease,  and  shall  be  entirely  abandoned 
for  the  future.  I  shall,  therefore,  anxiously  awTait  your  reply, 
after  referring  to  the  authorities  of  the  Confederate  States. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  RUSSELL. 
"/.  M.  Mason,  Esq., 
"  J.  Slidell,  Esq., 
"A.  D.  Mann,  Esq." 

To  this  document  the  Commissioners  replied  as  follows : 

"  PARTS,  28th  February,  1865. 
"  The  Right  Honorable  Earl  Russell, 

"  Her  Majesty's  Secretary  of  State 

"For  Foreign  Affairs. 
"  YOUR   LORDSHIP  :      The   undersigned   Have   the   honor   to 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


acknowledge  the  reception  of  your  Lordship's  note  of  the  I5th 
instant. 

"  They  will,  in  conformity  with  its  closing  request,  transmit 
a  copy  of  it  to  their  Government;  and  when  they  shall  be  fur 
nished  with  instructions  on  the  subject  to  which  it  refers,  they  will 
not  fail  to  communicate  them  to  your  Lordship. 

"  In  doing  this,  however,  they  consider  it  incumbent  to  record 
their  protest  against  the  general  tone  of  your  Lordship's  com 
munication,  and  especially  against  that  portion  of  it,  which 
referring  to  a  proclamation  of  the  President  of  the  Confederate 
States  of  America,  would  seem  to  impugn  the  good  faith  of  the 
President  by  ascribing  to  him,  in  contradiction  to  the  declarations 
of  his  proclamation,  '  a  gross  disregard  of  Her  Majesty's  char 
acter  as  a  neutral  power,  and  a  desire  to  involve  Her  Majesty  in 
hostilities  with  a  conterminous  power  with  which  Great  Britain 
is  at  peace.' 

"  As  regards  the  other  statements  contained  in  your  Lord 
ship's  letter,  the  undersigned  will,  at  present,  only  say  that  they 
have  every  reason  to  be  assured  that  one  of  them — that  relating  to 
the  continued  building  by  agents  of  the  Confederate  States  within 
Her  Majesty's  dominions,  of  ships-of-war — is  entirely  without 
foundation;  that  as  regards  the  other  charges  of  your  Lordship, 
the  facts  are  not,  as  they  confidently  believe,  correctly  stated ;  and 
that  all  your  Lordship's  complaints  of  violation  of  Her  Majesty's 
neutrality  are  susceptible  of  satisfactory  explanation  by  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  Confederate  States. 

"  The  undersigned  have  the  honor,  etc., 

"J.  M.  MASON. 
"JOHN  SLIDELL. 
"  A.  DUDLEY  MANN. 

"  The  Right  Honorable  Earl  Russell,  Her  Majesty's  Secretary  of 
State  for  Foreign  Affairs" 

DISPATCH  No.  20. 

"  LONDON,  March  3ist,  1865. 

"  Hon.  /.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  I  came  to  London  for  an  interview  with  the  Prime 
Minister  here,  and  soon  afterwards,  by  a  brief  note  from  Mr. 


552 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


Slidell,  was  informed  of  his  interview  with  the  Emperor ;  who, 
he  said,  '  is  willing1  and  anxious  to  act  with  England,  but  will  not 
move  without  her.'  On  the  matter  we  had  in  reserve  being  sug 
gested  to  the  Emperor,  he  said  that  '  he  had  never  taken  that  into 
consideration;  that  it  had  not  and  could  not  have,  any  influence 
on  his  action ;  but  that  it  had  probably  been  differently  considered 
by  England.' 

"  Some  few  days  after  the  receipt  of  this  letter,  viz :  on  the 
1 3th  March  instant,  I  addressed  a  note  to  Lord  Palmerston  pre 
senting  my  compliments  and  said  that  I  had  recently  received  at 
Paris  important  dispatches  from  the  Government  of  the  Confeder 
ate  States,  the  contents  of  which  the  President  desired  should  be 
made  known  to  the  Government  of  Her  Majesty ;  and  I  asked  the 
honor  of  an  interview  for  this  purpose.  In  a  note  from  his  private 
secretary,  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  the  latter  said  he  was 
directed  by  Lord  Palmerston,  in  reply  to  my  note,  to  appoint  the 
interview  for  the  following  day  at  Cambridge  House,  his  residence. 
Immediately  after  the  interview,  and  while  the  subject  was  yet 
fresh  in  my  mind,  I  returned  home  and  drew  up  minutes  of  the 
conversation,  to  which  I  had  given  the  closest  attention.  I  have 
the  honor  to  annex  hereto  a  copy  of  those  minutes. 

"  The  occasion  impressed  me  as  being  one  of  great  delicacy — 
my  extreme  apprehension  being  that  if  the  suggestion  were  made 
in  distinct  form,  which  was  the  subject  of  the  private  note  to 
Mr.  Kenner,  no  seal  of  confidence  which  I  could  place  on  it  would 
prevent  its  reaching  other  ears  than  those  of  the  party  to  whom 
it  was  addressed ;  and  it  would  thus  get  to  the  enemy.  And  if  not 
accepted  the  mischief  resulting  would  be  incalculable.  This  diffi 
culty  I  had  freely  canvassed  with  Mr.  Slidell  and  Colonel  Mann  in 
Paris,  who  fully  shared  in  the  apprehension.  Thus  impressed,  I 
hope  the  manner  in  which  the  subject  was  treated,  as  disclosed  in 
the  minutes  of  conversation  appended,  will  meet  with  the  approval 
of  the  President  and  of  your  Department. 

"  From  the  general  tone  of  the  interview  I  felt  it  impossible 
that  the  Minister  could  misunderstand  my  allusions,  which  was 
confirmed  by  the  word  he  used  in  reply,  as  quoted  in  the  minutes. 
In  all  my  conversations  here  for  the  last  three  years,  both  in 
public  and  in  private  circles,  whilst  satisfied  that  their  sympathies 
were  entirely  with  us  as  a  people  struggling  for  independence ; 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON.          rro 


and  whilst  many  declared  that  such  sympathy  would  be  even 
stronger  and  more  general  were  it  not  for  the  question  of  slavery, 
yet,  I  was  equally  satisfied  that  the  real  impediment  to  recognition, 
and  with  both  the  great  political  parties,  were  first,  the  fear  of 
a  war  with  the  United  States,  and  secondly,  a  tacit  conviction  in 
the  English  mind  that  the  longer  the  war  lasted  in  America  the 
better  for  them,  because  of  the  consequent  exhaustion  of  both 
parties.  Whilst  the  recent  conference  with  our  Commissioners  in 
Hampton  Roads  was  depending  and  rumours  thickened  that  a 
peace  would  result,  it  was  manifest  here  that  there  was  great 
apprehension  that  a  war  with  England  or  France  would  follow  a 
peace  in  America,  and  that  a  war  with  either  would  involve  both. 
It  was  in  this  light  that  I  sought  to  impress  on  Lord  Palmerston 
the  views  expressed  in  the  minutes  of  conversation  as  to  a  possible 
alliance  between  the  two  sections  under  a  pressure  of  necessity  on 
our  part,  and  from  which  we  would  at  once  be  relieved  by  an 
European  recognition.  What  I  said  to  him  as  coming  from  the 
Emperor  was  derived  from  Mr.  Slidell's  late  interview  with  him, 
and  so  reported  to  Lord  Palmerston. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  annex,  also,  herewith,  minutes  of  a 
recent  conversation  held  with  the  nobleman  named  in  the  paper. 
He  is  a  gentleman  really  of  intelligence,  thought,  and  of  practical 
experience  in  what  controls  the  mind  and  Government  of  Eng 
land  ;  and  for  whose  opinions  I  entertain  great  respect.  Whether 
he  is  right  or  no  as  to  what  might  have  been  done. two  years  ago, 
his  views  strongly  confirm  mine  given  in  the  minutes  of  conversa 
tion  just  above  referred  to  as  to  what  can  not  be  done  now.  At 
the  time  of  our  recent  conversation  this  gentleman  was  entirely 
ignorant  of  the  interview  I  had  recently  had,  or  of  what  passed  at 
it ;  and,  I  doubt  not,  is  so  still. 

"  The  present  aspect  of  the  war,  when  the  armies  appear  con 
centrated  in  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas,  should  we  have,  as  we 
ardently  hope,  decisive  successes,  may  restore  that  status  which, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  nobleman  whose  conversation  I  have  re 
ported,  would  have  enabled  us  to  move  successfully  for  recogni 
tion  in  the  manner  indicated  in  the  dispatch  and  communications 
to  which  this  is  in  reply.  Should  such  occur  it  may  be  that  a  more 
favorable  opportunity  will  be  afforded  again  to  approach  the  Prime 


554. 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


Minister,  and  to  be  more  explicit.    But,  of  course,  I  should  do  so, 
only,  on  full  consultation  with  my  colleagues. 

"  I  have,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

Minutes  of  a  conversation  held  with  Lord  Palmerston  at 
Cambridge  House,  March  I4th,  1865 : 

"  Last  night  I  asked  for  the  interview  by  note  to  Lord  P. 
which  was  appointed  by  him  for  12  M.  to-day. 

"  I  commenced  the  conversation  by  stating  that  a  few  days 
since,  while  in  Paris,  Mr.  Slidell  and  I  had  received  dispatches 
from  the  Confederate  States  Government,  the  contents  of  which  it 
was  deemed  important  by  the  President  should  be  made  known  to 
the  two  Governments  of  Great  Britain  and  France.  As  evidence 
of  the  importance  attached  to  them  by  the  President,  they  were 
sent  by  Mr.  Duncan  F.  Kenner,  of  whose  character  and  position 
I  spoke. 

"  I  then  read  to  Lord  Palmerston  the  latter  part  of  the  dis 
patch,  first  giving  the  substance  of  its  introductory  clause ;  to  wit, 
that  the  Government  and  people  of  the  Confederate  States  deeply 
felt  what  they  considered  the  injustice  and  hard  measure  dealt  to 
them  by  the  two  principal  European  powers ;  first,  in  regard  to 
the  blockade,  which,  for  the  first  year  or  two  of  the  war,  at  least, 
they  considered  had  been  respected  by  them  in  violation  of  the 
stipulations  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris ;  and  secondly,  in  regard  to 
the  seizure  of  ships  of  war  supposed  to  be  intended  for  the  Con 
federacy.  That  in  this  respect,  whilst  the  markets  of  England 
were  professedly  open  to  both  belligerents  for  the  purchase  of 
materiel  of  war,  the  South  had  been  prevented  from  purchasing 
what  it  most  needed,  whilst  the  North  obtained  all  it  required.  I 
told  his  Lordship  that  these  matters  were  adverted  to  in  order  to 
show  the  state  of  feeling  resulting  therefrom  in  the  Southern 
States. 

"  I  here  read  from  the  dispatch  commencing  at  the  paragraph 
'  What  is  the  present  aspect  of  the  war  now  waged  in  these 
States  ?  '  to  its  close — omitting,  however,  the  last  paragraph  which 
begins  '  It  is  proper,  however,  etc.'  I  then  reverted  to  that  part 
of  the  dispatch  which  reads  '  If  there  be  objections  not  made 
known  to  us,  etc./  which  prevented  our  recognition,  justice  de- 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


manded  that  an  opportunity  be  offered  to  meet,  and  if  we  could, 
to  overcome  them.  And,  in  this  connection  I  stated  to  Lord  P. 
that  I  was  instructed  to  say  that  the  Confederate  States  were  so 
fully  impressed  with  the  belief  that  during  four  years  of  unex 
ampled  trial,  everything  on  their  part  had  demonstrated  their 
independence,  not  only  as  achieved,  but  that  they  were  able  and 
determined  to  maintain  it,  that  the  President  could  not  reconcile 
with  the  existing  facts  the  persistent  refusal  of  Great  Britain  to 
recognize  us,  unless  there  were  some  latent  objection  or  hindrance 
which  Her  Majesty's  Government  had  not  disclosed,  but  which 
yet  governed  its  policy.  If  such  be  the  case,  had  we  not  a  right  to 
know  it  in  a  matter  so  momentous  to  us?  that  thus  if  it  stood  a 
barrier  to  recognition  we  might  remove  it  if  in  our  power  to  do  so  ; 
and  if  not,  govern  ourselves  accordingly. 

:t  I  remarked  that  the  new  aspect  of  the  war  had  been  long 
looked  to  and  our  present  policy  adopted  as  the  result  of  our 
best  military  counsels.  That  the  abandonment  of  the  sea-coast 
and  the  concentration  of  our  forces  in  the  interior  of  the  country, 
it  was  believed,  would  the  sooner  satisfy  the  enemy  of  the  hope 
lessness  of  their  efforts  to  subjugate  us.  But  even  should  this 
policy  lead  to  a  war  of  endurance,  our  people  were  prepared  for 
it  with  the  nearest  approach  to  unanimity.  Such  a  war,  while  it 
could  not  under  any  fortune  restore  the  Union,  might  bring  the 
Southern  States  under  engagements  which  otherwise  they  would 
equally  abhor  and  condemn.  I  told  Lord  P.  further,  as  the  result 
of  my  own  judgment  and  observation,  and  not  as  emanating  from 
the  Government,  that  I  considered  a  peace  within  the  power  of  the 
South,  certainly  after  another  campaign,  should  it  consent  to 
become  a  party  to  the  aggressive  policy  of  the  North  ;  nor  could 
I  say  how  far  the  law  of  necessity  might  embroil  us,  were  the 
alternative  presented  of  a  continued  desolation  of  our  country  or 
a  return  to  peace  through  an  alliance  committing  us  to  the  foreign 
wars  of  the  North.  In  this  connection  I  assured  him  that  the 
statements  of  Mr.  Seward  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Adams  of  the  iQth 
February,  which  were  intended  to  import  rather  than  directly  to 
assert  that  such  form  of  alliance  was  suggested  by  the  Southern 
Commissioners  in  the  late  conference  as  a  basis  of  peace,  I  knew 
to  be  untrue;  and  as  evidence  of  this  I  cited  Mr.  Benjamin's 
letter  to  Mr.  Kenner,  after  the  latter  had  left  Richmond,  wherein 


556 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


he  stated  that  Blair  on  his  second  visit,  had  assured  the  President 
that  Commissioners  would  be  received  to  negotiate  on  the  follow 
ing  basis ;  namely,  '  to  leave  all  questions  in  dispute  open  and 
undecided ;  an  armistice  to  take  place ;  and  a  league  offensive  and 
defensive  entered  into  to  drive  the  French  out  of  Mexico.' 

"  This  form  of  proposition  came  from  the  North,  and  when 
the  question  of  peace  was  discussed  at  the  recent  conference,  the 
Confederate  Commissioners  may  have  adverted  to  it.  I  told  Lord 
P.  I  made  this  correction  with  no  view  to  propitiate,  but  as  due  to 
the  South  and  to  the  truth.  That  I  was  not  prepared  to  say  what 
the  South  might  accept,  under  the  pressure  of  necessity ;  but  that 
no  such  policy  originated  with  the  Confederate  Government ;  and 
I  here  instanced  the  stipulation  on  the  part  of  the  Colonies,  under 
a  somewhat  like  pressure,  to  guaranty  to  France  her  West  Indian 
possessions,  as  the  price  of  trie  French  alliance. 

"  In  recapitulation  I  impressively  urged  on  Lord  P.  that  if 
the  President  was  right  in  his  impression  that  there  was  some 
latent,  undisclosed  obstacle  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  to 
recognition,  it  should  be  frankly  stated,  and  we  might,  if  in  our 
power  to  do  so,  consent  to  remove  it. 

"  I  returned  again  and  again  during  the  conversation  to  this 
point,  and  in  language  so  direct  that  it  was  impossible  to  be  mis 
understood,  but  I  made  no  distinct  proposal,  in  terms,  of  what  was 
held  in  reserve  under  the  private  note  borne  by  Mr.  Kenner. 

"  Lord  Palmerston  listened  with  interest  and  attention  while 
I  unfolded  fully  the  purpose  of  the  dispatch  and  of  my  interview. 

"  In  reply  he,  at  once,  assured  me  that  the  objections  enter 
tained  by  his  Government  were  those  which  had  been  avowed ;  and 
that  there  was  nothing  (I  use  his  own  word)  '  underlying '  them. 
He  then  proceeded  to  review  the  various  points  I  had  made, 
observing,  that  it  was  not  unnatural  that  the  South  should  be  sen 
sitive,  as  was  the  North,  in  regard  to  the  conduct  of  a  neutral 
power.  That,  in  respect  to  the  blockade  it  might  be  that  in  the 
earlier  stages  of  the  war,  Great  Britain  might  have  taken  excep 
tions  to  it — exceptions  which  she  was  not  disposed  to  strain,  as, 
in  future  wars,  she  was  more  likely  to  be  a  belligerent  than  a 
neutral.  As  regarded  the  purchase  of  materiel  of  war  in  her 
markets,  it  was  considered  that  her  statutes  excepted  from  such 
purchase  ships  intended  for  war  against  a  power  with  which  she 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 

was  at  peace ;  and  that  the  United  States  complained  it  was  yet 
carried  on  against  her  in  evasion  of  these  statutes.  As  for  the 
rest,  whatever  policy  had  been  adopted  by  Her  Majesty's  Govern 
ment  was  that  which  was  deemed  safest  and  best  to  preserve  a 
strict  neutrality.  On  the  question  of  recognition  the  Govern 
ment  had  not  been  satisfied,  at  any  period  of  the  war,  that  our 
independence  was  achieved  beyond  peradventure,  and  did  not  feel 
authorized  so  to  declare,  when  the  events  of  a  few  weeks  might 
prove  it  a  failure.  He  did  not  mean  to  assert  that  such  would 
be  the  result  in  weighing  probabilities ;  but  that  while  the  North 
continued  the  war  to  restore  the  Union  on  the  scale  it  was  now 
prosecuted,  and  with  a  purpose  avowedly  unchanged,  there  could 
be  no  such  assurance  in  the  result,  as,  in  the  opinion  of  his  Gov 
ernment,  would  warrant  their  recognizing  a  final  separation.  He 
gave  this  as  the  sum  of  the  objections  against  our  recognition, 
and  added,  that  as  affairs  now  stood — our  seaports  given  up,  the 
comparatively  unobstructed  march  of  Sherman,  etc.,  etc.,  rather 
increased  than  diminished  previous  objections.  In  the  matter  of  a 
possible  or  probable  alliance  between  the  two  sections  for  pur 
poses  offensive  and  defensive,  he  thought  one  could  hardly  take 
place,  considering  the  North  was  committed  not  to  admit  a 
separation. 

"  In  reply  to  these  observations  I  said  to  Lord  Palmerston, 
that  he  must  be  aware  that  the  almost  uncontested  naval  suprem 
acy  of  the  enemy,  with  its  power  to  direct  its  entire  force  against 
any  point  along  our  coast,  might  well  satisfy  us  that  our  own 
forces  could  be  better  employed  in  the  interior,  than  against  the 
enemy  attacking  by  sea.  The  recent  change,  therefore,  in  our 
military  policy,  was  received  at  the  South  as  encouraging;  and 
although  it  might  for  a  time  open  the  lower  country  to  the  ravages 
of  the  enemy,  our  people  were  equal  to  that  as  to  all  other  sacri 
fices.  As  to  the  alliance  suggested,  his  Lordship  might  feel 
assured,  that  the  North  would  find  itself  under  the  sway  of  an 
imperious  necessity,  and  it  was  looking  to  this  necessity,  that  it 
was  induced  to  take  the  initiative  in  the  recent  movement  towards 
negotiations  for  peace.  The  strain  upon  its  resources,  already, 
with  the  knowledge  of  our  immense  reserve  force  in  the  slave 
population,  were  monitions  not  to  be  disregarded.  As  for  its 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


committal  against  a  separation,  an  alliance  once  determined  on, 
the  rest  would  be  a  matter  of  detail  only. 

"  I  stated,  also,  to  Lord  P.  that  Mr.  Slidell,  in  a  recent  inter 
view  with  the  Emperor,  had  communicated  to  him  the  substance 
of  the  dispatches  I  had  adverted  to,  and  that  the  Emperor  had 
said  in  reply,  that  he  was  '  willing  and  anxious  to  act  with  Eng 
land,  but  would  not  without  her/  That  Mr.  S.  had  then  asked 
His  Majesty  if  he  could  not  renew  his  overtures  to  England,  to 
which  the  latter  replied,  that  they  had  been  so  decidedly  rejected, 
he  could  not  suppose  they  would  now  be  listened  to  with  more 
favor.  I  remarked  that  such  was  the  language  uniformly  held  by 
the  Emperor  whenever  approached  by  our  Commissioner  on  the 
subject  of  recognition;  and  that  thus  the  South  understood  that 
England  was  the  obstacle  to  such  action  on  his  part. 

"  Lord  P.  replied  that  it  ought  to  be  understood  that  France 
was  equally  free  as  England  to  determine  her  own  policy,  and 
they  might  perhaps  differ  in  their  views,  but  it  could  not  be 
alleged  that  the  latter  had  in  any  wise  endeavored  to  influence  the 
counsels  of  the  former  in  this  particular ;  or  to  bring  them  into 
harmony  with  her  own. 

"  I  said  this  was  not  alleged,  so  far  as  I  knew,  but  that  inas 
much  as  it  appeared  that  France  would  not  move  without  England, 
though  '  willing  and  anxious '  to  do  so,  and  the  latter  declined  to 
act,  such  an  inference  would  seem  to  follow. 

"  He  replied  that  this  could  not  be  admitted  though  the  facts 
might  be  as  stated.  That  if  France  desired  to  do  an  act  in  con 
cert  with  England,  in  which  the  latter  was  not  disposed  to  unite, 
her  failure  to  do  the  act  singly  was  her  own  affair,  and  for  which 
England  could  not  be  held  responsible. 

"  The  subject  thus  discussed,  his  Lordship  inquired  about  the 
present  conditions  and  prospects  of  the  South,  and  said  he  pre 
sumed  that  even  with  our  seaports  in  possession  of  the  enemy, 
blockade-runners  would  continue  to  find  their  way  in  and  out  by 
the  numerous  inlets  of  our  extensive  coasts.  In  the  course  of  our 
conversation,  expressions  fell  from  him  implying  that  in  such  a 
struggle  as  the  present,  his  personal  sympathies  could  be  only 
with  a  people  who  sought  alone  the  right  of  self-government. 

"  Our  conversation  lasted  for  more  than  an  hour,  and  on 
rising  to  take  leave,  I  expressed  disappointment,  or  said  rather, 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


559 


that  the  President  would  be  disappointed  to  learn  that  he  was 
mistaken  in  the  impression  that  there  was  some  operating  influence 
that  deterred  Her  Majesty's  Government  from  recognizing  us, 
which  had  not  been  made  known  to  him.  As  matters  now  stood, 
there  would  be  no  alternative  but  to  continue  the  war  until  terms 
could  be  made  with  the  enemy  (probably  of  the  character  I  had 
intimated)  and  from  which  we  had  hoped  to  have  been  relieved  by 
European  recognition. 

"  To  this  he  made  no  further  reply  than  that  he  could  not 
see  how  mere  recognition,  without  some  intervention,  could  be  of 
value  to  us ;  on  the  contrary,  he  had  always  supposed  such  action 
would  incite  the  North  to  still  greater  efforts. 

"  I  observed  that  upon  recognition  the  North  would  be  bound 
to  admit  that  on  the  impartial  arbitration  of  the  great  powers  of 
Europe  it  was  waging  war  against  an  independent  State.  Their 
pretext  for  suppressing  a  rebellion,  which  carried  with  it  much 
moral  force,  would  thus  be  removed.  But,  at  any  rate,  it  was 
fair  to  presume  that  the  parties  interested  could  best  appreciate 
the  value  and  the  effect  of  such  a  decision,  and  it  was  certainly 
clear,  that  recognition  was  what  the  South  most  earnestly  sought, 
and  the  North  most  strongly  deprecated. 

"  His  Lordship  here  remarked  that  although  there  had  been 
no  formal  recognition  of  the  South  in  all  the  attributes  of  a  politi 
cal  power,  its  acknowledgment  as  a  belligerent  was  a  disclaimer 
of  anything  like  rebellion. 

"  Lord  Palmerston's  manner  throughout  the  interview  was 
uniformly  conciliatory  and  kind,  and  when  I  apologized  for  the 
time  I  had  occupied,  he  begged  me  to  be  assured  that  he  would 
always  be  glad  to  see  me,  whenever  I  had  anything  which  I 
desired  to  communicate  to  him. 

"  It  will  be  seen  that  I  made  no  distinct  suggestion  of  what 
the  President  considered  might  be  the  latent  difficulty  about  recog 
nition  in  the  mind  of  the  British  Ministry,  construing  the  private 
instructions  in  the  letter  to  Mr.  Kenner  to  require  that  whilst  inti 
mations  should  be  given  which  should  necessarily  be  suggestive  to 
the  Prime  Minister,  it  was  for  every  reason  important  that  an 
open  proposition  from  us  should  be  avoided,  and  whilst  there  was 
no  committal  on  my  part,  I  do  not  doubt  that  Lord  P.  understood 
to  what  obstacle  allusion  was  made;  and  I  am  equally  satisfied 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


that  the  most  ample  concessions  on  our  part  in  the  matter  referred 
to,  would  have  produced  no  change  in  the  course  determined  on 
by  the  British  Government  in  regard  to  recognition." 

Enclosed  in  the  same  dispatch  were  the  minutes  of  a  con 
versation  held  with  the  Earl  of  Donoughmore: 

"SUNDAY.,  26th  March,  1865. 

"  I  called  at  his  residence  on  the  evening  of  the  above  date, 
as  occasionally  in  the  habit  of  doing.  I  have  known  this  gentleman 
more  intimately  perhaps,  than  any  other  of  his  rank  in  England, 
and  have  always  found  him  a  fast  and  consistent  friend  of  our 
cause. 

"  Our  conversation  opened  by  an  inquiry  from  him  as  to  the 
prospects  of  the  war,  he  expressing  great  concern  at  the  apparent 
weakness  of  the  South,  as  evinced  by  Sherman's  unimpeded 
march  through  Georgia,  and  into  the  Carolinas,  and  its  depressing 
effect  upon  public  opinion  in  England,  and  remarked  that  but  for 
slavery  we  should  have  been  recognized  two  years  ago.  I  told 
him  that  in  my  former  intercourse  with  the  Government  here, 
as  well  as  among  our  friends  in  and  out  of  it  ;  whilst  fully  aware 
that  slavery  was  deplored  among  us,  I  had  never  heard  it  sug 
gested  as  a  barrier  to  recognition. 

"  He  replied  that  in  his  opinion  it  had  always  been  in  the  way, 
and  after  Lee's  successes  on  the  Rappahannock,  and  march  into 
Pennsylvania,  when  he  threatened  Harrisburg,  and  his  army  was 
at  the  very  gates  of  Washington,  he  thought  that  but  for  slavery 
we  should  then  have  been  acknowledged. 

"  I  told  him  that  what  he  said  interested  me  greatly,  as  giv 
ing  new  impressions,  and  asked  him,  suppose  I  should  now  go  to 
Lord  Palmerston  and  make  a  proposition,  to  wit,  that  in  the 
event  of  present  recognition  measures  would  be  taken  satisfactory 
to  the  British  Government  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  —  not 
suddenly  and  at  once,  but  so  as  to  insure  abolition  in  a  fair  and 
reasonable  time  —  would  his  Government  then  recognize  us? 

"  He  replied  that  the  time  had  gone  by,  now  especially  that 
our  fortunes  seemed  more  adverse  than  ever. 

"  Lord  D.,  as  you  are  aware,  was  a  member  of  the  late  Derby 
Administration  and  will  doubtless  be  so  again,  should  his  party 
come  into  power.  Looking  to  this  contingency,  I  inquired  further, 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


should  such  an  event  happen  and  the  same  proposition  be  made 
then,  what  would  be  the  answer? 

"  He  replied,  '  We  should  be  obliged,  as  affairs  now  stand,  to 
make  the  same.'  He  then  went  on  to  declare  that  whilst  he  always 
strongly  participated  in  the  feeling  against  slavery,  he  must  admit 
that  his  opinions,  so  far  as  regarded  its  status  in  the  South,  had 
been  much  modified  by  information  derived  through  events  of 
the  war. 

"  This  gentleman  is  a  thorough  Englishman  of  his  class,  and 
an  able  and  enlightened  man,  of  liberal  views." 

The  date  of  the  foregoing  dispatch  shows  that  it  was  written 
only  two  days  before  the  evacuation  of  Richmond,  therefore,  it 
could  not  have  reached  its  destination.  It  is,  however,  among 
the  official  records  of  the  Mission,  and  is  here  copied  from  the 
"  Dispatch  Book,"  in  which  all  dispatches  were  entered  by  Mr. 
Macfarland,  Secretary  of  Legation,  before  they  were  sent  to  the 
Department.  It  affords  authentic  information  regarding  the 
subject  of  which  it  treats,  and  it  is  interesting  as  evidence  that  Mr. 
Mason  was  wholly  unprepared  for  the  crushing  sorrow  so  soon 
to  come  upon  him  in  the  overthrow  of  his  Government.  The 
following  letters  express  his  confident  expectations  of  the  contin 
uance  of  the  Confederacy  ;  and  as  late  as  May  1st  another  dispatch 
was  written  in  entire  ignorance  of  the  condition  of  his  beloved 
South.  On  April  2Qth,  he  wrote  thus  to  Colonel  Mann  :  "  I  have 
your  two  last  of  the  25th  and  27th,  and  thank  you  with  all  my 
heart  for  the  latter,  in  which  you  declare  yourself  more  '  Hopeful.' 
I  assure  you,  in  the  midst  of  our  late  disasters,  I  have  never  been 
discouraged,  far  less  despondent.  I  annex  an  extract  from  a  late 
note  to  Slidell,  to  show  you  my  temper. 

"  I  have  certainly  been  depressed  and  disturbed  at  the  mani 
festation  of  weakness  which  compelled  Lee,  after  the  evacuation 
of  Richmond,  to  surrender  his  army,  but  I  have  never  doubted, 
and  do  not  now  doubt  that  the  war  will  go  on  to  final  success.  I 
think  I  am  too  old  and  experienced  in  life  to  be  deluded  by  mere 
idle  hope.  I  confide  ever  in  the  spirit  of  our  people;  they  have 
before  them  but  success  or  bondage  a  thousand-fold  worse  than 
Egyptian—  now  made  more  certain  than  ever  by  the  accession 
of  Johnson  —  and  against  such,  they  must  and  will  struggle 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


on  to  the  death.  What  aspects  the  war  may  assume,  into  what 
reduced  armies  or  small  bands  our  forces  may  fall,  I  can  not  fore 
tell — but  they  will  keep  the  field.  It  may  become  a  war  of 
endurance,  and  in  such  a  contest  we  shall  outlast  them.  Such 
I  honestly  assure  you  is  my  feeling,  and  not  assumed  for  the 
occasion,  and  the  proclamation  of  the  President  comes  opportunely 
to  confirm  it.  I  have  a  strong  disposition  to  make  a  proper  occa 
sion  to  write  a  letter  to  some  friend,  an  M.  P.  here,  to  express 
these  views,  by  way  of  hanging  out  our  flag  as  a  rallying  point  to 
the  despondent. 

''  The  assassination  of  Lincoln  is  an  event.,  and  I  think  will 
be  of  great  consequence  to  us,  as  the  commencement  of  a  tornado 
at  the  North.  I  fear  to  theorize,  yet,  had  there  been  but  one 
assassin,  it  might  have  been  the  act  of  a  crazed  imagination,  but 
there  were  two,  and  madmen  don't  conspire,  and  the  time  and 
circumstances  lead  me  strongly  to  believe  it  was  a  conspiracy  to 
accelerate  the  succession,  and  to  frustrate  the  anticipated  proffer 

of  terms  to  the  South,  and  that  it  will  bear  its  fruits  in  the  North. 
***** 

"  Ever  most  truly  yours, 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

Next,  according  to  date,  comes  the  last  official  dispatch. 

"  LONDON,  May  ist,  1865. 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  SIR  :  Captain  Maury,  who  sails  to-morrow  in  the  steamer 
for  Havana,  will  bear  this  dispatch,  and  I  have  the  honor  to 
transmit  to  you  herewith  duplicates  of  my  Nos.  19  and  20,  with  the 
documents  thereto  pertaining.  The  originals  of  all  these  were 
sent  by  Commodore  Barren,  who  left  here  a  month  ago  by  the 
same  route.  As  Captain  Maury  expects  to  go  via  Texas  (the  only 
route  now  open),  it  will  be  some  months  before  he  can  reach 
the  seat  of  Government,  wherever  that  may  be  established.  I  shall 
hope  before  that  to  be  in  communication  with  the  Government; 
and  thus  what  I  might  write  now,  in  regard  to  late  events,  would 
be  of  little  interest.  I  shall  only  say,  therefore,  that  the  evacua 
tion  of  Richmond  and  surrender  of  Lee  has  produced  the  con 
fident  belief  here  and  throughout  Europe  generally,  that  further 
resistance  is  hopeless  and  that  the  war  is  at  an  end — to  be  fol- 


LIFE   OF  JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


lowed,  on  our  part,  by  passive  submission  to  our  fate.  I  need  not 
say  that  I  entertain  no  such  impression,  and  endeavor  as  far  as  I 
can  to  disabuse  the  public  mind.  The  proclamation  of  the  Presi 
dent  at  Danville,  of  which,  as  yet,  we  have  the  substance  only,  has 
not  had  the  effect  to  reassure.  It  is  the  only  report  we  have  had 
from  the  Government  since  the  above  calamitous  events. 

"  The  assassination  of  Lincoln  and  attempt  on  the  life  of 
Seward,  as  was  to  be  expected,  produced  a  great  shock  to  all 
classes  of  society  here,  and  public  meetings  have  been  held  in  Lon 
don  and  other  parts  of  the  Kingdom,  expressing  indignation  and 
abhorrence  at  the  deed — without,  however,  tingeing  their  resolu 
tions  with  any  partisan  hue. 

"  Together  with  the  usual  telegraphic  accounts,  came  a  dis 
patch  from  Mr.  Stanton  to  Mr.  Adams,  giving  an  official  version 
of  the  event.  I  felt  it  incumbent  on  me,  at  once,  to  reply  to  his 
charge  of  its  being  a  '  rebel '  conspiracy,  intended  to  aid  their 
cause.  I  have  the  honor  to  enclose  printed  copies  of  both  papers. 
My  letter  was  published  in  all  the  London  journals. 

"  In  the  uncertainty  of  the  future,  or  of  what  may  be  the  views 
of  the  Government  relative  to  the  continuance  of  Commissioners 
or  other  agencies  abroad,  I  can  only  remain  where  I  am,  and  await 
its  orders ;  and  however  desirous  to  be  at  home  to  contribute  to 
our  great  cause  whatever  it  might  be  in  my  power  to  do  there,  or 
to  give  aid  and  protection  to  my  (I  fear)  distressed  family,  I  shall 
act  accordingly. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

The  papers  referred  to  as  inclosed,  are  here  copied  from  clip 
pings  from  English  newspapers,  preserved  by  Mr.  Mason  as 
"  material  for  history." 

OFFICIAL  REPORT. 

:<  The  following  official  telegram  from  Mr.  Secretary  Stanton 
has  been  furnished  to  us  by  the  United  States  Legation  in  London : 

" '  (ViA  GREEN  CASTLE,  PER  NOVA  SCOTIA.) 

"  '  WASHINGTON,  April  I5th,  1865. 

"  '  SIR  :  It  has  become  my  distressing  duty  to  announce  to 
you  that  last  night  His  Excellency.  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


the  United  States,  was  assassinated,  about  the  hour  of  half  past 
ten  o'clock,  in  his  private  box  at  Ford's  Theatre,  in  the  city.  The 
President,  about  eight  o'clock,  accompanied  Mrs.  Lincoln  to  the 
theatre.  Another  lady  and  gentleman  were  with  them  in  the  box. 
About  half  past  ten,  during  a  pause  in  the  performance,  the  assas 
sin  entered  the  box,  the  door  of  which  was  unguarded,  hastily 
approached  the  President  from  behind,  and  discharged  a  pistol  at 
his  head.  The  bullet  entered  the  back  of  his  head,  and  penetrated 
nearly  through.  The  assassin  then  leaped  from  the  box  upon  the 
stage,  brandishing  a  large  knife,  and  exclaiming,  'Sic  semper 
tyrannis,'  and  escaped  in  the  rear  of  the  theatre.  Immediately 
upon  the  discharge  the  President  fell  to  the  floor  insensible,  and 
continued  in  that  state  until  twenty  minutes  past  seven  o'clock  this 
morning,  when  he  breathed  his  last.  About  the  same  time  the 
murder  was  being  committed  in  the  theatre,  another  assassin  pre 
sented  himself  at  the  door  of  Mr.  Seward's  residence,  gained  ad 
mission  by  representing  he  had  a  prescription  from  Mr.  Seward's 
physician,  which  he  was  directed  to  see  administered,  and  hurried 
up  to  the  third  story  chamber,  where  Mr.  Seward  was  lying. 
He  here  discovered  Mr.  Frederick  Seward,  struck  him  over  the 
head,  inflicting  several  wounds,  and  fracturing  the  skull  in  two 
places,  inflicting,  it  is  feared,  mortal  wounds.  He  then  rushed 
into  the  room  where  Mr.  Seward  was  in  bed,  attended  by  a  young 
daughter  and  a  male  nurse.  The  male  attendant  was  stabbed 
through  the  lungs,  and  it  is  believed  will  die.  The  assassin  then 
struck  Mr.  Seward  with  a  knife  or  dagger,  twice  in  the  throat  and 
twice  in  the  face,  inflicting  terrible  wounds.  By  this  time  Major 
Seward,  eldest  son  of  the  Secretary,  and  another  attendant  reached 
the  room  and  rushed  to  the  rescue  of  the  Secretary ;  they  were  also 
wounded  in  the  conflict,  and  the  assassin  escaped.  No  artery  or 
important  blood  vessel  was  severed  by  any  of  the  wounds  inflicted 
upon  him,  but  he  was  for  a  long  time  insensible  from  the  loss  of 
blood.  Some  hope  of  his  possible  recovery  is  entertained.  Im 
mediately  upon  the  death  of  the  President  notice  was  given  to 
Vice-President  Johnson,  who  happened  to  be  in  the  city,  and  upon 
whom  the  office  of  President  now  devolves.  He  will  take  the 
office  and  assume  the  functions  of  President  to-day.  The  murderer 
of  the  President  has  been  discovered,  and  evidence  obtained  that 
these  horrible  crimes  were  committed  in  execution  of  a  conspiracy 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


deliberately  planned  and  set  on  foot  by  rebels  under  the  pretence 
of  avenging  the  South  and  aiding  the  rebel  cause ;  but  it  is  hoped 
that  the  immediate  perpetrators  will  be  caught.  The  feeling  occa 
sioned  by  these  atrocious  crimes  is  so  great,  sudden,  and  over 
whelming,  that  I  can  not  at  present  do  more  than  communicate 
them  to  you.  At  the  earliest  moment  yesterday  the  President 
called  a  Cabinet  meeting,  at  which  General  Grant  was  present. 
He  was  more  cheerful  and  happy  than  I  had  ever  seen  him,  re 
joiced  at  the  near  prospect  of  firm  arid  durable  peace  at  home  and 
abroad,  manifested  in  marked  degree  the  kindness  and  humanity 
of  his  disposition,  and  the  tender  and  forgiving  spirit  that  so  emi 
nently  distinguished  him.  Public  notice  had  been  given  that  he 
and  General  Grant  would  be  present  at  the  theatre,  and  the  oppor 
tunity  of  adding  the  Lieutenant-General  to  the  number  of  victims 
to  be  murdered  was  no  doubt  seized  for  the  fitting  occasion  of 
executing  the  plans  that  appear  to  have  been  in  preparation  for 
some  weeks,  but  General  Grant  was  compelled  to  be  absent,  and 
thus  escaped  the  designs  upon  him.  It  is  needless  for  me  to  say 
anything  in  regard  of  the  influence  which  this  atrocious  murder 
of  the  President  may  exercise  upon  the  affairs  of  this  country; 
but  I  will  only  add  that,  horrible  as  are  the  atrocities  that  have 
been  resorted  to  by  the  enemies  of  the  country,  they  are  not  likely 
in  any  degree  to  impair  the  public  spirit  or  postpone  the  complete 
final  overthrow  of  the  rebellion.  In  profound  grief  for  the  events 
which  it  has  become  my  duty  to  communicate  to  you,  I  have  the 
honor  to  be, 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"EDWIN  M.  STANTON." 

MR.  MASON'S  LETTER. 

The  following  is  the  text  of  the  Hon.  James  M.  Mason's 
letter  repudiating  the  charge  of  "  Rebel  Conspiracy  " : 

"  To  the  Editor  of  the  London  Index. 

"  SIR  :  Time  will  develop  the  mystery  as  yet  attending  the 
assassination  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  late  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  attempted  assassination  of  Mr.  Seward,  his  Sec 
retary  of  State.  I  desire  only  to  repel  at  once  the  calumnious 
assertion  of  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  the  Secretary  of  War,  in  his  letter 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


to  Mr.  Adams,  printed  in  the  London  journals  of  this  morning, 
that  these  acts  were  '  planned  and  set  on  foot  by  rebels,  under 
pretence  of  avenging  the  South,  and  aiding  the  rebel  cause/  and 
of  which  he  says  there  is  '  evidence  obtained.' 

"  Mr.  Stanton's  letter  is  dated  on  the  I5th  of  April,  and  states 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  assassinated  in  the  theatre  at  half  past  ten 
o'clock  the  previous  night,  and  died  at  twenty  minutes  past  seven 
on  the  morning  of  the  day  that  he  wrote.  I  adduce  this  to  show 
how  unlikely  it  is,  in  the  hurried  excitement,  and  the  necessary 
occupations  attending  such  events,  that  any  but  the  wildest 
theories  would  prevail  in  regard  to  the  cause  of  the  event,  or  the 
object  of  the  perpetrators.  Mr.  Stanton  adopts  that  which  he 
deemed  would  be  most  useful  before  the  public  of  his  country. 
Should  the  '  evidence  '  to  which  he  refers  to  support  his  calumny 
ever  see  the  light,  it  will  be  scanned  with  the  experience  derived  in 
regard  to  other  evidence,  unscrupulously  fabricated  in  the  same 
quarter,  during  the  present  war,  for  base  political  effect.  It  is  the 
crudest  conception,  too,  that  the  murder  of  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
planned  and  executed  for  the  purpose  of  '  aiding  the  rebel  cause'  ; 
but  I  can  well  understand  that  it  may  have  material  influence  in 
aiding  the  cause  of  that  overpowering  party  in  the  United  States 
of  which  Mr.  Stanton  is  the  type,  and  Andrew  Johnson,  who  suc 
ceeds  as  President,  with  Butler,  of  the  notorious  prefix,  are  the 
exponents  and  leaders  —  a  party  in  whose  path  the  late  President 
and  his  Secretary  were  acknowledged  obstacles  in  their  projected 
schemes  of  plunder  and  rapine  to  follow  their  dominion  over  the 
Southern  States. 

"  For  the  rest,  I  learn  from  a  well-informed  source  in  Lon 
don  that  '  Wilkes  Booth/  who  is  accused  of  the  deed,  is  a  son  of 
the  celebrated  English  actor  of  that  name,  was  of  his  father's  pro 
fession,  which  he  pursued  principally  in  the  Northern  States,  and 
was  generally  understood  as  inheriting  those  traits  significant  of 
his  father's  name,  Junius  Brutus  Booth,  by  whom  he  was  named 
John  Wilkes,  after  the  great  English  Radical  —  an  origin  and 
mental  training  little  likely  to  engender  the  slightest  sympathy 
with  the  great  cause  of  the  conservative  South.  As  to  the  crime 
which  has  been  committed,  none  will  view  it  with  more  abhorrence 
than  the  people  of  the  South  ;  but  they  will  know,  as  will  equally 
all  well-balanced  minds,  that  it  is  the  necessary  offspring  of  those 


LIFE    OF  JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


.567. 


scenes  of  bloodshed  and  murder  in  every  form  of  unbridled  license 
which  have  signalized  the  invasion  of  the  South  by  the  Northern 
armies,  unrebuked  certainly,  and  therefore  instigated  by  their 
leaders,  and  those  over  them. 

"  Pardon  the  length  of  this  note ;  I  desired  only  instantly  to 
repel  the  atrocious  calumnies  in  the  letter  of  Mr.  Stanton. 
"  Very  respectfully  yours, 

"  J.  M.  MASON. 

"  No.  24  Upper  Seymour  Street,  Portman  Square,  London, 
"  April  2?th,  1865" 

An  extract  from  the  official  records  of  the  Federal  Govern 
ment,  as  given  in  "  The  War  of  the  Rebellion,"  may  be  of  interest 
to  the  reader. 

On  page  665  of  Vol.  XLIX,  Part  IL,  Series  I.,  it  is  recorded, 
in  a  communication  from  Brevet  Major-General  J.  H.  Wilson 
addressed  to  Brevet  Major-General  Upton,  at  Augusta,  Ga.,  that 
"  The  President  of  the  United  States  has  issued  a  proclamation 
announcing  that  the  Bureau  of  Military  Justice  has  reported,  upon 
indubitable  evidence.,  that  Jeff.  Davis,  Clement  C.  Clay,  Jacob 
Thompson,  George  N.  Sanders,  Beverley  Tucker,  and  W.  C. 
Cleary  incited  and  concerted  the  assassination  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and 
the  attempted  assassination  of  Mr.  Seward.  He  therefore  offers 
for  the  arrest  of  Davis,  Clay,  and  Thompson  $100,000  each ;  for 
Sanders  and  Tucker,  $25,000  each,  and  for  Cleary,  $10,000.  Pub 
lish  this  in  hand-bills ;  circulate  everywhere,  and  urge  the  greatest 
possible  activity  in  the  pursuit." 


LIFE   OF  JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


CHAPTER    XX. 

Anxiety  and  Trouble  About  Richmond — "  No  Fear  or  Doubt  as  to  Result  " 
— Passage  Engaged  to  Canada — Departure'Delayed  by  Political  Considera 
tions — "  What  is  to  be  the  Future  of  the  South?" — Visit  to  Sir  Frederick 
Pollock — Contributions  to  Baltimore  Bazaar — President  Johnson's  Policy — 
Probable  Emigration  of  Young  Men  from  the  South — War  Struck  the 
Blow  Which  Must  Eventually  Sever  North  and  South — Arrival  in  Mon 
treal—Visits  from  Mr.  Davis  and  Others — Return  to  Virginia — Letter  from 
Mr.  Hunter  Speaks  of  Condition  of  South — Letters  from  Hunter  and 
Davis  Relate  Hampton  Roads  Conference — Lincoln's  Account  of  It — 
Failure  of  Mr.  Mason's  Health— His  Death. 

The  record  of  Mr.  Mason's  public  life  ends  with  the  last 
chapter.  The  story  of  his  remaining  years  is  best  told  by  extracts 
from  his  correspondence.  The  first  letter  given  belongs  to  an 
earlier  date  but  it  was  reserved  for  this  place  rather  than  break 
the  connection  by  introducing  it  where  it  was  not  relevant  to  the 
subject  there  treated  of.  Its  expressions  of  unshaken  confidence 
in  the  final  triumph  of  the  South  gives  to  it  peculiar  interest. 

"  24  UPPER  SEYMOUR  STREET, 

"  PORTMAN  SQUARE, 
"  LONDON,  March  25th,  1865. 

"My  Very  Dear  Wife:  I  begin  this  letter  a  week  in  advance 
of  the  time  when  Captain  Barren,  of  the  Navy,  expects  to  sail, 
that  it  may  be  ready  and  I  can  add  to  it  in  the  meantime.  I  fear 
it  will  be  some  months  before  it  may  reach  you,  as  he  will  have  to 
go  via  Mexico  and  Texas,  but  since  all  our  ports  are  in  the  hands 
of  the  enemy,  we  must  avail  ourselves  of  such  chances  as  may 
offer. 

"  Your  last  and  most  welcome  letter  was  of  the  i8th  of  Jan 
uary,  and  reached  me  about  a  month  ago;  a  most  charming  and 
encouraging  one  it  was,  considering  the  constant,  and,  I  fear,  har 
assing  cares  with  which  you  are  beset,  during  this  cruel  and 
fiendish  war.  Indeed,  although  I  never  fear  or  doubt  the  result, 
yet  with  the  picture  always  before  me,  of  what  you  and  our  dear 
girls  are  called  to  endure,  I  am  sometimes  sorely  tried  in  my  exile. 
Were  I  with  you,  I  could  at  least,  share  your  privations  and  to 
that  extent  seem  to  diminish  them,  but  it  is  vain  to  repine.  *  *  * 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  In  regard  to  events  at  home,  we  are  kept  here  always  in  the 
most  trying  suspense.  I  get  regularly  the  New  York  papers,  and 
they  quote  occasional  paragraphs  from  the  Richmond  papers,  and 
thus,  to  some  extent,  we  can  neutralize  the  Yankee  accounts  (but 
these  last  always  come  first  by  telegraph)  of  items  prepared  at 
New  York  for  the  English  press,  and  are  manipulated  accordingly, 
and  thus  we  are  kept  in  anxiety  and  doubt  from  week  to  week. 
Our  latest  accounts  are  to  the  nth  of  March,  now  fourteen  days 
since,  and  we  are  all  on  the  eve  of  expectation  for  the  result  of 
Sherman's  movements  in  South  Carolina,  as  they,  besides  other 
important  results,  may  involve  the  fate  of  Richmond,  but  how  idle 
to  indulge  in  these  speculations  in  a  letter  which  is  not  to  reach 
you  for  months,  and  long  after  the  results  and  their  consequences 
are  covered  over  and  hidden  in  the  great  march  of  events. 

" MARCH  28th. — In  advance  of  the  time  when  it  may  be  neces 
sary  to  call  in  the  aid  of  an  amanuensis  to  finish  this,  I  want  to 
say  a  word  about  your  finances,  in  case,  in  the  changes  of  the  war, 
it  should  become  necessary  to  leave  Richmond,  an  event  I  don't 
contemplate,  but  which  still  may  happen.  As  long  as  you  are  in 
Richmond  you  have  a  safe  resource  in  the  kindness  of  our  friend 
Macfarland,  and  out  of  it,  I  am  sure  he  will  direct  you  to  safe 
hands.  I  have  made  ample  provision  here  for  your  drafts,  and 
you  may,  therefore,  safely  rely,  and  assure  others  that  'they  will 
be  met.  Let  them  be  made  on  me,  payable  at  the  house  of  John 
K.  Gilliat  and  Company,  4  Crosby  Square,  London. 

"  At  this  distance  from  the  scene  apprehensions  cluster 
thickly  around  me,  and  am  constantly  harassed  at  what  you  and 
the  dear  girls  may  have  to  endure,  should  the  fortunes  of  war 
again  compel  you  to  seek  a  new  home,  but  as  far  as  means  are 
concerned,  always  rely  that  you  can  draw  on  me  as  heretofore  for 
supplies.  *  *,  * 

"  I  see  by  the  New  York  papers  that  Mrs.  Hugh  Lee,  with 
the  young  ladies  of  her  family,  and  Mrs.  Sherrard,  with  hers? 
have  been  expelled  from  Winchester  by  that  brute,  Sheridan,  thus 
adding  more  material  to  the  suffering  and,  I  fear,  often  destitute, 
refugees  driven  from  home.  Should  you  meet  them,  pray  say 
for  me  that  my  heart  and  sympathies  have  been  with  them  in  all 
their  trials,  and  express  my  admiration  at  the  noble  and  unflinch 
ing  manner  in  which  they  have  been  borne. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  MARCH  3ist.  —  You  may  well  conceive,  my  dear  wife,  the 
anxiety  and  trouble  I  am  in  just  now  about  you  all  at  Richmond. 
We  have  been  alarmed  at  the  President's  late  declaration,  that  the 
city  is  more  seriously  threatened  than  ever  before;  at  the  un 
obstructed  raid  by  Sheridan  from  Winchester  through  Staunton, 
to  the  James  River,  and  the  destruction  he  has  made  on  the  rail 
roads  and  canal  leading  to  Richmond  ;  and  the  march  of  Sher 
man's  army  through  the  Carolinas.  Still,  I  have  unabated  confi 
dence  in  those  who  hold  the  helm,  and  above  all,  in  our  gallant 
armies,  and  I  try  to  reassure  myself,  should  you  find  it  necessary 
to  leave  Richmond,  that  you  are  surrounded  by  kind  friends  and 
able  advisers,  as  to  the  best  point  to  be  reached.  Heaven  preserve 
and  protect  you  and  your  large  charge  in  the  severe  trials  to  which 
you  are  subjected.  I  do  not  know  how  I  am  to  get  letters  now, 
but  you  must  ask  the  authorities  at  Richmond  to  keep  you  in 
formed  of  opportunities.  My  best  and  constant  love  to  Kate  and 
her  household,  to  the  boys  and  my  dear  daughters,  and  to  Marie, 
to  Maria  and  Nannie.  Always,  my  very  dear  wife, 
"  Most  affectionately  yours, 

"J.  M.  M." 

"LEAMINGTON,  ENGLAND,,  June  7th,  1865. 

"My  Dear  Wife  :  I  have  just  had  the  inexpressible  pleasure  of 
hearing,  through  a  letter  from  Teko,  that  you,  with  our  dear  girls, 
were  then  in  Baltimore,  en  route  for  St.  Catherine's,  Canada.  I 
hope  you  were  enabled  to  pursue  your  journey  unmolested,  and  I 
take  the  chance  by  the  first  Quebec  steamer  to  write  to  you.  I 
earnestly  trust  that  you  managed  to  get  through  safely,  and  that 
this  letter  will  find  you  safe  and  rested  and  quiet  under  the  flag 
of  Old  England,  with  '  nobody  to  come  near  you  or  make  you 
afraid.' 

"  I  can  not  tell  you  how  much  I  am  relieved  by  the  intelli 
gence  that  you  and  our  dear  girls  are  at  last  beyond  the  domain  of 
the  brutal  Yankees  who  have  made  our  land  a  desert.  Now  I 
can  write  freely  and  so  can  you  and  they,  and  I  beg  you  will  do 
so  ;  tell  the  girls  that  everything  they  can  tell  me  of  what  interested 
them  in  the  fearful  drama  will  interest  me  and  deeply.  I  write 
this  to  take  the  chance  of  its  reaching  you  ;  when  you  are  fixed, 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


give  me  your  exact  address,  and  then  my  letters  will  go  to  you 
regularly.     *     *     * 

"  I  have  been  in  this  quiet  inland  town  for  the  last  two  or 
three  weeks,  to  get  away  from  the  crowd  and  distraction  of  Lon 
don,  and,  too,  for  economy.  I  may  change  my  quarters,  but  the 
Gilliats  will  always  have  my  address. 

"  I  can  not  write  of  my  views,  or  of  our  affairs,  domestic  or 
political,  until  I  have  certainty  that  my  letters  will  reach  you  out 
of  the  United  States — then  I  shall  be  free  to  talk. 

'  Tell  the  dear  girls  and  the  grandchildren  that  I  send  my  best 
love  and  welcome  to  the  English  flag. 

"  Most  affectionately,  yours, 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

"  LEAMINGTON,  ENGLAND,  June  I4th,  1865. 

"My  Dear  Wife :  I  have  heard  nothing  from  you  since  Teko's 
letter  of  the  22d  of  May.  speaking  of  your  arrival  and  detention 
for  a  day  in  Baltimore.  The  Quebec  steamer  arrived  at  Liverpool 
yesterday,  and  I  am  eagerly  in  hope  of  receiving,  during  the  day, 
the  long  desired  letter  to  assure  me  of  the  safety  of  yourself  and 
our  dear  girls,  where  you  can  once  more  write  and  speak  freely, 
and  enjoy  again  some  of  the  comforts  of  life. 

"  I  told  you  in  my  last,  of  my  purpose,  under  a  sense  of  duty, 
of  remaining  in  England  until  I  heard  definitely  of  what  might  be 
done  by  Texas.  If  she  surrenders,  I  will  join  you  at  once ;  if  not, 
I  feel  it  due  to  remain  until  I  see  whether  that  State  looks  to  my 
services  in  Europe — in  such  case  I  shall  hope  to  make  arrange 
ments  for  you  to  join  me  here.  These  doubts  must,  I  think,  be 
cleared  up  in  a  very  short  time.  *  *  * 

"  I  am  resident  in  a  beautiful  English  town,  some  hundred 
miles  from  London,  and,  so  far,  there  are  several  agreeable  Con 
federate  families  here,  amongst  them  Mrs.  Watkins  Leigh,  of 
Richmond,  and  two  daughters.  Her  son,  Chapman  Leigh,  arrived 
a  few  days  since ;  as  he  left  Richmond  after  you  did,  was  in  the 
army,  and  was  at  Danville  after  the  surrender,  he  has  given  me 
much  interesting  but  sad  detail.  Tell  me  of  all  arrangements  you 
have  made  or  propose  to  make  for  temporary  residence,  and  send 
me  your  address  for  my  letters. 

"•  Yours  most  affectionately, 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


"  LONDON,  August  Qth,  1865. 

"  I  have  just  been  made  happy,  my  dear  wife,  by  the  receipt 
of  yours  of  the  27th  July,  with  enclosures  from  the  girls,  and  now, 
I  think  I  shall  add  to  your  and  their  happiness  when  I  tell  you 
that  my  passage  is  engaged  in  the  '  Peruvian,'  to  leave  for  Quebec 
on  the  24  instant,  which  I  trust  will  put  me  once  more  with  you 
and  our  dear  daughters  at  an  early  day  in  September. 

"  Tell  the  girls  that  we  will  then  discuss  the  details  of  our 
future  settlement  in  which  plans  I  shall  be  most  happy  to  include 
the  young  gentlemen  who  are  now  with  you.  General  Brecken- 
ridge  and  Colonel  Helm,  our  late  Consul  at  Havana,  go  with  me 
to  Canada.  *  *  * 

"  With  constant  love  to  all, 

"  Yours,  my  dear  wife,  ever, 

"  J.  M.  M." 

Another  letter  of  August  i6th  said  :  "In  my  letter  of  last 
week  I  told  you  that  I  should  sail,  in  company  with  General  Breck- 
enridge,  on  the  24th,  for  Canada.  Since  then  we  have  heard  of 
the  arrival  of  Mr.  Benjamin  at  Havana,  and  that  he  will  be  here 
on  the  steamer  from  that  place  to  arrive  on  the  28th.  This  may 
possibly  cause  us  to  delay  our  departure  for  a  week.  The  Gen 
eral  is  now  in  Paris,  to  return  the  day  after  to-morrow  ;  until  I 
see  him,  I  can  not  decide,  but  it  seems  to  me  that  it  would  not  be 
well  to  leave  Europe  without  a  conference  with  Mr.  Benjamin. 
I  have  just  returned  from  a  visit  of  a  few  days  to 
Bedgebury  Park,  taking  leave  of  my  most  excellent  friends,  the 
Hopes,  and  with  sincere  regret  at  parting." 

A  note,  written  a  day  later,  on  August  1  7th,  said  : 

"  Our  departure  is  delayed  for  a  week.  We,  that  is,  Gen 
eral  Breckenridge  and  I,  will  sail  on  the  '  Hibernian,'  on  the  3ist 
instant,  which  will  bring  me,  I  hope,  to  you  by  the  loth  or  I2th 
of  September." 

Still  later,  on  August  23d,  he  writes  :  "  I  am  now  to  make 
a  suggestion  which  I  fear  will  try  your  equanimity.  After  I  had 
committed  myself  to  leave  Europe  by  taking  passage  for  Canada, 
it  brought  many  remonstrances  from  friends  here,  both  Confed 
erate  and  English,  resting  chiefly  on  political  considerations  not 
easily  developed  in  a  letter,  and  which  set  me  to  thinking  maturely 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


on  the  step.  I  had  no  object  in  going  to  Canada  but  to  join  you 
and  our  dear  circle  there.  Why  not  bring  you  all  here?  I  had 
not  suggested  this  before  from  a  general  apprehension  that  you 
and  the  girls  might  be  disinclined  to  the  sea  voyage,  which  was  a 
matter  of  no  moment  to  me;  and  then  on  the  score  of  economy, 
which  we  are  now  so  much  bound  to  regard,  I  am  satisfied  that 
in  a  good  country  town  in  England  there  would  be  little  if  any 
difference,  and  on  the  score  of  comfort  and  peace,  we  shall  be  far 
better  off  than  when  near  the  Yankee  frontier. 

"  As  to  the  sea  voyage,  I  am  told  by  nautical  men  here  that 
the  month  of  October  is  amongst  the  most  tranquil  months,  but 
whether  or  no,  the  steamers  are  so  large  and  under  such  expe 
rienced  command  that  whatever  your  anticipations,  I  am  sure  you 
would  have  a  pleasant  voyage  and  be  at  least,  not  more  than  ten 
days  at  sea.  And  on  learning  on  what  ship  you  sail,  I  should  meet 
you  on  board  and  before  you  land.  I  really  see  no  difficulty  in 
all  this,  and  hope  that  you  will  not.  *  *  *  I  am  earnestly 
impressed  with  the  belief  that  this  is  the  best  thing  to  be  done  for 
all  of  us,  and  I  hope  you  will  allow  no  really  minor  obstacles  to 
deter  you ;  but  at  last,  if  you  really  find  it  impracticable,  then  I 
must  join  you,  and  it  will  have  resulted  only  to  delay  for  a  short 
time  our  meeting." 

"  LONDON,  September  23d,  1865. 

"'  My  Very  Dear  Daughter :  I  can  well  understand  the  great 
disappointment  so  strongly  expressed  in  your  letter  of  the  7th, 
on  the  receipt  of  mine  informing  you  that  I  could  not  join  you,  as 
I  had  given  you  full  reason  to  expect,  but  I  had  earnestly  hoped  it 
would  have  been  mitigated  by  your  finding  yourselves  in  a  posi 
tion  to  join  me.  I  was  certainly  aware  that  there  would  be  diffi 
culties  in  family  arrangements,  but  I  thought  they  might  be  over 
come  ;  but  those  which  you  have  stated  as  personal  to  your  excel 
lent  mother,  are  conclusive  with  me — certainly  while  they  remain 
— could  I  get  to  you,  perhaps  I  could  remove  them,  but  until  I  do, 
I  acquiesce  cheerfully  in  her  decision.  General  Preston,  who  is 
here,  will  sail  in  the  packet  of  next  week  for  Quebec,  and  after  re 
ceiving  your  letter,  I  had  almost  determined  to  overrule  as  well  my 
own  judgment,  as  that  of  others,  and  go  with  him,  when  this 
morning  he,  with  Mr.  Benjamin  (also  now  here),  and  General 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


McCrea,  financial  agent  of  the  Confederacy,  came  to  see  me  to 
remonstrate  against  it.  I  can  not  put  on  paper  the  reasons  they 
suggested.  Those  that  referred  to  a  possible  risk  of  my  personal 
safety,  were  I  to  appear  at  this  time  in  Canada,  I  should  overrule  ; 
but  there  were  others  of  a  political  character  altogether  .which  I  do 
not  feel  at  liberty  to  disregard.  It  may  be  yet  that  I  may  get  off  in 
October,  but  after  my  late  signal  failure,  I  am  afraid  to  promise 
more.  In  meantime,  it  being  settled  that  you  can  not  come  here, 
I  hope  your  mother  will  avail  herself  of  the  remaining  mild 
weather  to  establish  her  household  comfortably  for  the  winter. 
Even  should  I  not  get  to  you  before  the  steamers  cease  running 
to  Quebec,  I  may  afterwards  make  my  way  from  Halifax,  for 
I  confess  that  everything  abroad  has  become  to  me  '  stale,  flat, 
and  unprofitable.'  '' 

On  October  24th  he  writes  to  his  daughters  : 

"  Most  earnestly  indeed  do  I  wish  that  I  could  bring  to  an 
end  this  long  separation  —  I  think  fully  with  you  that  not  only 
your  excellent  mother  and  all  of  you,  but  that  /  too,  considering 
all  that  you  have  undergone  in  the  last  four  years,  f  deserve  '  that 
we  should  be  united,  and  to  remain  united  once  more.  I  can  only 
say,  my  dear  girls,  that  as  soon  as  I  can  leave  Europe  with  justice 
to  affairs  in  my  charge  here,  it  shall  be  done.  When  I  can  explain 
them  to  you,  you  will  agree  that  I  am  right." 

His  next  letter,  a  few  days  later,  says  :  "  In  regard  to  my 
own  movements,  I  can  not  yet  speak  more  definitely  than  before  — 
the  same  reasons  then  detaining  me  remaining.  If  the  Canada 
line  continues  to  run  during  November,  I  may  effect  it.  You  may 
well  imagine,  besides  my  earnest  desire  to  be  once  more  united  to 
you  all,  in  the  condition  of  things  around  me  here,  Europe  pre 
sents  but  little  interest."  *  *  * 

"  I  can't  say  that  I  expect  it,  but  yet  it  may  be  possible,  that 
things  may  be  so  arranged  that  we  may  be  enabled  to  go  back 
where  we  came  from  (I  can  not  say  to  the  country  we  left)  in 
the  course  of  next  year.  Mr.  President  Johnson,  little  as  was 
expected  of  him,  has  certainly  shown,  in  his  policy  so  far,  a  fixed 
purpose  to  disappoint  that  party  who  revelled  in  the  ruin  of 
the  South  —  from  his  late  speech  to  the  delegation  from  South 
Carolina,  which  seems  to  have  been  well  considered,  is  shown  a 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


full  determination  to  win  the  confidence  of  our  people,  and  under 
no  circumstances  to  permit  any  executions  for  alleged  treason,  and 
in  aid  of  all  which,  came  his  prompt  release,  on  parole,  of  certain 
of  the  chief  offenders.  In  the  policy  thus  indicated,  he  will  be 
sustained  certainly  by  those  who  rejoice  in  the  appellation  of  the 
'  Democratic  party ' — and  I  should  think  with  equal  earnestness, 
by  the  entire  responsible  and  considerate  mind  at  the  North,  of 
every  party — they  must  be  aware  that  their  country  can  be  saved 
from  ruin,  and  disgrace  in  their  finances,  only  by  getting  back  the 
South  once  more  as  a  productive  country.  All  this,  however,  can 
be  little  other  than  speculation,  until  we  see  what  may  be  the 
temper  and  policy  of  the  Congress  about  to  meet." 

"  NOVEMBER  23d. — As  to  the  future,  one  may  speculate,  but 
can  speculate  only.  So  far  as  I  can  see  now,  Canada  may  be  our 
residence  for  some  time  to  come — we  can  only  make  the  best  of 
it.  I  suppose  it  must  be  determined  by  the  action  at  Washington 
during  this  winter  what  is  to  be  the  future  of  our  unhappy  South, 
and  of  those  who  are  now  its  exiles ;  looking  forward,  I  confess 
my  forebodings  are  gloomy.  At  present,  with  all  the  apparent 
disposition  of  Mr.  President  Johnson  to  invigorate  and  restore  it, 
it  yet  lies  prostrate  and  powerless  under  a  despot's  foot.  It  can 
never  be  what  it  was,  and  unless,  in  a  hope  that  I  could  render 
some  possible  service  to  my  countrymen  who  are  compelled  to 
remain  there,  I  can  have  no  wish  to  return.  I  am  satisfied  I  could 
render  no  service  now  unless  I  were  to  aid  in  adjusting  the  yoke 
that  is  upon  them,  an  office  for  which  I  have  no  inclination.  It 
is  idle  thus  to  moralize,  yet  with  me,  as  I  am  sure  with  you,  the 
past  is  ever  present,  and  will  engross  all  my  thoughts." 

The  following  article  was  written  about  this  time  and  during 
one  of  Mr.  Mason's  visits  to  Shepperton,  the  residence  of  his 
friend,  Mr.  Lindsay.  It  is  introduced  in  this  connection  as  further 
illustrative  of  his  (Mr.  Mason's)  opinions  and  feelings: 

"  SHEPPERTON  MANOR  HOUSE, 

"  MIDDLESEX,  ENGLAND,  1865. 

"WHAT  is  TO  BE  THE  FUTURE  OF  THE  SOUTH  ? 

"  At  so  early  a  day  after  its  conquest,  this  must,  to  a  great 
extent,  be  little  more  than  a  subject  of  speculation,  yet  there  are 
certain  positions  which  it  is  thought  may  be  safely  assumed. 


576 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


"  It  is  certain,  as  the  result  of  the  war,  the  whole  South  is  now 
prostrate  and  powerless — that  war  was  for  independence.  An 
independence  believed  to  be  from  political  considerations  indis 
pensable  to  the  safety  and  welfare  of  the  people,  its  value  may  be 
estimated  by  the  price  paid  in  the  attempt  to  obtain  it.  Indepen 
dence  is  deferred,  the  same  political  causes  which  led  to  the  war 
must  continue  until  the  end  is  attained.  The  great  blow  has  been 
struck,  the  people  North  and  South,  as  communities,  are  separated 
forever.  At  present,  and  since  the  war  ended,  the  South  has  re 
mained  unresisting  under  the  dominion  of  the  North,  its  proud  and 
spirited  people  have  been  made  to  feel  the  bitterness  of  subjuga 
tion,  and  the  inquiry  forced  upon  us  is,  what  course  is  left  to  them  ? 
Shall  they  flee  to  a  foreign  land,  or  remain  and  await  events? 
Pride  might  adopt  the  former,  but  reason  and  manhood  require 
the  latter.  When  the  prize  is  ultimately  gained,  the  sufferings, 
privations,  and  even  humiliations  through  which  it  was  attained 
will  only  the  more  ennoble  it. 

"  But  if  the  South  has  thus  suffered  in  its  wealth  and  re 
sources,  the  North  has  sustained  even  a  greater  loss  in  its  form 
of  government.  It  is  no  longer  a  Republic.  It  is  no  longer  a 
government  of  limited  power.  It  is  no  longer  a  federation  of 
States.  It  is  a  government  centralized  and  consolidated,  and  its 
power  is  measured  only  by  the  will  of  the  Congress  and  the  Presi 
dent,  as  they  are  adapted  from  time  to  time  to  the  shifting  expe 
dients  of  ignorance  or  fraud,  and  such  must  continue  its  character 
until,  by  some  violent  convulsion,  all  power  is  centered  in  a  junto 
or  seized  by  a  usurper. 

"  The  form  of  government,  when  the  war  was  begun,  was 
that  of  a  Federated  Republic,  the  confederates  being  each  a 
separate  and  equal  sovereign  State.  State  equality  and  State 
sovereignty  were  overthrown  by  the  war,  and  the  North  has 
accepted  that  as  one  of  its  fortunate  results.  The  idea  that  the 
Southern  States  can  or  should  return  to  the  Union  in  the  condition 
that  they  left  it  is  idle  and  impossible.  Were  this  proposition 
made  by  the  North,  and  made  with  honorable  and  fair  intent,  it 
would  be  fatuous  in  the  South  to  accept  it.  Their  experience 
under  the  late  Union  would  prove  that  they  would  then  only 
become  one  people  governed  by  another  people. 

"What  remains  to  them?     They  can  only  for  the  present 


LIFE    OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


577 


wait  events,  and  one  of  two  things  must  happen,  either  the  South 
will  yet  attain  independence  or  the  North  become  a  consolidated 
empire  with  the  South  absorbed.  The  people  of  the  South  will 
be  in  fair  competition  with  the  people  of  the  North  for  the  domin 
ion." 

"  LONDON,  January  i8th,  1866. 

"  My  Dear  Wife  :  I  have  nothing  to  tell  you  of  myself  except 
that  time  drags  on  at  a  slow  and  heavy  pace.  Fortunately,  my 
health  continues  robust,  though  the  winter  climate  of  England 
is  anything  but  agreeable.  I  think  I  may  safely  say  that  six  days 
in  seven  present  the  same  unvarying  round  of  clouds,  rain,  and 
fog,  yet  I  manage  to  keep  up  my  usual  habit  of  exercise,  walking 
one.  two,  or  three  miles  every  day.  My  great  want  is  the  lack 
of  active  mental  occupation.  I  have  been  so  long  accustomed  to 
such  aliment,  having  a  share  in  the  administration  of  affairs 
around  me,  that  its  absence  now  leaves  a  great  void.  I  employ 
myself  first  in  reading  the  newspapers — chiefly,  whenever  I  can  get 
them — from  the  Northern  States.  It  interests  me  deeply  to  see 
the  struggle  of  parties  there,  and  to  speculate  on  the  result  so  far 
as  it  may  affect  our  unhappy  South.  In  this  view,  I  have  pro 
cured,  through  a  friend,  a  subscription  to  be  made  to  the  official 
'  Register  of  Debates  '  in  Congress,  and  read  them  regularly,  every 
word;  it  keeps  me  well  informed  in  every  phase  of  their  inter 
necine  war.  *  *  I  have  received  a  paper  from  Mr.  McMurtrie, 
at  Philadelphia,  in  form  of  a  resignation  of  my  executorship  of 
your  brother  Anthony's  estate,  with  a  request  that  I  should  make 
an  affidavit  to  it  before  the  Consul  of  the  United  States.  It  may 
amuse  you  to  know  what  passed  at  the  interview.  I  found  at  the 
office  a  Vice-consul,  as  it  appeared.  I  handed  him  the  paper, 
which  was  brief,  and  had  my  name  in  full  written  in  it,  telling  him 
I  had  received  it  from  counsel  at  Philadelphia,  with  instructions 
to  make  affidavit  to  it  before  the  Consul  of  the  United  States  and 
return  it,  to  be  used  in  the  Courts  there.  It  was  manifest  that 
he  knew  me,  for  pausing,  after  he  read  it,  he  said,  '  Are  you  a  citi 
zen  of  the  United  States?'  I  replied,  '  I  am  not.'  Another  pause. 
'  Of  what  country  are  you  a  citizen  ?'  I  replied,  '  I  am  at  present, 
and  have  been  for  some  time,  resident  in  England.'  '  But,'  said 
he,  '  you  must  belong  to  some  country  ?'  I  answered,  '  I  was  a 


578 


LIFE    OF   JAMES    HURRAY   MASON. 


citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  after  the  rupture  there,  became 
a  citizen  of  the  Confederate  States — that  when  the  Government 
of  the  latter  had  been  unfortunately  overthrown,  I  was  in  Europe, 
where  I  had  remained  since  and  without  any  purpose  of  returning 
to  the  United  States.'  After  some  hesitancy,  he  added,  '  I  sup 
pose  you  may  still  be  considered  a  citizen  of  the  United  States.' 
I  replied,  '  You  may  so  consider  it,  if  you  please,  but  it  will  be 
your  act,  not  mine.' 

"  He  then  said,  '  Perhaps  I  had  better  consult  the  Consul 
about  it ' — and  asked  me  to  take  a  seat  for  a  few  minutes,  apolo 
gizing  for  the  delay — indeed,  his  manner  was  exceedingly  civil 
throughout.  After  a  few  minutes  he  came  back  from  an  inner 
room,  and  said,  '  The  Consul  did  not  think  himself  authorized, 
under  the  circumstances,  to  administer  the  affidavit — that  his 
authority  was  limited  only  to  citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  to 
British  subjects,'  and  went  on  to  explain  why.  He  was  very 
civil,  however,  and  expressed  regret  that  I  should  be  put  to  addi 
tional  trouble  in  the  matter,  himself  suggesting  that  the  affidavit 
would  be  equally  good  if  made  before  the  Lord  Mayor,  then  the 
Consul  would  officially  certify  to  the  Mayor's  signature — and  so 
I  took  leave.  I  made  the  affidavit  before  the  Lord  Mayor,  my 
bankers  obtained  the .  certificate  of  the  Consul,  and  it  went  off 
under  cover  to  Mr.  McMurtrie  by  the  steamer  of  the  3d.  Such 
are  my  relations  with  my  former  country — but  I  hope  what  was 
done  will  remove  the  obstacles  to  gaining  your  inheritance. 

"  I  went  on  Saturday  evening  with  Mr.  Benjamin,  to  pay  a 
visit  in  the  country  to  Sir  Frederick  Pollock.  '  Lord  Chief  Baron 
of  the  Exchequer,'  the  highest  judicial  officer  except  the  Lord 
Chancellor,  in  the  Kingdom,  and  remained  until  Monday  morning 
— a  really  great  man,  and  though  83  years  of  age,  in  full  posses 
sion  of  all  his  faculties,  mental  and  physical.  He  has  a  large 
family  around  him  of  young  ladies  by  his  second  marriage — 
very  pleasant  and  agreeable  people,  and  we  had  a  very  pleasant 
visit — the  old  gentleman  full  of  intelligence,  anecdotes,  and  pleas 
antry  ;  indeed,  there  must  be  something  in  this  dreary  climate  of 
England  which  takes  away  from  long  life  those  infirmities  which 
may  sometimes  make  it  a  calamity.  I  have  seen  old  men, 
decrepit,  in  the  lower  classes,  but  such  instances  are  very  rare  in 
the  higher  classes.  My  late  host,  for  instance,  rises  at  5  o'clock, 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


breakfasts  at  half  past  eight,  goes  to  London  by  railroad,  arriving 
at  half  past  nine,  sits  in  Court  every  day  for  three-fourths  of  the 
year,  from  ten  to  four,  returns  home,  arriving  at  half  past  five, 
dines  at  seven,  and  retires  at  nine — and  this  is  a  daily  routine; 
from  his  looks,  voice,  and  gait,  he  would  pass  well  for  sixty  or 
sixty-five. 

"  The  late  Lord  Palmerston,  in  his  eighty-second  year,  as 
leader  of  the  House  of  Commons,  would  be  in  his  seat  night  after 
night,  and  taking  a  vigorous  part  in  debate,  until  one,  two,  or  three 
in  the  morning.  It  may  be  that  exercise  on  horseback  contributes 
to  this  robust  longevity — in  the  country,  they  are  in  the  field  all 
day.  hunting  or  shooting;  in  town,  they  are  on  horseback  an  hour 
or  two  of  each  day,  in  the  Park,  and  move  at  a  round  pace — so 
much  for  John  Bull. 

"  With  best  love  to  all,  yours  my  dear  wife,  ever, 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

"  24  UPPER  SEYMOUR  STREET, 

"  PORTMAN  SQUARE, 
"  LONDON,  March  isth,  1866. 

f(  My  Dear  Wife:  I  think  I  mentioned  in  one  of  my  late 
letters  that  your  cousin,  Ben  Howard,  and  his  daughter  M.,  had 
written  to  me  telling  me  of  the  proposed  fair  at  Baltimore  for 
relief  of  our  suffering  countrymen  in  the  South,  and  asking  if  I 
could  send  them  any  aid  from  England.  I  am  gratified  to  say, 
that  as  the  result,  so  far,  of  a  short  note  that  I  sent  to  the  London 
'Times'  published  on  the  Qth  instant,  saying  that  I  would  receive 
and  remit  any  voluntary  contributions  that  might  be  sent  to  me, 
I  have  received  already  £  187  which  with  exchange  when  received 
at  Baltimore  ought  to  be  equal  to  $1,000  there  in  gold,  and  con 
tributions  are  still  coming  in.  I  should  hope,  in  the  course  of 
another  week,  that  my  deposit  will  not  fall  below  £300.  I  have 
been  really  gratified  in  having  it  thus  in  my  power  to  do  some 
thing,  even  at  this  distance,  for  the  relief  of  our  suffering  country 
men.  I  shall  send  it  to  Mrs.  Howard,  to  be  made  the  first  or  intro 
ductory  entry  on  her  cash  account.  *  *  * 

"  I  think  I  have  never  answered  your  inquiry  whether  my 
friend  Lord  Ashburton  was  the  son  of  your  former  acquaintance, 
Miss  Willing,  of  Philadelphia.  He  was,  as  I  know  from  history. 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


He  said  that  his  father  went,  in  early  life,  on  a  visit  to  the  United 
States,  with  general  permission  to  go  where  he  pleased,  the  only 
restriction  placed  on  him  being  that  he  should  not  marry  abroad  — 
but,  I  suppose  he  could  not,  as  others  could  not  after  him,  resist 
the  Philadelphia  lady. 

"  One  of  the  Crenshaws,  lately  from  Richmond,  came  in  to 
see  me  just  as  I  began  this  letter,  and  remained  so  long  talking 
over  Richmond,  its  people  and  affairs,  topics  most  interesting  to 
me,  that  I  have  barely  time  to  close  my  letter  for  the  mail,  though 
I  do  not  know  that  I  have  anything  more  to  say  than  to  add  my 
best  love  to  all  under  your  roof. 

"  Yours  ever, 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 

In  his  next  letter,  a  week  later,  he  says  :  "  I  have  spoken  to 
you  of  my  comparative  success  as  a  recipient  of  contributions 
for  the  '  Ladies'  Fair  '  in  Baltimore  —  at  present  amounting  to 
nearly  £300,  which  sum,  or  very  near  it,  I  shall  be  able  to 
send  —  say  equal  in  Baltimore  to  at  least  $1,500,  in  gold  —  pretty 
well,  I  think,  for  one  who  never  even  hinted  a  request,  far  less 
solicited  any  one  for  aid,  but  the  English  are  really  a  liberal  peo 
ple  whenever  either  their  sympathies  or  a  sense  of  duty  impels 
them. 

"  Of  myself,  I  have  nothing  to  tell  you  —  time  flows  by  in  an 
even  current,  and  the  occupations  of  one  day  are  those  of 
another.  My  mind  is,  of  course,  engrossed  with  the  condition  of 
things  at  home,  and  the  state  of  affairs,  with  the  conflict  of  par 
ties,  in  the  United  States,  so  far  as  the  latter  tend  to  results  that 
may  affect  that  home.  Since  the  war,  and  more  especially  since 
Congress  met,  everything  there  has  been  chaos.  President  John 
son  has  certainly  far  surpassed,  both  in  his  statesmanship,  and  his 
will  to  carry  it  into  effect,  anything  that  could  have  been  expected 
of  him  from  his  former  career,  but  in  his  position  as  the  Executive 
what  he  can  do,  must  be  rather  to  frustrate  mischief  in  others, 
than  to  carry  out  a  policy  of  his  own.  The  rude  shocks  which 
the  whole  structure  of  the  Government  sustained  during  the  war 
were  such  as  to  dislocate  all  the  balances  of  power,.  and  pretty 
nearly  to  destroy  every  limitation  on  the  will,  or  even  the  caprice, 
of  those  who  administer  it,  and  our  own  unhappy  country  so  far, 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


the  powerless  victim.  I  read,  or  rather  study,  here  all  the  public 
papers  that  emanate  from  Washington,  as  well  as  the  speeches  of 
the  leading  men  there  on  all  sides,  trying  as  far  as  I  can,  to  pry 
into  the  future,  both  of  the  North  and  South  —  and  it  becomes  to 
me  every  day  more  and  more  apparent  that  the  Government  there 
has  a  problem  to  solve,  in  what  they  call  reconstruction,  and  a 
burthen  to  carry  in  their  immense  debt,  without  a  man  in  office 
capable  of  appreciating  the  difficulties  before  them,  far  less  of 
pointing  a  way  to  be  extricated  from  them.  The  policy  of  John 
son,  even  for  their  own  interests,  is  far  the  best  that  has  been 
devised  ;  whether  the  masses  at  the  North  will  sustain  him  in  it, 
considering  of  what  material  those  masses  are  composed,  is  to  me 
even  more  than  doubtful  —  whilst  certain  it  is  that  the  present 
Congress  will  leave  nothing  undone  to  frustrate  it  —  thus  every 
thing  remains  in  chaos,  at  least  until  a  new  Congress  meets  in 
December,  1867,  nearly  two  years  hence  —  and  it  may  very  probably 
be  that  the  ship  of  state,  with  ignorant  helmsmen,  and  a  mutinous 
crew,  will  founder  and  go  to  pieces  in  the  meantime  —  in  such  case, 
the  South  alone  will  survive  the  wreck," 

Again,  in  a  letter  to  one  of  his  daughters,  dated  April  5th, 
he  writes:  "I  received  last  week  yours  of  the  I5th.  The  nar 
rative  you  give  of  the  various  lots  of  our  old  friends  in  Winchester 
is  certainly  melancholy,  yet  to  me  deeply  interesting  —  whatever  it 
may  be,  we  like  to  know  the  fortunes  and  fates  of  those  with  whom 
we  once  happily  lived,  and  '  long  been  parted.'  It  would  be  pain 
ful  indeed  to  go  back  there,  and  witness  the  melancholy  ruins  of 
that  once  peaceful  and  exemplary  society.  In  my  varied  inter 
course  with  the  world,  I  have  met  with  some  whom  I  held  in  dis- 
esteem,  with  others  in  contempt,  as  unworthy,  and  some  few  who 
were  essentially  bad,  but,  in  looking  back,  I  do  not  recognize  that 
my  feelings  toward  any  such  amounted  to  acrimony,  or  insuper 
able  hate.  Now  it  is  otherwise.  I  confess,  that  toward  every  man 
or  thing  North,  there  has  arisen  within  me  a  feeling  of  detesta 
tion  that  I  can  not  express  or  qualify,  if  I  would.  In  the  war  they 
waged  against  us.  they  were  demons  —  in  victory,  they  proved 
themselves  fiends.  There  are,  of  course,  individual  exceptions  I 
doubt  not,  but  I  have  yet  to  learn  of  one  prominent  man  there  who 
has,  since  the  rupture,  expressed  a  sentiment,  or  evinced  a  feeling, 
that  would  not  be  held  a  disgrace  to  manhood  elsewhere.  Such 


582 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


.are  the  opinions  that  have  been  forced  upon  me  of  that  people  dur 
ing  the  last  five  years.  I  need  not  ask  myself,  then,  can  I  ever 
go  back  to  the  South,  and  live  there  whilst  there  remains  any 
political  union  with  such  a  race  ?  Social,  or  voluntary  union,  there 
can  never  be  again.  Had  I  been  caught  there,  and  obliged  to  re 
main,  I  feel  that  I  should  have  died  by  slow  torture — a  life  to 
which  a  doom  of  penal  servitude,  with  the  most  depraved  of  the 
earth,  can  only  be  compared. 

"  As  to  the  future  of  that  noble  South,  I  confess  I  can  at  pres 
ent  see  nothing  but  in  gloom  and  despondency — the  sources  of 
wealth  are  dried  up,  and  her  social  structure  destroyed  forever, 
yet  I  am  satisfied,  as  far  as  human  judgment  may  be  trusted,  that 
the  blow  which  severs  North  from  South  as  distinct  political 
communities,  has  been  delivered  by  the  war — though  it  may  take 
years,  perhaps  generations,  to  realize  it.  It  must  follow,  too,  as 
experience  gradually  develops,  that  men  of  degree  and  condition, 
born  and  raised  in  the  South,  can  live  under  a  Northern  rule,  only 
as  under  taskmasters.  The  young  men,  at  least,  of  such  class,  will 
leave  the  country  and  establish  themselves  in  masses  elsewhere. 
To  this  I  fear  there  will  be  no  alternative.  For  this  colonization, 
I  know  of  no  region  preferable  to  the  British  Colonies,  first, 
because  with  that  race  we  are  homogeneous,  with  the  same  lan 
guage,  literature,  and  laws,  and  next,  because  our  form  of  govern 
ment  was  molded  chiefly  upon  theirs. 

'''  There  is  one  of  those  colonies  which,  if  our  people  could 
reach  in  numbers,  they  might  make  into  a  new  South — Australia 
— but  it  is  too  far  off  for  a  people  as  little  enterprising  as  ours. 
Canada  has,  by  accident  and  circumstances,  been  forced  upon  us, 
and  I  suppose  for  a  time,  at  least,  we  must  remain  there,  but  the 
most  available  point,  because  of  its  proximity,  and  perhaps  the 
most  free  from  objection,  is  Mexico — true,  there  may  be  some 
doubt  about  the  stability  of  its  government,  and  its  exemption  from 
pestiferous  Yankee  fraternization,  but  I  have  watched  it  with  some 
care,  and  I  think,  as  time  goes  by,  the  probability  of  stability  im 
proves.  Captain  Maury,  late  of  our  Navy,  went  to  Mexico  at  the 
close  of  the  war,  and  has  just  come  to  England  to  take  his  family 
with  him  back  to  Mexico. 

;<  The  Emperor,  it  seems,  has  placed  him  at  the  head  of  a 
Bureau  of  Emigration,  and  his  accounts  of  the  prospects  for 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


583 


Southern  emigrants  there  (of  whom  there  are  already  many)  are 
couleur  dc  rose.  He  has  been  here  but  for  a  day  or  two,  and  I 
have  seen  him  but  once,  but  I  shall  have  a  long  conversation  with 
him,  and  subject  him  to  a  severe  cross-examination  before  I  form 
a  judgment.  What  would  you  all  think  of  an  emigration,  en 
to ute  famille,  to  Mexico? 

"  I  have  written  you  a  long  philosophic  letter,  but  as  you  said 
in  yours,  it  was  on  the  subject  always  uppermost  in  my  mind. 

"What  you  say  of  the  usages  of  society  in  Montreal,  is 
English  all  over — they  have  no  opportunity  for  what  we  call 
social  visiting — because  of  their  late  dinners ;  they  have  no  even 
ing  until  ten  or  eleven  o'clock  at  night.  Of  the  many  that  I  know 
here,  and  where  I  have  been  most  hospitably  received,  there  are 
but  two  families  where  I  could  think  of  a  visit  in  the  evening — 
that  of  the  late  Lord  Donoughmore,  and  Mr.  Beresford  Hope, 
where  my  relations  were  as  cordial,  almost,  as  with  those  at  home ; 
and  then  I  would  enquire  of  the  servant,  whether  the  ladies  had 
returned  to  the  drawing-room,  and  whether  there  was  company 
at  dinner,  before  I  ventured  farther. 

"  I  remark  what  you  nave  said  about  the  proposed  fair  at 
Baltimore — in  my  late  letters,  I  told  what  I  had  done  for  it,  and 
which  I  hope  '  will  help  it  along.'  In  addition  to  a  sterling  bill 
for  very  nearly  £300,  I  sent  off  by  steamer  to  New  York  last 
week,  a  box  containing  various  articles,  some  contributed,  and 
others  purchased  with  money  I  received  after  I  had  remitted,  and 
containing  also  the  silver  salt  cellars,  sent  by  the  Dowager  March 
ioness  of  Bath  with  her  crest  on  them.  I  should  think  what  I 
have  sent  over,  ought  to  amount  to  some  seventeen  or  eighteen 
hundred  dollars  in  gold. 

"  I  have  nothing  to  add  concerning  myself,  except  that  I  am 
getting  very  tired  and  lonesome,  and  long  to  get  back — yet  I  shall 
ever  cherish  grateful  recollections  of  my  residence  in  England, 
and  of  the  many  valued  friendships  contracted  here,  whatever  the 
harshness  of  its  Government  toward  us. 

"  Yours,  my  dear  daughter,  most  affectionately, 

"J.  M.  MASON." 


584 


LIFE   OF  JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


"  24  UPPER  SEYMOUR  STREET,  PORTMAN  SQUARE, 

"  LONDON,  April  I2th,  1866. 

"My  Dear  Wife:  I  had  the  pleasure  to  receive,  last  week, 
yours  of  the  22d  and  V.'s  of  the  23d  of  March,  my  due  for  this 
week,  not  yet  arrived.  I  was  not  prepared  to  hear  of  the  death  of 
my  brother  Maynadier,  or  rather,  I  had  no  intimation  that  he  was 
in  failing  health — there  have  been  sad  ravages  indeed  in  my 
family  in  the  last  five  years — but  it  is  vain  to  repine. 

"  I  had  a  long  letter  recently  from  Mr.  Sherrard,  dated  22d 
of  March.  He  gives  a  melancholy  picture  of  scenes  and  things 
around  our  old  home,  including  the  depraved  and  vagabond  condi 
tion  of  the  negroes,  and  of  the  usurpations  in  society  there,  by  the 
Yankees,  male  and  female,  but  he  says,  at  the  same  time,  con 
firmatory  of  other  accounts  that  reach  me,  that  the  people  of  our 
noble  South  remain  unsubdued  in  spirit.  I  can  have  one  advan 
tage  at  least  in  exchanging  England  for  Canada,  that  I  shall  be 
nearer  to  them,  and  possibly  have  the  opportunity  of  seeing  and 
counselling  with  those  who  may  come  out  from  amongst  them. 
The  future  of  the  South  is  far  from  being  settled,  I  mean  its 
political  future.  We  can,  at  the  present,  no  longer  confide  in  her 
strength,  but  there  is  much  to  hope  from  the  condition  of  the 
enemy.  The  experiences  to  be  derived  from  the  '  beggar  on 
horseback/  may  illustrate  the  career  of  the  Yankees  now  in  power. 
It  would  seem  they  have  eaten,  in  the  flush  of  unhoped-for 
ascendency,  of  the  insane  root.  In  my  readings  of  history,  except 
in  the  worst  throes  of  the  French  Revolution,  no  country  was  ever 
environed  with  greater  perils,  or  was  in  more  incompetent  hands, 
than  that  represented  by  the  Government  at  Washington.  France, 
after  years  of  convulsion,  found  a  Napoleon — there  was  no  con 
vulsion  under  him,  but  to  avoid  it,  he  had  to  make  war  against 
the  world — should  the  Yankees  not  find  a  Napoleon,  our  chance 
may  be  in  their  continued  convulsion — should  they  find  one,  then 
in  the  wars  which  would  surround  him.  But  it  is  idle  to  talk  of 
politics,  when  we  shall  soon  have  the  opportunity  of  discussing 
them  in  person. 

"  With  best  love  to  all,  yours  ever, 

"J.  M.  M." 


LIFE   OF  JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


"  24  UPPER  SEYMOUR  STREET,  PORTMAN  SQUARE, 

"  LONDON,  April  26th,  1866. 

"  My  Dear  Wife:  In  my  letter  of  last  week,  I  told  you  I  had 
definitely  settled  to  sail  in  the  '  Moravian/  then  advertised  for 
the  loth  of  May.  I  hope  now,  that  you  and  our  dear  circle  around 
you  will  he  agreeably  disappointed  to  learn,  that  those  managing 
the  steamers  have  since  determined  that  the  '  Moravian '  shall  sail 
on  the  3d,  and  my  passage  is  engaged  in  her  for  that  day,  and  I 
shall  thus  have  the  great  satisfaction  of  expediting  my  departure 
by  a  week,  and  hope  to  be  with  you  within  a  week  after  you  receive 
this. 

"  I  have  been  very  busily  engaged  in  packing  up  the  material 
that  has  accumulated  around  me  in  the  last  four  and  a  half  years, 
to  take  with  me,  and  in  closing  my  arrangements,  social  and 
otherwise,  for  leaving  England — really  a  troublesome  task,  but 
I  am  getting  on  pretty  well. 

"  I  paid  a  visit  to-day  to  my  kind  and  excellent  friend,  the 
Countess  of  Donoughmore.  I  think  I  told  you  in  my  late  letters  of 
the  death  of  the  late  Earl,  some  six  or  eight  weeks  since,  and 
how  much  I  deplored  it — it  was  my  first  visit  to  her  since  then ; 
I  sat  with  her  for  an  hour,  talking  on  those  subjects  that  inter 
ested  him  in  his  lifetime — it  was  an  agreeable  and  pleasant  visit — 
for  I  think  next  to  the  family  of  Mr.  Hope,  they  were  those  with 
whom  I  was  on  most  intimate  and  cordial  terms.  She  is  a  lady  of 
some  thirty-six  or  seven,  gentle,  refined,  and  genial  in  her  manner 
and  of  unaffected  simplicity.  I  often  wish  that  you  and  the  girls 
could  have  known  some  of  those  by  whom  I  have  been  most  kindly 
received  in  England.  They  all  know,  through  me,  of  your  being  in 
Canada,  and  their  first  inquiry  is  about  you  and  yours,  and  when 
I  heard  from  you.  When  I  get  back,  I  can  show  you  substantial 
proofs  that  such  inquiries  are  not  merely  formal. 

"  This  is  Thursday,  and  the  steamer  sails  on  this  day  week ; 
I  propose  to  go  to  Liverpool  on  Monday,  and  shall  there  be  the 
guest  of  my  valued  friend,  Mr.  Spence,  until  I  embark. 

"  Trusting  that  I  shall  find  you  and  all  dear  to  us,  with  you, 
in  good  health  and  glad  to  see  me  back, 

"  I  am,  most  affectionately  yours, 

"  J.  M.  MASON." 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


The  long  hoped-for  day  came  at  last  and,  in  April,  1866,  Mr. 
Mason  joined  his  family  in  Montreal,  where  some  weeks  were 
spent  in  quiet  enjoyment  of  the  reunion.  During  this  summer 
quite  a  number  of  refugees  from  the  South  found  an  asylum  in 
the  little  town  of  Niagara,  situated  at  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara 
River.  General  Breckenridge  (ex-Confederate  Secretary  of  War) 
had,  among  others,  established  himself  with  his  family,  in  this 
village,  and  his  description  of  its  quiet  seclusion  and  the  great 
economy  of  its  simple  village  life  induced  Mr.  Mason  to  leave 
Montreal  in  July  of  the  same  year  and  spend  the  rest  of  the 
summer  with  the  party  of  Confederates  there  assembled. 

The  next  winter  was  spent  in  Toronto,  where  they  were  again 
in  the  midst  of  Southern  refugees,  among  whom  were  several  of 
the  families  that  had  been  together  in  Niagara.  In  Toronto  as 
in  Montreal,  indeed  everywhere  in  Canada,  the  kind  welcome  ex 
tended  to  the  Southern  people  contributed  greatly  to  cheer  and 
brighten  the  lives  of  these  exiles.  Such  was  certainly  the  case 
with  Mr.  Mason's  family,  and  the  writer  is  glad  to  record  their 
grateful  appreciation  of  the  kindness  they  received. 

The  spring  of  1867  brought  no  gleam  of  hope  for  the  South ; 
on  the  contrary,  an  Act  of  Congress,  passed  in  March,  1867, 
created  five  military  districts  consisting  of  the  ten  Southern 
States ;  placed  the  people  of  these  States  under  absolute  military 
rule,  and  denied  to  them  the  right  to  protect  themselves  by  their 
own  militia  in  any  emergency  whatever.  It  required  the  forma 
tion  of  new  Constitutions  by  State  conventions ;  provided  for  the 
registration  of  voters ;  and  declared  "  No  one  can  be  registered 
who  may  be  disfranchised  for  participation  in  the  late  rebellion." 
Voters  to  be  male  citizens  of  the  State,  twenty-one  years  old,  of 
whatever  race,  etc..  residents  of  State  for  one  year. 

Mr.  Davis  was  still  in  prison ;  Mr.  R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  of  Vir 
ginia,  and  a  number  of  other  gentlemen  who  had  filled  offices 
of  responsibility  in  the  Confederacy  had  been  imprisoned  after  the 
surrender  of  the  Southern  armies ;  and  fourteen  classes  had  been 
named  in  the  President's  last  proclamation  as  being  excluded  from 
the  benefit  of  all  offers  of  amnesty  or  pardon.  The  majority,  if 
not  all,  of  the  Confederates  then  in  Canada  were  thus  excluded 
from  pardon ;  were  in  fact  exiles.  Mr.  Mason  was  classed  among 
the  chief  offenders,  and  he  never  for  a  moment  entertained  the 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MAUON. 


587 


thought  of  applying  for  pardon,  or  of  taking  any  oath  of  allegiance 
to  the  Government  or  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
as  it  was  then  administered.  It  was  therefore  determined,  in 
family  council,  to  go  back  to  Niagara  as  soon  as  warm  weather 
began  and  to  remain  there  awaiting  events.  Mr.  Mason  accord 
ingly  rented  a  small  but  convenient  house  in  that  village  and  went 
to  work  to  provide  for  the  comfort  of  his  family.  He  gave  close 
attention  to  his  garden  and  to  his  poultry-yard,  particularly  to  the 
latter ;  always  feeding  the  chickens  and  gathering  the  eggs  him 
self,  and  taking  infinite  pride  and  pleasure  in  his  success  when  he 
brought  in  a  basket  of  eggs  or  reported  another  brood  of  little 
chickens  ;  thus  did  he  adapt  himself  to  the  simple  routine  of  a 
country  village  as  though  he  had  been  to  the  manner  born.  The 
memorandum  book  is  still  extant  in  which  he  wrote  the  dates  when 
each  hen  began  to  set,  the  number  of  eggs  given  to  her,  and  the 
number  of  chickens  hatched.  He  was  never  idle  and  he  was 
habitually  cheerful.  His  leisure  hours  had  always  been  occupied 
in  reading — particularly  in  reading  history ;  it  now  became  his 
chief  resource — the  newspapers  were  daily  searched  for  informa 
tion  concerning  everything  that  affected  the  Southern  people ;  and 
his  correspondence  with  friends  in  England,  as  well  as  with  those 
in  the  South,  served  to  employ  many  hours  that  must  otherwise 
have  dragged  heavily.  Letter-writing  was  one  of  his  greatest 
pleasures,  although  a  nervous  affection  of  his  hand  made  him 
dependent  upon  an  amanuensis.  It  was  his  invariable  rule  to 
take  a  short  nap  every  day  after  an  early  dinner,  and  then  to  take 
a  long  walk  or  ride,  accompanied  always  by  some  of  the  young 
people  of  his  family  and  frequently  by  a  party  of  their  young 
friends.  His  evenings  were  spent  partly  in  reading  or  writing  in 
his  study,  and  partly  in  the  parlor,  where  he  always  joined  the 
family  party  an  hour  or  two  before  bed-time ;  he  would  then  read 
aloud  anything  that  had  specially  interested  him  in  his  books  or 
papers  or  would  smoke  his  pipe  while  he  joined  in  the  general 
conversation. 

In  this  monotonous  manner  the  days,  weeks,  and  months 
glided  by,  marked  by  nothing  worthy  of  record  except  the  occa 
sional  visits  from  a  few  of  his  old  friends,  who  sometimes  came 
during  the  summer  months  to  see  him.  Among  these  visitors  were 
Hon.  J.  A.  Bayard  (U.  S.  Senator  from  Delaware)  and  his  son, 


588 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


Mr.  T.  F.  Bayard,  who  afterwards  succeeded  his  father  in  the 
Senate  and  still  later  became  Ambassador  from  the  United  States 
to  England.  Mr.  James  Bayard  and  Mr.  Mason  had  been  closely 
associated  during  many  years  in  the  Senate — they  had  been  again 
together  in  London  and  in  Paris  when  Mr.  Bayard  had,  during 
the  war,  taken  refuge  abroad  from  the  troubles  at  home.  Another 
of  these  visitors  was  *Mr.  Corcoran,  of  Washington,  who  had 
spent  much  time  abroad  during  the  war  and  had  been  brought 
into  constant  intercourse  with  Mr.  Mason  both  in  London  and  in 
Paris ;  last,  though  far  from  least,  was  Hon.  J.  Randolph  Tucker, 
of  Virginia,  who  had  been,  from  his  boyhood  in  Winchester,  re 
garded  by  Mr.  Mason  almost  as  a  son,  so  constant  and  so  con 
fidential  had  been  their  intercourse. 

Of  the  Confederate  officers  resident  for  the  time  in  Niagara 
none  remained  there  during  the  whole  of  Mr.  Mason's  sojourn. 
General  Breckenridge  and  General  Early  spent  the  greater  part  of 
the  summers  of  1866  and  1867  in  or  near  the  town  and  General 
John  S.  Preston,  of  South  Carolina,  with  his  family,  added  much 
to  the  pleasure  of  the  circle  during  their  stay  of  some  months  in 
the  summer  of  1868. 

The  writer  recalls  very  vividly  the  appearance  of  the  group  of 
Confederate  officers  as  they  were  so  frequently  seen  sitting 
together  under  the  trees  in  front  of  Mr.  Mason's  house;  some 
times  looking  grave  and  anxious  when  letters  from  home  brought 
accounts  of  the  devastation  of  the  South,  the  destruction  of  its 
homes  and  the  consequent  poverty  and  suffering  of  its  people — 
or  the  newspapers  reported  the  oppression  and  tyranny  of  the 
conquerors  in  the  appointment  to  all  the  offices  in  the  Southern 
States  of  only  such  men  as  were  willing  tools  in  the  work  of 
reconstructing  not  only  the  system  of  State  Government  but  the 
whole  of  their  social  and  domestic  organization. 

At  other  times,  the  same  party  would  be  amused  by  remi 
niscences  of  bygone  days  and  one  after  another  they  would  recall 
old  stories  told  at  the  expense  of  each  other  until  the  peals  of 
laughter  would  have  done  justice  to  a  party  of  schoolboys — 
particularly  was  this  the  case  during  the  visit  of  Mr.  Randolph 
Tucker  who  excelled  in  the  art  of  telling  good  stories,  and  whose 

*The  founder  of  the  Louise  Home,  and  of  the  Corcoran  Art  Gallery  in 
Washington. 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


mimicry  was  inimitable.  Such  scenes  were  oases  in  the  desert 
of  blighted  hopes  and  dreary  anticipations  to  which  they  had  been 
condemned. 

The  visits  of  most  interest  during  this  period  were  those 
from  Mr.  Davis  who  came  in  May  or  June,  1867,  very  soon  after 
his  release  from  prison,  and  again  in  the  autumn  when  he  was 
summoned  to  Richmond  to  stand  his  trial  for  treason,  he  came  to 
take  leave  of  Mr.  Mason,  with  whom  a  warm  friendship  had 
existed  for  many  years.  On  both  occasions  he  spent  some  days 
quietly  sharing  in  the  usual  family  routine,  and  those  who  were 
privileged  to  be  present  during  many  of  his  conversations  with 
Mr.  Mason,  can  never  forget  the  calm  dignity  of  the  man,  nor  the 
entire  absence  of  all  bitterness  when  speaking  of  his  experience 
in  prison.  It  does  not  pertain  to  the  object  of  this  book  to  recount 
the  cruelties  practised  upon  him  or  the  sufferings  that  he  endured. 
Few  men  have  been  subjected  to  such  an  ordeal,  none  could  have 
borne  the  test  more  nobly.  The  reader  is  referred  to  the  "  Prison 
Life  of  Jefferson  Davis  "  by  Dr.  John  J.  Craven,  late  surgeon  of 
the  United  States  Volunteers  and  physician  of  the  prisoner  during 
his  confinement  in  Fortress  Monroe  from  May  25th,  1865,  to 
December  25th,  1865. 

On  July  4th,  1868,  general  amnesty  was  proclaimed  by  Presi 
dent  Johnson,  but  this  did  not  include  restoration  to  the  rights  of 
freeman ;  it  only  offered  to  the  Southern  people  the  poor  privilege 
of  returning  to  their  respective  States  to  find  their  former  homes 
reduced  to  ruins,  and  to  be  themselves  reduced  to  the  condition  of 
quiet  submission  while  ignorant  and  irresponsible  negroes  elected 
men  to  fill  all  the  offices  of  the  several  departments  of  Govern 
ment,  both  State  and  municipal. 

No  description  of  this  period  can  give  an  adequate  concep 
tion  of  it  to  those  who  did  not  live  through  it.  Mr.  Mason  fre 
quently  said,  "  I  do  not  believe  I  could  endure  life  in  Virginia 
under  existing  circumstances;  to  me  it  would  be  death  by  slow 
degrees  under  torture ;  I  should  feel  as  though  I  was  bound  hand 
and  foot  and  forced  to  be  a  silent  witness  while  the  graves  of  my 
parents  were  desecrated  by  savages." 

The  number  of  Southern  people  in  Canada  diminished,  how 
ever,  gradually,  as  one  after  another  went  back  to  their  respective 
States  until  only  the  Mason  family  remained  in  Niagara.  Another 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


six  months  rolled  by  before  they  began  to  entertain  the  idea  of 
returning  to  Virginia.  It  may  be  that  Mr.  Mason  had  some  con 
sciousness  of  failing  strength,  although  he  did  not  betray  it  to  any 
one,  and  his  health  appeared  to  be  unimpaired.  His  step  had  lost 
none  of  its  elasticity,  and  there  were  few,  if  any,  marks  of  advanc 
ing  age  visible  to  others,  but  early  in  the  year  1869  he  began  to 
talk  of  going  back  to  Virginia.  He  repeatedly  said  to  his  wife  and 
daughter,  "  I  can  not  be  much  longer  with  you,  and  I  am  not  will 
ing  to  leave  you  so  far  from  home  and  in  a  foreign  land.  I  feel 
that  I  ought  to  take  you  back  to  your  own  people." 

The  selection  of  their  future  residence  then  became  the 
matter  of  chief  interest  with  him.  The  old  home  at  Selma  had 
been  destroyed  by  Federal  troops  and  a  fort  had  been  built  of  the 
stones  taken  from  the  house.  The  town  of  Winchester  had  suf 
fered  terribly  at  the  hands  of  invading  armies,  and  many  of  its 
best  citizens  had  been  driven  from  their  homes — consequently  the 
thought  of  returning  there  to  live  was  painful  in  the  extreme. 

It  was  at  last  determined  that  before  deciding  so  important 
a  question,  Mr.  Mason  would,  as  he  expressed  it,  "  Go  in  person 
to  see  how  far  the  waters  had  subsided."  "  This  will  afford,"  he 
said,  "  an  opportunity  to  indulge  my  long  cherished  wish  to  visit 
several  of  my  old  friends,  Judge  Sherrard,  in  Winchester,  James 
Marshall,  in  Fauquier  County,  Richard  Cunningham,  and  others. 
In  this  way  I  shall  see  the  true  state  of  things  in  different  places 
and  will  be  better  able  to  decide  upon  our  resting-place."  In 
pursuance  of  this  plan  he  left  Canada  in  the  early  summer  of  1869, 
and  made  the  proposed  visits  in  Virginia,  spent  some  days  in 
Baltimore  with  his  relative  and  friend,  Mr.  Nevitt  Steele,  went  to 
see  his  sister-in-law,  Miss  Anne  Chew,  at  the  old  home,  Cliveden, 
fn  Germantown,  Philadelphia,  and  also  visited  General  and  Mrs. 
Cooper  in  their  home  in  Fairfax  County,  Virginia.  The  warmth 
and  heartiness  of  the  welcome  that  awaited  him  everywhere 
touched  and  gratified  him  exceedingly  and  he  thoroughly  enjoyed 
meeting  so  many  of  his  friends ;  but  in  Winchester  he  was  deeply 
grieved  by  the  absence  of  so  many  of  those  with  whom  he  had 
formerly  been  very  closely  associated,  and  by  the  sad  changes  in  all 
that  he  saw  or  heard.  While  a  guest  in  Judge  Sherrard's  house 
in  that  town,  he  became  quite  ill,  in  consequence,  it  was  said,  of 
drinking  the  limestone  water.  Query :  How  far  did  mental  suffer 
ing  affect  his  physical  condition? 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAT  MASON. 


"  When  he  returned  to  Canada,  his  family  were  shocked  and 
grieved  by  the  change  wrought  in  him  during  the  few  weeks  of  his 
absence.  His  step  was  slow  and  heavy,  its  elasticity  was  all  gone. 
He  came  back  an  old  man,  and  from  that  time  his  infirmities 
gradually  increased.  He  was,  however,  very  much  delighted  with 
his  success  in  finding  a  "  resting-place "  that  combined  more 
advantages  and  attractions  than  he  had  ventured  to  hope  for.  He 
had  selected  the  residence  called  "  Clarens,"  in  the  neighborhood 
known  as  "  Seminary  Hill,"  in  Fairfax  County,  Virginia,  some 
three  miles  west  of  Alexandria.  He  thus  looked  forward  to  pass 
ing  his  old  age  in  the  section  of  the  State  where  his  childhood  was 
spent.  "  Clarens  "  was  within  a  short  walk  of  the  Episcopal 
Theological  Seminary ;  was  very  near  the  home  of  Bishop  Johns 
and  adjoined  the  residence  of  General  and  Mrs.  Cooper ;  it  thus 
offered  the  pleasant  prospect  of  constant  association  with  both 
these  families,  a  prospect  particularly  agreeable  because  of  the 
near  connection  and  truly  fraternal  relations  with  General  Cooper 
that  had  existed  so  many  years,  and  because  of  the  friendship 
with  Bishop  Johns,  formed  when  he  and  Mr.  Mason  had  been 
schoolboys  in  Philadelphia  and  frequent  visitors  at  Mrs.  Mason's 
home  in  that  city. 

September  24th,  1869,  was  tne  happy  day  on  which  the  sub 
ject  of  this  sketch  took  possession  of  "  Clarens  "  and  thus  realized 
his  longing  desire  to  have  once  more  a  home  on  Virginia  soil. 

Here  the  curtain  rose  on  brighter  scenes  than  those  before 
presented  in  this  volume,  for  here  he  gathered  around  the  family 
hearth  as  many  as  possible  of  their  surviving  friends  and  relatives ; 
here  he  derived  much  pleasure  and  gratification  from  his  inter 
course  with  Bishop  Johns,  Rev.  Dr.  Sparrow,  Mr.  Cassius  Lee, 
and  others  living  in  the  neighborhood  and  also  from  the  visits  of 
Mr.  Bayard,  Mr.  Davis,  and  other  friends  who  sometimes  came  to 
see  him.  But  there  is  little  to  be  told  of  this  quiet  domestic  life, 
although  it  afforded  some  incidents  interesting  at  the  time  to  those 
who  recognized  the  former  Adjutant-General  of  the  Army  of  the 
United  States  and  the  Senator  from  Virginia,  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  in  the  two  old  men  who  were 
seen  constantly  together,  and  busily  engaged  in  some  work  in  the 
gardens  or  orchards  of  their  respective  homes.  The  picture  comes 
vividly  before  the  writer  of  the  two  old  gentlemen  sitting  on  three 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


legged  stools  in  the  corn-house  at  Cameron,  General  Cooper's 
home,  shucking  corn  one  frosty  November  afternoon,  and  laugh 
ing  over  their  experience  ;  General  Cooper  bantering  Mr.  Mason 
about  the  blisters  on  his  hand,  while  the  General  escaped  unhurt 
although  he  had  "  shucked  the  biggest  pile  of  corn." 

At  "  Clarens,"  as  in  Canada,  Mr.  Mason's  correspondence 
formed  one  of  his  chief  occupations.  The  following  letters  claim  a 
place  here  because  of  their  historic  value.  The  first  one  is  from 
Mr.  R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  and  is  dated  : 

"  LLOYD'S,  ESSEX  COUNTY,  October  i6th,  1869. 

"  My  Dear  Mason:  Soon  after  my  return  from  confinement, 
I  received  a  letter  from  you  written  from  Canada,  which  I  would 
have  liked  very  much  to  answer,  but  I  did  not  believe  I  could  do 
so  through  the  post-office  without  a  surveillance  which  I  did  not 
wish  to  encounter.  When  I  saw  accounts  of  you  at  Winchester, 
through  the  papers,  I  wrote  to  a  friend  in  Washington  to  ascertain 
where  a  letter  would  reach  you.  He  replied  that  he  did  not  know 
but  thought  you  had  returned  to  Canada.  It  was  not  until  about 
three  weeks  ago  that  I  heard  you  had  settled  near  Alexandria, 
where  I  shall  send  this  letter  in  the  hope  of  its  finding  you.  I 
wish  I  could  see  you,  for  of  all  persons  in  the  world  I  had  rather 
talk  to  you  just  now. 

"  Our  people  are  looking  for  sad  times  after  the  1st  Januar\ 
when  the  stay  law  will  expire  ;  still  we  are  all  working  away,  with 
such  means  as  we  have,  and  our  people,  I  believe,  are  trained  now 
to  stand  almost  anything.  Certainly  we  have  shown  wonderful 
powers  of  endurance,  and  like  Gulliver  when  crammed  by  the 
Brobdignag  Monkey,  we  have  been  filled  ad  nauseam  by  such  good 
things  as  they  have  chosen  to  give  us. 

"  In  your  letter  you  seemed  to  think  that  a  good  day  was  yet 
coming  to  old  Virginia.  I  still  retain  enough  faith  in  her  and 
enough  of  the  old  optimism  of  my  disposition  to  hope  so  too.  But 
I  do  not  expect  it  in  the  sense  that  you  seem  to  do.  The  day  must 
come  when  she  will  recover  much  of  her  political  power  and 
develop  great  natural  wealth  and  prosperity.  Our  disasters  and 
poverty  will  give  our  posterity  the  training  to  achieve  both.  But 
what  will  become  of  the  character  of  our  people?  Will  it  retain 
the  moral  and  intellectual  qualities  of  which  we  were  so  justly 


i 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


proud,  and  which  were  so  wonderfully  displayed  in  the  war  ?  For 
myself.  I  would  not  give  the  last  for  the  first,  if  that  is  to  be  the 
condition  of  our  social  reconstruction.  Whoever  drew  the  Under 
wood  Constitution  (I  have  never  doubted  its  New  England 
origin),  had  a  special  eye  to  such  a  change  in  the  Virginia  char 
acter.  The  change  in  our  county  organization  had  no  other 
design.  Yankee  schools  and  Yankee  system  of  county  government 
are  the  instruments  to  effect  the  end.  I  have  no  objection  to 
schools  if  they  will  let  us  establish  them  where  practicable  and 
upon  our  own  plan.  But  I  confess  that  the  manner  which  all  these 
things  are  forced  upon  us  has  been  one  of  the  most  disagreeable 
results  of  the  revolution.  But  why  talk  about  such  things — neither 
you  nor  I  can  do  anything  to  remedy  these  evils — my  only  hope 
is  in  the  excellence  of  the  constitution  of  the  Virginia  character. 
It  will  take  a  great  deal  to  break  it  down.  I  never  meddle  with 
politics  now  and  scarcely  ever  talk  of  them  when  I  can  avoid  it. 
But  I  would  give  a  great  deal  to  compare  views  with  you  of  our 
future.  I  should  like  to  hear  from  you  our  Confederate  experi 
ences  abroad,  in  return  for  which  I  might  possibly  give  you  some 
of  them  at  home  of  which  perhaps  you  have  something  still  to 
learn. 

"  I  am  truly  glad,  my  dear  Mason,  that  you  have  settled  again 
on  Virginia  soil  and  have  your  family  around  you.  Please  make 
my  kindest  respects  to  Mrs.  Mason  and  the  young  ladies.  What 
of  your  boys?  I  have  heard  nothing  of  George  since  some  time 
before  the  war. 

"  Most  truly  and  sincerely,  your  friend, 

"  R.  M.  T.  HUNTER. 
"Hon.  James  M.  Mason" 

"MEMPHIS,  TENN.,  June  nth,  1870. 
"  Hon.  J.  M.  Mason. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND:  It  has  been  long  since  I  have  received 
a  letter  from  you.  Perhaps,  you  will  reply  it  has  been  long  since 
I  wrote  to  you,  but  it  is  of  the  first  only  I  think,  because  therein 
consists  the  loss.  It  is  probably  that  it  may  be  in  my  power  to 
visit  you  this  summer,  and  it  is  possible  that  about  the  end  of 
July  I  may  start  for  England.  Will  you  go  with  me  in  that  event, 
for  a  trip  say  of  sixty  days?  Your  friends  would  be  rejoiced  to  see 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


you  and  I  would  endeavor  to  be  as  little  disagreeable  on  the  way 
as  is  possible  for  me.  My  journeys  through  the  South  and  West 
have  given  me  much  to  remember  gratefully,  and  not  a  little  to 
make  me  feel  as  one  sorrowing  without  hope. 

"  There  is  a  deep  undercurrent  of  patriotism  and  a  manifest 
detestation  of  the  Yankees,  their  tricks  and  their  manners,  but 
men  who  once  led  in  Southern  movements  are,  in  many  instances 
staining  their  record  and  shaming  their  friends  by  admissions  in 
word  and  deed  and  by  thus  degrading  themselves,  gaining  power 
and  place.  The  fountain  of  place  and  honor,  being  corrupt,  would 
have  become  odious  to  the  rising  generation  if  all  who  deserved  or 
could  command  respect  had  refused  to  be  beneficiaries.  What  is 
to  be  the  effect  of  such  defections?  is  the  question  which  rises 
unbidden  and  to  which  comes  the  sad  answer  I  have  indicated. 

"  Mr.  Hunter  promised  me  that  he  would  write  a  full  account 
of  the  sayings  and  doings  of  the  commission  which  met  Lincoln 
and  Seward  at  Hampton  Roads.  I  have  not  thought  it  well  to 
write  to  him  while  he  was  subject  to  oppression  by  military  and 
Underwood  authority;  now  I  do  not  know  his  address.  I  have 
heard  of  Judge  Campbell  and  Mr.  Stephens  making  such  partial 
statements  as  amount  to  the  suppressio  veri,  and  '  gentleman 
Hunter  '  is  my  hope  for  truth  and  justice. 

"  Having  got  into  the  subject  I  will  give  you  a  brief  account 
of  the  matter.  Stephens,  notwithstanding  the  total  failure  of  his 
first  attempt,  for  which  he  volunteered,  continued  to  speak  in  the 
Senate  of  the  practicability  of  arranging  a  peace  by  peaceable 
conference.  When  the  project  which  led  to  the  commission  re 
ferred  to  was  under  consideration,  I  consulted  Mr.  Stephens,  not 
intending  again  to  send  him.  Others  convinced  me  that  it  would 
be  better  to  send  him,  because  it  would  at  least  check  his  evil 
doing  in  the  Senate,  and  as  I  had  assurance  that  the  commission 
would  be  received  in  Washington,  it  was  thought  he  would  be 
efficient  there.  The  commission  had  no  instructions  beyond  their 
authority  to  negotiate  for  a  settlement  between  the  two  Govern 
ments.  They  agreed  with  Lincoln  and  Seward  that  they  would 
regard  their  conversations  as  confidential.  Their  report,  when 
they  came  back  was  therefore  to  a  great  extent  oral.  The  written 
report,  so  meager  as  not  to  furnish,  as  it  seemed  to  me,  what  was 
needful  to  a  fair  comprehension  of  their  failure  and  the  reasons  for 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


it,  I  urged  seriously  that  a  further  report  should  be  made.  Mr. 
Stephens  tenaciously  insisted  that  the  mere  statement  made  would 
be  more  effective  to  rouse  and  convince  the  country.  Since  then 
I  have  heard  of  his  saying  that  terms  beneficial  to  the  South  were 
within  reach  but  lost  by  my  action,  etc.,  etc.  Hunter  told  me 
he  (Hunter)  urged  Lincoln  to  enter  into  some  form  of  agreement, 
and  endeavored  to  overcome  his  refusal  by  pointing  out  to  him 
the  example  of  Charles  I,  and  that  Lincoln  said  he  did  not  know 
much  of  history,  but  he  did  know  that  Charles  I  lost  his  head. 
They  reported  to  me  that  Lincoln  said  if  we  would  lay  down  our 
arms  and  go  home,  that  he  would  promise  all  the  clemency  within 
the  Executive  power,  and  that  he  refused  to  make  or  entertain  any 
proposition  while  we  retained  our  position  as  States  confederated 
and  having  a  Government  of  their  own.  It  was  a  demand  for  a 
surrender  at  discretion,  so  viewed  at  the  time  and  so  treated  by  the 
orators  who  addressed  the  public  meetings  held  in  Richmond 
soon  after  the  return  of  the  commission  and  the  promulgation  of 
their  views.  If  you  see  Hunter  I  wish  you  would  talk  to  him  on 
this  subject.  May  God  defend  the  right.  Present  me  affection 
ately  to  Mrs.  Mason  and  the  young  ladies  and  accept  the  sincere 
regard  of  your  friend. 

"  JEFFERSON  DAVIS." 

An  extract  from  a  letter  from  Hon.  R.  M.  T.  Hunter  is  given 
here  as  referring  to  the  same  subject.  It  was  dated  : 

"  LLOYD'S,  ESSEX  COUNTY,  VA., 

"  September  igth,  1870. 

"My  Dear  Mason:  I  have  read  Davis's  letter  which  you 
enclosed  and  regret  that  I  did  not  write  out  minutely  my  recollec 
tions  of  what  passed  at  the  Hampton  Roads  Conference  whilst  they 
were  fresh  in  my  mind.  But  I  was  imprisoned  soon  after  the  war 
and  my  papers  were  either  seized  or  dispersed  and  since  my  return 
I  have  been  engaged  in  hard  work  for  a  livelihood.  As  soon  as  I 
received  this  letter  I  sent  for  Stephens's  account  of  the  conference 
published  in  the  Eclectic  Review  which  really  seemed  to  me  to  be 
very  fair  (August,  1870,  Vol.  7,  No.  2),  and  from  which  I  do  not 
much  differ  except  as  to  the  report  of  Seward's  conversation  on 
slavery,  a  matter  which  does  not  peculiarly  touch  Davis.  I  think 
Davis  can  not  have  seen  the  report  which,  in  some  respects,  is  quite 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


complimentary.  You  will  see  from  that  report  that  I  did  not 
assent  to  the  scheme  for  invading  Mexico,  not,  I  confess,  from  any 
affection  for  the  Emperor,  whose  whole  course  in  regard  to  that 
matter  and  towards  us  seemed  to  me  to  be  very  weak.  I  was 
moved  by  considerations  affecting  ourselves.  The  whole  scheme 
originated  with  F.  Blair  who,  as  you  know,  visited  Richmond  to 
persuade  the  Confederate  Government  to  settle  the  controversy. 
Stephens  was  much  taken  with  the  proposition  and  enforced  it 
very  warmly  upon  Lincoln  and  Seward,  not  as  a  proposition  from 
the  Confederate  Government,  but  as  something  to  be  considered. 
Campbell  and  I  said  nothing  for  a  good  while  to  see  how  the  other 
party  would  take  it — towards  the  close  I  disclaimed  the  whole 
thing  as  Stephens  reports  in  his  published  account  of  the  confer 
ence.  We  all  reported,  I  think,  to  Mr.  Davis,  I  did,  I  know,  that 
in  our  opinion  no  settlement  was  possible  except  upon  the  con 
dition  of  abolishing  slavery  and  returning  to  the  Union.  But 
there  was  a  question  beyond  that :  Supposing  these  things  to  be  in 
evitable,  as  they  then  seemed  to  be,  was  it  not  worth  the  effort  to 
save  as  much  as  possible  from  the  wreck?  Upon  this  Mr.  Davis 
and  I  differed — I  thought  the  effort  ought  to  be  made,  but  I  saw 
then  and  see  it  still  more  plainly  now  that  there  might  be  two  sides 
to  that  question.  Although  I  retain  my  first  opinion,  I  do  not  cen 
sure  him  for  thinking  differently.  When  the  concessions  believed 
to  be  inevitable  were  made,  one  might  well  have  supposed  that  the 
Federal  Government  would  have  sought  to  make  them  as  tolerable 
as  possible  to  us,  and  to  conciliate  us  as  far  as  was  consistent  with 
these  objects.  This  was  only  to  attribute  to  them  an  ordinary 
stock  of  good  sense  and  good  feeling,  but  I  feared  the  bitterness 
of  feeling  engendered  by  the  contest  and  although  far  from 
appreciating  its  full  extent  I  was  not  mistaken  as  to  its  existence. 
Whilst  I  expressed  this  opinion  to  both  Davis  and  Lee,  I  told  them 
that  if  they  thought  there  was  hope  from  war,  I  would  do  my  best 
to  aid  them;  they  were  to  be  the  judges  of  that  matter.  Under 
these  circumstances  I  made  a  speech  at  the  African  Church  which 
some  of  my  friends  thought  was  a  mistake,  but  if  the  contest  was 
to  be  kept  up  it  was  necessary  to  animate  the  spirit  which  could 
alone  sustain  it. 

"  We  were  all  agreed  in  the  Government  as  to  the  policy  of  an 
armistice.    We  should  then  have  obtained  time  either  to  get  some 


LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 


settlement  of  the  question,  which  would  have  saved  us  much  life 
and  suffering,  or  else  to  recruit  our  armies,  which  were  then 
suffering  much  from  desertion  and  the  want  of  all  necessary 
supplies.  But  it  was  not  to  be  had,  which  I  think  we  all  regretted. 
I  hope,  however,  that  we  may  meet  some  of  these  days,  when  I 
can  explain  these  and  other  matters  by  word  of  mouth  and  far 
more  fully  than  upon  paper.  The  difficulties  which  the  Con 
federacy  encountered  are  not  generally  known.  The  sacrifices  and 
gallantry  of  the  struggle  on  the  part  of  the  South,  and  especially 
of  Virginia,  have  never  been  surpassed  and  hardly  equalled  in 
history.  The  Southern  side  of  this  history  ought  to  be  written.  If 
I  owned  my  time  it  would  be  a  labor  of  love  to  endeavor  to  do  it. 
"  Most  truly  and  faithfully,  your  friend, 

"  R.  M.  T.  HUNTER. 
"Hon.  James  M.  Mason/' 

Few  events  of  the  war  of  1861-65  aroused  more  interest  at 
the  time  or  have  since  caused  more  controversy  than  has  been 
excited  by  this  conference  of  February  3d,  1865,  in  regard  to 
which  widely  differing  opinions  have  been  expressed.  It  may, 
therefore,  be  well  to  give  in  connection  with  these  letters,  the 
following  extracts  from  official  •  documents,  taken  from  the  Con 
gressional  Globe  (second  session,  38th  Congress,  Page  729). 

In  President  Lincoln's  message  to  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  of  February  loth,  1865,  reference  is  made  to  Mr.  Seward's 
dispatch,  on  this  subject,  to  Mr.  Adams  (Minister  from  the  United 
States  in  London).  In  this  dispatch  Mr.  Seward  writes: 

"  A  few  days  ago  Francis  P.  Blair,  Esq.,  of  Maryland, 
obtained  from  the  President  a  simple  leave  to  pass  through  our 
military  lines  without  definite  views  known  to  the  Government. 
Mr.  Blair  visited  Richmond,  and  on  his  return  he  showed  to  the 
President  a  letter  which  Jefferson  Davis  had  written  to  Mr.  Blair, 
in  which  Davis  wrote  that  Mr.  Blair  was  at  liberty  to  say  to 
President  Lincoln  that  Davis  was  now,  as  he  always  had  been, 
willing  to  send  commissioners  if  assured  they  would  be  received,, 
or  to  receive  any  that  should  be  sent ;  that  he  was  not  disposed  to 
find  obstacles  in  forms.  He  would  send  commissioners  to  confer 
with  the  President  with  a  view  to  the  restoration  of  peace  between 
the  two  countries  if  he  could  be  assured  they  would  be  received 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  MURRAY  MASON. 


The  President  thereupon,  on  the  i8th  of  January  addressed  a  note 
to  Mr.  Blair,  in  which  the  President,  after  acknowledging  that  he 
had  read  the  note  of  Mr.  Davis,  said  that  he  was,  is,  and  always 
should  be,  willing  to  receive  any  agents  that  Mr.  Davis,  or  any 
other  influential  person,  now  actually  resisting  the  authority  of 
the  Government,  might  send  to  confer  informally  with  the  Presi 
dent  with  a  view  to  the  restoration  of  peace  to  the  people  of  our 
one  common  country.  Mr.  Blair  visited  Richmond  with  this  letter, 
and  then  again  came  back  to  Washington. 

"  On  the  29th  ultimo,  we  were  advised  from  the  camp  of 
Lieutenant  Grant  that  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  R.  M.  T.  Hunter, 
and  John  A.  Campbell  were  applying  for  leave  to  pass  through 
the  lines  to  Washington  as  peace  commissioners  to  confer  with 
the  President.  They  were  permitted  by  the  Lieutenant-General 
to  come  to  his  headquarters  to  await  there  the  decision  of  the 
President.  Major  Eckert  was  sent  down  to  meet  the  party  from 
Richmond  at  General  Grant's  headquarters.  The  Major  was 
directed  to  deliver  to  them  a  copy  of  the  President's  letter  to  Mr. 
Blair,  with  a  note  to  be  addressed  to  them  and  signed  by  the 
Major,  in  which  they  were  directly  informed  that  if  they  should  be 
allowed  to  pass  our  lines  they  would  be  understood  as  coming  for 
an  informal  conference  upon  the  basis  of  the  aforenamed  letter  of 
the  1  8th  of  January  to  Mr.  Blair. 

"  If  they  should  express  their  assent  to  this  condition  in 
writing,  then  Major  Eckert  was  directed  to  give  them  safe  con 
duct  to  Fortress  Monroe,  where  a  person  coming  from  the  Presi 
dent  would  meet  them.  It  being  thought  probable,  from  a  report 
of  their  conversation  with  General  Grant,  that  the  Richmond  party 
would  in  the  manner  prescribed,  accept  the  condition  mentioned, 
the  Secretary  of  State  was  charged  by  the  President  with  the  duty 
of  representing  this  Government  in  the  expected  informal  con 
ference.  The  Secretary  arrived  at  Fortress  Monroe  in  the  night 
of  the  first  day  of  February.  Major  Eckert  met  him  in  the  morn 
ing  of  the  2d  of  February  with  the  information  that  the  persons 
who  had  come  from  Richmond  had  not  accepted  in  writing  the 
condition  upon  which  he  was  allowed  to  give  them  conduct  to 
Fortress  Monroe.  The  Major  had  given  the  same  information  by 
telegraph  to  the  President  at  Washington.  On  receiving  this 
information  the  President  prepared  a  telegram  directing  the  Sec- 


LIFE    OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 


retary  to  return  to  Washington.  The  Secretary  was  preparing  the 
same  moment  to  so  return,  without  waiting  for  instructions  from 
the  President.  But  at  this  juncture  Lieutenant-General  Grant  tele 
graphed  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  as  well  as  to  the  Secretary  of 
State,  that  the  party  from  Richmond  had  reconsidered  and 
accepted  the  conditions  tendered  them  through  Major  Eckert ; 
and  General  Grant  urgently  advised  the  President  to  confer  in 
person  with  the  Richmond  party.  Under  these  circumstances  the 
Secretary,  by  the  President's  direction,  remained  at  Fortress 
Monroe,  and  the  President  joined  him  there  on  the  night  of  Feb 
ruary  the  2d.  The  Richmond  party  was  brought  down  the  James 
River  in  a  United  States  steam  transport  during  the  day,  and  the 
transport  was  anchored  in  Hampton  Roads. 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  3d,  the  President,  attended  by  the 
Secretary,  received  Messrs.  Stephens,  Hunter,  and  Campbell  on 
board  the  United  States  steam  transport  River  Queen,  in  Hamp 
ton  Roads.  The  conference  was  altogether  informal.  There  was 
no  attendance  of  secretaries,  clerks,  or  other  witnesses.  Nothing 
was  written  or  read.  The  conversation,  although  earnest  and 
free,  was  calm,  courteous,  and  kind  on  both  sides. 

"  The  Richmond  party  approached  the  discussion  rather  in 
directly,  and  at  no  time  did  they  either  make  categorical  demands 
or  tender  formal  stipulations  or  absolute  refusals. 

"  Nevertheless,  during  the  conference,  which  lasted  four 
hours,  the  several  points  at  issue  between  the  Government  and  the 
insurgents  were  distinctly  raised  and  discussed  fully,  intelligently 
and  in  an  amicable  spirit.  What  the  insurgent  party  seemed 
chiefly  to  favor  was  a  postponement  of  the  question  of  separation, 
upon  which  the  war  is  waged,  and  a  mutual  direction  of  efforts  of 
the  Government,  as  well  as  those  of  the  insurgents  to  some  ex 
trinsic  policy,  or  scheme  for  a  season,  during  which  passions 
might  be  expected  to  subside,  and  the  armies  be  reduced  and  trade 
and  intercourse  between  the  people  of  both  sections  be  resumed. 
It  was  suggested  by  them  that  through  such  postponement  we 
might  now  have  immediate  peace,  with  some  not  very  certain 
prospect  of  an  ultimate  satisfactory  adjustment  of  political  rela 
tions  between  this  Government  and  the  States,  section,  and  people 
now  engaged  in  conflict  with  it.  This  suggestion  though  deliber 
ately  considered,  was  nevertheless,  regarded  by  the  President  as 


000  LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY  MASON. 

one  of  armistice  or  truce,  and  he  announced  that  we  can  agree 
to  no  cessation  or  suspension  of  hostilities  except  on  the  basis  of 
the  disbandment  of  the  insurgent  forces  and  the  restoration  of 
the  National  authority  throughout  all  the  States  in  the  Union. 
Collaterally,  and  in  subordination  to  the  proposition  which  was 
announced,  the  anti-slavery  policy  of  the  United  States  was  re 
viewed  in  all  its  bearings,  and  the  President  announced  that  he 
must  not  be  expected  to  depart  from  the  positions  he  had  assumed 
in  his  proclamation  of  emancipation  and  other  documents,  as  these 
positions  were  reiterated  in  his  last  annual  message.  It  was 
further  declared  by  the  President  that  the  complete  restoration  of 
the  National  authority,  everywhere,  was  an  indispensable  con 
dition  of  any  assent  on  our  part  to  whatever  form  of  peace  might 
be  proposed.  The  President  assured  the  other  party  that  while  he 
must  adhere  to  these  positions,  he  would  be  prepared,  so  far  as 
power  is  lodged  in  the  Executive,  to  exercise  liberality.  Its  power, 
however,  is  limited  by  the  Constitution ;  and  when  peace  shall  be 
made  Congress  must  necessarily  act  in  regard  to  appropriations  of 
money  and  to  the  admission  of  representatives  from  the  insurrec 
tionary  States.  The  Richmond  party  were  then  informed  that 
Congress  had,  on  the  3ist  ultimo,  adopted,  by  a  constitutional 
majority,  a  joint  resolution  submitting  to  the  several  States  the 
proposition  to  abolish  slavery  throughout  the  Union;  and  that 
there  is  every  reason  to  expect  that  it  will  soon  be  accepted  by 
three-fourths  of  the  States,  so  as  to  become  a  part  of  the  national 
law.  The  conference  came  to  an  end  by  mutual  acquiescence 
without  producing  any  agreement  of  views  upon  the  several 
matters  discussed,  or  any  of  them.  Nevertheless,  it  is  perhaps  of 
some  importance  that  we  have  been  able  to  submit  our  opinions 
and  views  directly  to  prominent  insurgents,  and  to  hear  them  in 
answer  in  a  courteous  and  not  unfriendly  manner. 
"  I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

"WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD. 

"  To  Charles  Francis  Adams,  Esq.,  Envoy  Extraordinary  and 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  at  London." 

The  message  of  President  Davis  to  the  Confederate  Congress 
is  added,  also  the  report  of  the  Confederate  "  Commissioners  " 
(they  are  taken  from  the  Richmond  Whig  of  February  7th,  1865). 


LIFE   OF   JAMES   MURRAY   MASON.  (jol 


"  To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Confederate 
States  of  America. 

"  Having  recently  received  a  written  notification  which 
satisfied  me  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  was  disposed 
to  confer  informally  with  unofficial  agents  that  might  be  sent  by 
me,  with  a  view  to  the  restoration  of  peace,  I  requested  Hon. 
Alexander  H.  Stephens,  Hon.  R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  and  Hon.  John  A. 
Campbell  to  proceed  through  our  lines  to  hold  a  conference  with 
Mr.  Lincoln,  or  such  persons  as  he  might  depute  to  represent  him. 

"  I  herewith  submit  for  the  information  of  Congress  the  re 
port  of  the  eminent  citizens  above  named  showing  that  the  enemy 
refuse  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  the  Confederate  States  or 
any  one  of  them  separately,  or  to  give  our  people  any  other  terms 
or  guarantees  than  those  which  a  conqueror  may  grant,  or  permit 
us  to  have  peace  on  any  other  basis  than  our  unconditional  sub 
mission  to  their  rule,  coupled  with  the  acceptance  of  their  recent 
legislation,  including  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  for  the 
emancipation  of  negro  slaves  and  with  the  right  on  the  part  of  the 
Federal  Congress  to  legislate  on  the  subject  of  the  relations 
between  the  white  and  black  population  of  each  State. 

"  Such  is,  as  I  understand,  the  effect  of  the  amendment  to  the 
Constitution  which  has  been  adopted  by  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States. 

"  (Signed)  JEFFERSON  DAVIS. 

"Executive  Office,  Richmond,  February  6th,  1865." 


"  REPORT  OF  THE  COMMISSIONERS, 

"RICHMOND,  VA.,  February,  1865. 
"  To  the  President  of  the  Confederate  States: 

"  SIR  :  Under  your  letter  of  appointment  of  28th  ult,  we 
proceeded  to  seek  an  informal  conference  with  Abraham  Lincoln, 
President  of  the  United  States,  upon  the  subject  mentioned  in  your 
letter.  The  conference  was  granted,  and  took  place  on  the  3d 
instant,  on  board  a  steamer  anchored  in  Hampton  Roads,  where 
we  met  President  Lincoln  and  Hon.  Mr.  Seward,  Secretary  of 
State  of  the  United  States.  It  continued  for  several  hours  and 
was  both  full  and  explicit.  We  learned  from  them  that  the  mes 
sage  of  President  Lincoln  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 


$02  LIFE   OF  JAMES   MURRAY   MASON. 

in  December  last,  explains  clearly  and  distinctly  his  sentiments  as 
to  terms,  conditions,  and  method  of  proceeding,  by  which  peace 
can  be  secured  to  the  people.  And  we  were  not  informed  that  they 
would  be  modified  or  altered  to  obtain  that  end.  We  understood 
from  him  that  no  terms  or  proposals  of  any  treaty  or  agreement, 
looking  to  an  ultimate  settlement  would  be  entertained  or  made  by 
him  with  the  authorities  of  the  Confederate  States,  because  that 
would  be  a  recognition  of  their  existence  as  a  separate  power, 
which  under  no  circumstances  would  be  done;  and,  for  like  rea 
sons,  that  no  such  terms  would  be  entertained  by  him  from  States 
separately;  that  no  extended  truce  or  armistice,  as  at  present 
advised,  would  be  granted  or  allowed,  without  satisfactory  assur 
ances  in  advance,  of  a  complete  restoration  of  the  authority  of  the 
Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States  over  all  places  within 
the  States  of  the  Confederacy ;  that  whatever  consequences  may 
follow  from  the  reestablishment  of  that  authority  must  be  ac 
cepted;  but  that  the  individuals  subject  to  pains  and  penalties 
under  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  might  rely  upon  a  very  liberal 
use  of  the  power  confided  to  him  to  remit  those  pains  and  penalties 
if  peace  be  restored. 

"  During  the  conference,  the  proposed  amendments  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  adopted  by  Congress  on  the 
3 1st  ult,  were  brought  to  our  notice.  These  amendments  provide 
that  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  for  crime, 
should  exist  within  the  United  States  or  any  place  within  their 
jurisdiction,  and  that  Congress  should  have  the  power  to  enforce 
this  amendment  by  appropriate  legislation.  Of  all  the  corres 
pondence  that  preceded  the  conference  herein  mentioned  and  lead 
ing  to  the  same,  you  have  heretofore  been  informed. 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servants, 

"  ALEX.  H.  STEPHENS, 
"  R.  M.  T.  HUNTER, 

"  J.  A.  CAMPBELL." 

/ 

The  historical  records  of  this  book  end  with  these  letters. 

It  remains  only  to  say:  Mr.  Mason  lived  little  more  than  a 
year  and  a  half  after  his  return  to  Virginia ;  his  health  failed 
gradually,  there  was  no  apparent  disease — it  seemed  as  though 
the  infirmities  of  old  age  suddenly  overpowered  him,  although  he 


LIFE    OF  JAMES    MURRAY   MASON. 


603 


had  not  reached  the  age  of  seventy-three.  The  best  advice  was 
invoked,  but  there  was  not  enough  vitality  to  respond  to  any 
medical  treatment,  and  it  became  evident  that  his  days  were 
numbered,  although  no  one  supposed  the  end  was  very  near. 
With  his  accustomed  calmness  he  arranged  his  earthly  affairs  in 
such  way  as  to  avoid  risk  of  delay  or  inconvenience  in  providing 
for  his  family,  and  then  expressed  his  wish  to  "  Confess  Christ 
before  men,"  saying  "  I  feel  that  I  ought  to  give  my  testimony 
for  the  benefit  of  those  who  come  after  me."  Although  not  a 
communicant  of  the  church,  yet  there  was  never  any  question 
regarding  his  belief  in  the  Bible  and  his  reverence  for  the  Chris 
tian  Faith.  He  talked  with  both  Bishop  Johns  and  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Sparrow  on  these  subjects  and  said,  "  I  must  now  go  to  church ; 
I  feel  it  is  right  that  I  should  leave  my  testimony." 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  carry 
out  this  purpose.  He  died  at  "  Clarens  "  on  April  28th,  1871. 
The  Hon.  Henry  A.  Wise  said  truly,  when  writing  of  his  death : 
"  It  was  not  in  the  course  of  nature,  or  in  the  reason  of  things, 
that  he  could  remain  with  us  longer.  The  disasters  to  the  Con 
federacy  and  the  South,  the  wounds  to  his  pride,  the  aching  agony 
of  seeing  all  his  hopes  of  liberty  and  self-government  and  State 
rights  blasted,  and  the  desecration  of  sacred  things,  and  the  devas 
tation  and  demoralization  he  witnessed  on  coming  home,  were  too 
much  tension  on  the  nerves  of  an  aged  man  of  delicate  sensibili 
ties  and  proud  sense  of  honor.  His  system  collapsed,  and  he  fell 
under  paralysis.  His  last  moments  were  without  pain,  and  he 
died  as  he  lived,  composed  and  firm. 

"  He  was  an  honest  man,  a  highly  cultivated  gentleman,  a 
well  trained  and  practiced  lawyer,  a  sound  statesman,  and  a  pure 
patriot.  And  as  sure  as  the  assurance  of  God's  own  word,  that 
'  he  who  doeth  truth  cometh  to  the  Light/  James  M.  Mason's 
great  and  grand  soul,  unstained  by  earth  in  the  natural  life,  hath 
now  come  in  the  spirit  to  the  Light  of  Heaven." 


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